Russia, the Status of Jews in the Post-Soviet
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Judaica Librarianship Volume 9 Number 1–2 17-28 12-31-1995 Climbing Benjacob's Ladder: An Evaluation of Vinograd's Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book Roger S. Kohn Library of Congress, Washington, DC, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ajlpublishing.org/jl Part of the Bilingual, Multilingual, and Multicultural Education Commons, Information Literacy Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, and the Reading and Language Commons Recommended Citation Kohn, Roger S.. 1995. "Climbing Benjacob's Ladder: An Evaluation of Vinograd's Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book." Judaica Librarianship 9: 17-28. doi:10.14263/2330-2976.1178. , Association of Jewish Libraries, 30th Annual Convention, Chicago '.! I APPROBATIONS Climbing -Benjacob's Ladder: An Evaluation of Vinograd's Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book* Rogers.Kohn Stanford University Libraries Stanford, CA [Vinograd, Yeshayahu. Otsar ha-sefer ha '/vri: reshimat ha-sefarim she :,~yn ,.!>t,n ,~lN •ln,yw, ,,,n:m nidpesu be-ot '/vrit me 11,~y nuo W.!rTlWc,,.non 1ltl'W1 , reshit ha-def us ha- '/vri bi-shenat 229 (1469) 'ad· ""!:nmvr.i ~Yn Ol.!rTn 11,wNitl shenat 623 (186~. :c,~wl,, .(1863) l"!:>111nlW ;y C1469) Yerushalayim: ha-Makhon ,mwmtltl m.nill'~~~ 1l~tln le-bibliyografyah .n"lW1l·i"lW1l memuhshevet, 754-5, c1993-1995]. Vinograd, Yeshayahu. Abstract: The Thesaurus of the Hebrew The foremost French bibliographer of the Thesaurus of the Hebrew Book, by Yeshayahu Vinograd, is re previous generation, Louise-Noelle Malcles viewed in the context of both general (1899-1977), defines the term bibliography Book: Listing of Books bibliography and of general Hebraica thus: printed in Hebrew Letters bibliography. -
TO GREATER HEIGHTS Machne Israel Development Fund
$2.00 US ELUL 5775 ISSUE 35 (112) TO GREATER HEIGHTS Machne Israel Development Fund בס”ד בס”ד בס”ד the Rebbe’s approach of teshuvah with simcha, always ידוע הביאור בענינו של חודש אלול "ע"פ משל למלך שקודם .increasing in light בואו לעיר יוצאין אנשי העיר לקראתו ומקבלין פניו בשדה, ואז • רשאין כל מי שרוצה לצאת להקביל פניו והוא מקבל את כולם בסבר פנים יפות ומראה פנים שוחקות לכולם"... Approaching the year 5776, we prepare for another .Hakhel year ...ובנוגע לעניננו: גם מי שנמצא ב"שדה", שאינו מקום ישוב, אלא מקום דצמיחת עשב, מאכל בהמה, שמורה על נפש הבהמית, We need not elaborate on the importance of the ועד ל"עשו גו' איש שדה" – הרי, בחודש אלול בא הרבי אליו mitzvah of Hakhel and the tumult the Rebbe created בהיותו בשדה, ולא זו בלבד שהרבי אינו כועס )ברוגז( על הטירחא around it. שהטריחוהו לבוא למקום ירוד כזה, אלא אדרבה, מקבלו בסבר But an interesting aspect of this idea is the emphasis פנים יפות ומראה לו פנים שוחקות... made on coming to the Rebbe’s daled-amos ...כשהרבי בא לשדה רשאין כל מי שרוצה להקביל פניו, וכולם specifically in a Hakhel year. עומדים מוכנים להקביל פניו, ולא צריכים אפילו להדחף... כיון Yasher koach to all the guests... [who came] to be...“ שהרבי עצמו מקבל את כולם בסבר פנים יפות ומשפיע לכולם. in the daled amos—shul and beis midrash—of the צריכים רק לא להיות טפש, ולצעוק "אבא הצילני"... לא תובעים nossi hador, the [Frierdiker] Rebbe, during the time of גדולות ונפלאות, אלא צעקה אחת פנימית: "אבא אבא הצילני, Hakhel…” the Rebbe said at the conclusion of Tishrei, אבא אבא רחמני".. -
The Blind Leading the Blind
WORKING PAPER #60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky, January 2010 COLD War INTernaTionaL HISTorY ProjecT Working Paper No. 60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Mircea Munteanu Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications. -
Human Rights Impact Assessment of the Covid-19 Response in Russia
HUMAN RIGHTS IMPACT ASSESSMENT OF THE COVID-19 RESPONSE IN RUSSIA August 2020 Cover photo: © Анна Иларионова/Pixabay IPHR - International Partnership for Human Rights (Belgium) W IPHRonline.org @IPHR E [email protected] @IPHRonline Public Verdict Foundation W http://en.publicverdict.org/ @fondov Table of Contents I. Executive summary 4 II. Methodology 5 III. Brief country information 6 IV. Incidence of COVID-19 in Russia 7 V. The Russian Authorities’ Response to Covid-19 and its Impact on Human Rights 8 VI. Summary of Key Findings 42 VII. Recommendations 45 I. Executive summary What are the impacts on human rights of the restrictive measures imposed by the Government of Russia in response to the COVID-19 pandemic? How have the Russian authorities complied with international human rights standards while implementing measures to combat the spread of Covid-19? These questions lie at the heart of this study by International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and Public Verdict Foundation. This study examines these measures through a human rights lens of international, regional human rights treaties of core and soft law (non-binding) standards. Through our monitoring, we have identified the following key points on how the COVID-19 pandemic was handled in Russia from mid-March until mid-July 2020: In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian authorities implemented strict quarantine measures at an early stage, restricting the movements and freedoms of the citizens of the country. The first case of COVID-19 in Russia was officially registered on 2 March 2020, in the vicinity of Moscow.1 The virus began spreading across the country a few weeks later but Moscow has remained the epicentre of the outbreak in Russia. -
St. Basil's Cathedral, Moscow
St. Basil’s Cathedral, Moscow THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION resident Vladimir Putin’s Russia has directly affects the status of religious freedom, merits P steadily retreated from democratic reform, endanger- particularly close scrutiny. Equally important, Russia is a 41 ing significant gains in human rights made since the end of model and bellwether for a wide swath of countries in tran- the Soviet era, including in the areas of freedom of religion sition, particularly in the former Soviet Union; negative hu- or belief. Evidence of the backsliding includes increasing man rights developments in Russia, such as newly restric- limitation of media freedom and of political parties’ inde- tive laws or criticism of human rights standards and moni- pendence; tighter restrictions on non-governmental orga- toring by international organizations, soon emerge in some nizations (NGOs), religious communities, and other civil society groups; harassment of human rights organizations; legal restrictions on freedom of assembly; and constraints on the use of popular referenda. The deterioration in the n the surface, Russian citizens human rights climate over the past few years appears to O be a direct consequence of the increasingly authoritarian have considerable personal freedom and stance of the Russian government, as well as the growing some opportunities for public political influence of chauvinistic groups in Russian society, which seem to be tolerated by the government. debate, although these opportunities The past year saw a further retreat from democracy. In are increasingly limited by the threat January 2006, Putin signed into law restrictive new legislation or use of coercion. In many areas of on NGOs that also affects the rights of religious communities. -
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target Its Opposition Abroad
The Long Arm of Vladimir Putin: How the Kremlin Uses Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties to Target its Opposition Abroad Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 5 (2015) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society June 2015 THE LONG ARM OF VLADIMIR PUTIN Summary Over the past 15 years, there has been – and continues to be – significant interchange between Western and Russian law-enforcement agencies, even in cases where Russia’s requests for legal assistance have been politicaLLy motivated. Though it is the Kremlin’s warfare that garners the West’s attention, its ‘lawfare’ poses just as significant a threat because it undermines the rule of law. One of the chief weapons in Russia’s ‘lawfare’ is the so-called ‘Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty’ (MLAT), a bilateral agreement that defines how countries co-operate on legal matters. TypicaLLy, the Kremlin will fabricate a criminaL case against an individual, and then request, through the MLAT system, the co-operation of Western countries in its attempts to persecute said person. Though Putin’s regime has been mounting, since 2012, an escalating campaign against opposition figures, the Kremlin’s use of ‘lawfare’ is nothing new. Long before then, Russia requested – and received – legal assistance from Western countries on a number of occasions, in its efforts to extradite opposition figures back to Russia. Western countries have complied with Russia’s requests for legal assistance in some of the most brazen and high-profile politicaLLy motivated cases in recent history, incLuding: individuals linked with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and the Yukos affair; Bill Browder and others connecteD to Hermitage Capital Management; and AnDrey Borodin and Bank of Moscow. -
5. Shared Sovereignty Russian Style: Relations Between Moscow and the Regions
05petrov 06-04-2000 22:09 Pagina 111 Nikolay Petrov 5. Shared Sovereignty Russian Style: Relations between Moscow and the Regions ‘Centre – region’ relations are the key to an understanding of exactly what is hap- pening in Russian politics now, what its internal machinery is, how stable the current configuration of forces is, and how fundamental and irreversible are the changes that have occurred since Soviet times: in short, what is to be expected in the immediate future and in the long term. In general these relations are described by various commentators in various ways: from triumphant federalism to variations on purely feudal relations, from the rigid diktat of Moscow to the freebooter activities of the regional barons. Without a sufficiently detailed and comprehensive account of what is happening, the reader may form an unbal- anced and therefore entirely erroneous opinion. Current Russian political reality is so dynamic and varied that arguments can be found to support the most widely differing, sometimes diametrically opposed, concepts: disintegration of the country, or conversely rapid unification and centralisation; a cult of personality, where the prosperity or poverty of enor- mous regions depends upon their leaders, geographical determinism, where each social grouping has what nature has given it, and cultural determinism, where the people have the government that they deserve. The aim of this paper is to give a general idea of the basic principles, as estab- lished in the past and as now taking shape, of internal organisation of the Russ- ian political machine as regards relations between the two principal levels: the Centre and the regions. -
Communism's Jewish Question
Communism’s Jewish Question Europäisch-jüdische Studien Editionen European-Jewish Studies Editions Edited by the Moses Mendelssohn Center for European-Jewish Studies, Potsdam, in cooperation with the Center for Jewish Studies Berlin-Brandenburg Editorial Manager: Werner Treß Volume 3 Communism’s Jewish Question Jewish Issues in Communist Archives Edited and introduced by András Kovács An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 License, as of February 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. ISBN 978-3-11-041152-2 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-041159-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-041163-8 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2017 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover illustration: Presidium, Israelite National Assembly on February 20-21, 1950, Budapest (pho- tographer unknown), Archive “Az Izraelita Országos Gyűlés fényképalbuma” Typesetting: -
The Further Reforming of Conservative Judaism
The Further Reforming of Conservative Judaism in this issue ... THE JEWISH OBSERVER (ISSN 002]-6615) is published monthly, except July and August, by the Changes in Perspective Through Torah Encounters ........ 6 Agudath Israel of America, 5 Beekman Street, New York, N.Y. The Sunday Night Class, Hillel Belsky ..•.....•.•.... 7 10038. Second class postage paid The Joyful Light, Amos Keinen ........•.••....••••.• 9 at New York, N.Y. Subscription $15.00 per year; two years, $27.00; Concerns of a Parent, Harvey S. Hecker . ...•..••.•..• 10 three years. $36.00 outside of the United States, US funds only. "Dear Mom," Molly, Moshe and I .............•.••.. 13 $20.00 in Europe and Israel. $25.00 in So. Africa and Australia. Single The Age of Teshuva, a review article ..••.•..•..•••.. 14 copy, $2.00. Send address changes Return to The Jewish Observer, 5 Beek man St., N.Y. N.Y. 10038. Printed Pathways in the U.S.A. Our Miraculous World With Perfect faith HABnt N1ssoN WoLPJN Editor The further Reforming of Conservative Judaism, Nisson Wolpin .................................•••••.. 17 Editorial Board The Critical Parent's Guidebook, Avi Shulman .•.•..•.••••.• 20 OR. ERNST BoDENHrtMER Chairman The "Chaver," Yisroel Miller ...•....•.....•.....•.•..•... 25 RABBI NATHAN BULMAN RABBI josrrtt Eu ... s Saddiq of the Sahara, Nehama Consuelo Nahmoud . ......•.•..• 28 Josu'H fRIEDENSON RABBI MOSHE SHERER Books in Review ...................................... 33 Management Board The Wisdom in the Hebrew Alphabet NAFTOU HIRSCH !SAA( K!RZNER Chumash Bereshith (Three Sidros); NACHUM 5TF.!N A Linear Translation Business Manager Letter to a Soviet Jew, a poem by Varda Branfman .......••..• 35 PESACH H. KONSTAM Second Looks at the Jewish Scene T Hr Jrw1sH OesERVrR does not assume responsibility for the The Dioxin Connection ........................ -
The Second Miracle
ADAR 1-11 5733 / FEBRUARY 1973 VOLUME IX, NUMBER 1 FIFTY CENTS From Riga to Jerusalem: THE SECOND MIRACLE RUSSIAN IMMIGRANT, KISSING SEFER TORAH UPON ARRIVAL IN ISRAEL also The Akhashverosh Riddle Why Purim? The "Aveirah" Syndrome Letters • Books • Index THE JEWISH QBSERVER in this issue ... FROM RIGA TO JERUSALEM: THE SECOND MIRACLE, Herman Branover, as told to Nissan Wolpin ....... 3 A MODEST PROPOSAL, Aaron Brafman 6 FIGHTING FOR SHABBOS ON THE LEGAL FRONT-ADDENDA, Judah Dick ......................................... ........................................ 8 WHO WAS THE REAL AKHASHVEROSH'?, Shelomoh E. Danziger 12 THE JEWISH OBSERVER is published SOUNDS FROM SILENCE (POEMS), by Aaron Brafman 15 monthly, except July and August, by the Agudath Israel of America, WHY PURIM'?, Elkanah Schwartz ........... 16 5 Beekman Street, New York, New York 10038. Second class THE "AVEIRAH" SYNDROME, Moshe Spero 18 postage paid at New York, N. Y. Subscription: $5.00 per year; Two years, $8 ..~0; Three years, $12.00; BOOKS REVIEWED: outside of the United States, $6.00 per year. Single copy, fifty cents. CHAZON [SH, A BIOGRAPHY ...... 21 Printed in the U.S.A. RELIGIOUS JEWRY AND THE UNITED NATIONS ...... .. RABBI NISSON WOLPIN IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST DISCRIMINATION ................. Editor TEN YEARS OF HOPE ............................................................ .. 22 Editorial Board A PRESENT IN MY TREASURE CHEST 23 DR. ERNEST L. BODENHEIMER Chairn1an As DREAMERS WE WERE (A POEM), Aaron Blech ................. 24 RABBI NATHAN BULMAN RABBI JOSEPH ELIAS JOSEPH FRIEDENSON LETTERS TO THE EDITORS ............................................................................ 26 RABBI YAAKOV JACOBS RABBI MOSHE SHERER INDEX TO ARTICLES, VOLUME Vlll: SUBJECTS 30 THE JEWISH OBSERVER does not assume responsibility for the AUTHORS 31 Kashrus of any product or service advertised in its pages. -
The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections
Russia and Eurasia Programme Paper REP 2011/01 The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Andrew Monaghan Nato Defence College June 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication. REP Programme Paper. The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Introduction From among many important potential questions about developments in Russian politics and in Russia more broadly, one has emerged to dominate public policy and media discussion: who will be Russian president in 2012? This is the central point from which a series of other questions and debates cascade – the extent of differences between President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and how long their ‘Tandem’ can last, whether the presidential election campaign has already begun and whether they will run against each other being only the most prominent. Such questions are typically debated against a wider conceptual canvas – the prospects for change in Russia. Some believe that 2012 offers a potential turning point for Russia and its relations with the international community: leading to either the return of a more ‘reactionary’ Putin to the Kremlin, and the maintenance of ‘stability’, or another term for the more ‘modernizing’ and ‘liberal’ Medvedev. -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin.