Political Parties and Interest Groups from the Past And
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The Meaning of Conservatism Free
FREE THE MEANING OF CONSERVATISM PDF Roger Scruton | 220 pages | 26 Nov 2012 | St. Augustine's Press | 9781587315039 | English | South Bend, Indiana, United States The Meaning of Conservatism | Roger Scruton | Palgrave Macmillan The Meaning of Conservatism. Roger Scruton. First published inThe Meaning of Conservatism is now recognized as a major contribution to political thought, and the liveliest and most provocative modern statement of the traditional "paleo-conservative" position. Roger Scruton challenges those who would regard themselves as conservatives, and also their opponents. Conservatism, he argues, has little in common with liberalism, and is only tenuously related to the market economy, to monetarism, to free enterprise, or to capitalism. The Meaning of Conservatism involves neither hostility toward the state, nor the desire to limit the state's obligation toward the citizen. Its conceptions of society, law, and citizenship regard the individual not The Meaning of Conservatism the premise but as the conclusion of politics. At the same time it is fundamentally opposed to the ethic of social justice, to equality of station, opportunity, income, and achievement, and to the attempt to bring major institutions of society - such as schools and universities - under government control. Authority and Allegiance. Constitution and the State. The Conservative Attitude. The Meaning of Conservatism | SpringerLink Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include traditionhierarchyand authorityas established in respective cultures, as well as property rights. Historically associated with right-wing politicsthe term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. -
The Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization and the Idea for Autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople Thrace
The Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization and the Idea for Autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople Thrace, 1893-1912 By Martin Valkov Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Prof. Tolga Esmer Second Reader: Prof. Roumen Daskalov CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2010 “Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author.” CEU eTD Collection ii Abstract The current thesis narrates an important episode of the history of South Eastern Europe, namely the history of the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization and its demand for political autonomy within the Ottoman Empire. Far from being “ancient hatreds” the communal conflicts that emerged in Macedonia in this period were a result of the ongoing processes of nationalization among the different communities and the competing visions of their national projects. These conflicts were greatly influenced by inter-imperial rivalries on the Balkans and the combination of increasing interference of the Great European Powers and small Balkan states of the Ottoman domestic affairs. I argue that autonomy was a multidimensional concept covering various meanings white-washed later on into the clean narratives of nationalism and rebirth. -
The Balkan Vlachs/Aromanians Awakening, National Policies, Assimilation Miroslav Ruzica Preface the Collapse of Communism, and E
The Balkan Vlachs/Aromanians Awakening, National Policies, Assimilation Miroslav Ruzica Preface The collapse of communism, and especially the EU human rights and minority policy programs, have recently re-opened the ‘Vlach/Aromanian question’ in the Balkans. The EC’s Report on Aromanians (ADOC 7728) and its separate Recommendation 1333 have become the framework for the Vlachs/Aromanians throughout the region and in the diaspora to start creating programs and networks, and to advocate and shape their ethnic, cultural, and linguistic identity and rights.1 The Vlach/Aromanian revival has brought a lot of new and reopened some old controversies. A increasing number of their leaders in Serbia, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Albania advocate that the Vlachs/Aromanians are actually Romanians and that Romania is their mother country, Romanian language and orthography their standard. Such a claim has been officially supported by the Romanian establishment and scholars. The opposite claim comes from Greece and argues that Vlachs/Aromanians are Greek and of the Greek culture. Both countries have their interpretations of the Vlach origin and history and directly apply pressure to the Balkan Vlachs to accept these identities on offer, and also seek their support and political patronage. Only a minority of the Vlachs, both in the Balkans and especially in the diaspora, believes in their own identity or that their specific vernaculars should be standardized, and that their culture has its own specific elements in which even their religious practice is somehow distinct. The recent wars for Yugoslav succession have renewed some old disputes. Parts of Croatian historiography claim that the Serbs in Croatia (and Bosnia) are mainly of Vlach origin, i.e. -
Macedonian Party System and European Integration Process
Mladen Karadzoski* Macedonian Party System and European Integration Process Introduction Macedonia gained its independence in 1991, after the dissolution of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which part was from 1945. Since 1991 Macedonia started to establish and develop its political system, which immanent segment are also the political parties. Although widespread on 25 715 km2 with about 2 million inhabitants, the Republic of Macedonia is characterized by a great number of political parties. According to the Court of First Instance Skopje, where the register of political parties is held, in 2009 there were 99 registered political parties,1 which means that the political space in the country is overfl owing. This leads to the conclusion that the party system in the country is atomized. The purpose of this paper is to determine the level of support for the process of accession of the Republic of Macedonia in the European Union by political parties, but also to determine whether that support is only nominal, i.e. declarative, or is it realistic, concrete and active support real- ized through instruments and mechanisms available to the political par- ties in the country. Also, in this paper will be analyzed the attitudes of political parties in Macedonia, referring to the name dispute with Greece, fostering good neighborly relations with Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania, but also in respect of certain internal political issues. Macedonian Party System The transition from one party in a pluralistic party system meant greater opportunity for political organization and association of citizens * Mladen Karadzoski – Ph.D., Faculty of Law University St. -
University of Southampton Research Repository
University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Alastair Paynter (2018) “The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914”, University of Southampton, Department of History, PhD Thesis, pp. 1-187. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2018 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy THE EMERGENCE OF LIBERTARIAN CONSERVATISM IN BRITAIN, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter This thesis considers conservatism’s response to Collectivism during a period of crucial political and social change in the United Kingdom and the Anglosphere. The familiar political equipoise was disturbed by the widening of the franchise and the emergence of radical new threats in the form of New Liberalism and Socialism. Some conservatives responded to these changes by emphasising the importance of individual liberty and the preservation of the existing social structure and institutions. -
A Man for All Reasons: David Brudnoy Was a Real Compassionate Conservative by HARVEY A
A man for all reasons: David Brudnoy was a real compassionate conservative BY HARVEY A. SILVERGLATE DAVID BRUDNOY’S untimely death, on December 9, spurred a massive number of public reminiscences by friends, acquaintances, listeners, and just about everyone who ever crossed his path. The talk-show host, author, columnist, movie critic, teacher, and man about town was the perfect everything, each seemed to say. He did so many things well, in so many different spheres, and yet remained so human, with a special talent for humor and friendship. It was also often said that Brudnoy, "even though a conservative," was beloved and respected by the rich and poor, the well-educated and barely educated, the white-collar and blue-collar alike. MEETING OF MINDS: the author, right, with long-time friend David Brudnoy, It’s true that Brudnoy’s anomalous political philosophy who could connect as readily with liberals as with fellow conservatives. deviated considerably from both liberal and conservative dogma. His support of gay marriage and his opposition to obscenity laws separated him from many conservatives, while his criticisms of the "nanny state" conflicted with liberal doctrine. (He laughed appreciatively whenever I, a devoted liberal civil libertarian, reminded him of Barney Frank’s pungent observation that some conservatives believe that life begins at conception and ends at birth.) Indeed, a month before his death, he and I agreed to do a series of joint columns for the Boston Phoenix taking aim at the current-day idiocies that pollute both conservative and liberal political life. Yet the common view of Brudnoy is that liberals and conservatives managed to tolerate him despite his politics, by virtue of his magnetic and endearing personal qualities. -
Origins of Conservative Political Thought Dr. Jeffrey Dixon
POLI 5303: Origins of Conservative Political Thought Section 115 (Summer 2018) 6 PM – 8:30 PM Mon/Wed Founder’s Hall 213 Dr. Jeffrey Dixon Office: Founder’s Hall 217A Email: [email protected] Phone: (254) 501-5871 (email preferred) Office Hours: 5:00-5:45 PM Mon/Wed, 4:35- 5:45 PM Tues/Thurs, or by appointment Catalog Description This course covers the philosophical origins of conservative political thought, focusing on its traditional, statist, and libertarian variants. Course Overview This course critically examines the foundations of modern conservative thought. At least three variants of conservatism can be traced back hundreds (if not thousands) of years. Traditionalist conservatism, which seeks to preserve and in some cases restore the wisdom of the past and to resist modernizing influences, can be traced back at least as far as Aristotle. Realist (or statist) conservatism focuses on the maintenance of security – law and order at home and a hard line on international affairs – and can be traced back at least as far as Kautilya. During the Enlightenment, a new variant of conservatism emerged – libertarian conservatism, which traces its roots to John Locke. We will critically evaluate these strands of conservatism and compare them to other modern conservative philosophies, often termed “neoconservatism.” As a general rule, most of your out-of-class time devoted to this course should be spent reading the material and taking notes or writing questions about what you read. Philosophy isn’t casual reading material; you actually have to be engaged and careful as you work your way through the texts. -
Regulating Political Parties European Democracies in Comparative Perspective
Regulating Political Parties European Democracies in Comparative Perspective REGULATING POLITICAL PARTIES European Democracies in Comparative Perspective Edited by Ingrid van Biezen & Hans-Martien ten Napel Leiden University Press Cover design: Suzan Beijer Layout: CO2 Premedia ISBN 978 90 8728 218 9 e-ISBN 978 94 0060 195 6 (e-pdf) e-ISBN 978 94 0060 196 3 (e-pub) NUR 754 © Ingrid van Biezen / Hans-Martien ten Napel /Leiden University Press, 2014 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Th is book is distributed in North America by the University of Chicago Press (www.press.uchicago.edu). Table of contents Introduction 7 Ingrid van Biezen & Hans-Martien ten Napel Chapter 1: Democracy and the Legal Regulation of Political Parties 17 Richard S. Katz Chapter 2: Dilemmas of Regulating Political Finance, with Special Reference to the Dutch Case 45 Ruud Koole Chapter 3: Lessons from the Past: Party Regulation in the Netherlands 71 Remco Nehmelman Chapter 4: Th e Constitutionalization of Political Parties in Post-war Europe 93 Ingrid van Biezen Chapter 5: Party Laws in Comparative Perspective 119 Fernando Casal Bértoa, Daniela R. Piccio & Ekaterina R. Rashkova Chapter 6: Explaining Legislative Confl ict over the Adoption of Political Financing Law in the European Union 149 Wojciech Gagatek Chapter 7: Th e SGP Case: Did it Really (Re)Launch the Debate on Party Regulation in the Netherlands 181 Hans-Martien ten Napel & Jaco van den Brink Chapter 8: Will it All End in Tears? What Really Happens when Democracies Use Law to Ban Political Parties 195 Tim Bale table of contents Chapter 9: Ethnic Party Regulation in Eastern Europe 225 Ekaterina R. -
Scientific Report of Doctoral Research
Investeşte în oameni ! FONDUL SOCIAL EUROPEAN Programul Operaţional Sectorial pentru Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane 2007 – 2013 Axa prioritară nr.1 „Educaţia şi formarea profesională în sprijinul creşterii economice şi dezvoltării societăţii bazate pe cunoaştere” Domeniul major de intervenţie 1.5 “Programe doctorale şi post-doctorale în sprijinul cercetării” Titlul proiectului: “Cultura română şi modele culturale europene: cercetare, sincronizare, durabilitate” Beneficiar: Academia Română Numărul de identificare al contractului: POSDRU/159/1.5/S/136077 Scientific Report of Doctoral Research Supervising Mentor: Professor Nicolae-Şerban TANAŞOCA, PhD Phd Candidate: Vladimir CREŢULESCU Bucharest, 2015 The Romanian Discourse on the Macedonian Aromanians (1860-1902): the Construction of a National Identity Supervising Mentor: Professor Nicolae-Şerban TANAŞOCA, PhD PhD Candidate: Vladimir CREŢULESCU This paper is supported by the Sectorial Operational Programme Human Resources Development (SOP HRD), financed from the European Social Fund and by the Romanian Government under the contract number SOP HRD/159/1.5/S/136077 Bucharest, 2015 SUMMARY INTRODUCTION.........................................................................................................................................................3 1. AROMANIAN IDENTITY AND THE FOREIGN TRAVELERS (1800 – 1860)..............................................6 1.1. FOREIGN TRAVELER,TRAVEL LITERATURE:CONCEPTS AND METHODOLOGY............................................6 1.2. THE TESTIMONY OF FRANÇOIS-CHARLES-HUGUES-LAURENT -
Greek Language Questions
Journal of Greek Linguistics 11 (2011) 249–257 brill.nl/jgl Review Article Doing without the Fez: Greek Language Questions Christopher Gerard Brown Th e Ohio State University [email protected] Abstract Th is defi nitive history of the Greek Language Controversy shows how Greek’s status as a prestige language galvanized a national movement attracting various ethnicities of the Millet-i rum . Th e status of classical Greek resonant in Adamantios Korais’s katharévousa helped consolidate the Greek state. An alternate demoticist programme, anticipated by Katartzis, developed in the Ionian Islands, and formulated by Psycharis, took hold through the eff orts of the Educational Demoticists. Standard Modern Greek is a synthesis of the two programmes—neither the phono- logically puristic Romaika of Psycharis nor an archaizing Schriftsprache, it retains elements of both. Keywords Diglossia , katharévousa , purism , Korais , Psycharis , sociolinguistics , Language Question , Language Controversy Peter Mackridge. Language and National Identity in Greece , 1766–1976 . Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2009. Since 1976 the Language Question that agitated the Greek-speaking world for some two hundred years is history, and in Peter Mackridge it has found its historian. Th e Language Controversy, as Mackridge translates the Greek το γλωσσικό ζήτημα, was a debate about nature of the Greek language, its historicity and perennity. Both sides wanted a standard national language to symbolize the continuity of Hellenism, a patent of succession to the prestige and authority of classical antiquity. Partisans of the puristic Schriftsprache sought to teach and improve a fallen people, to restore lost continuity and make them worthy of their heritage. -
The Solun Assassins
The Solun Assassins By Krste Bitoski (Translated from Macedonian to English and edited by Risto Stefov) The Solun Assassins Published by: Risto Stefov Publications [email protected] Toronto, Canada All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without written consent from the author, except for the inclusion of brief and documented quotations in a review. Copyright 2017 by Krste Bitoski & Risto Stefov e-book edition ************ August 18, 2017 -- In honour of Macedonian Army Day -- I would like to dedicate the translated version of this book to my friends in the Macedonian military and to all Macedonian officers and soldiers who fought and are fighting to protect Macedonia and the Macedonian people. Risto 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ..........................................................................................5 PART ONE ..............................................................................10 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT THE APPEARANCE OF THE GEMIDZHII CIRCLE .......................10 EUROPEAN CAPITAL INVESTED IN MACEDONIA ...............10 ECONOMIC REVIEW OF VELES ................................................17 FORMING AND SHAPING THE GEMIDZHII CIRCLE .............20 IMAGES OF THE REVOLUTIONARIES .....................................31 Iordan Popiordanov-Ortse (1881-1903)...........................................31 Kosta Ivanov Kirkov -
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary
The European Trust Crisis and the Rise of Populism Supplementary Online Appendix Yann Algan Sergei Guriev Sciences Po and CEPR EBRD, Sciences Po and CEPR Elias Papaioannou Evgenia Passari London Business School and CEPR Université Paris-Dauphine Abstract This supplementary online appendix consists of three parts. First, we provide summary statistics, additional sensitivity checks and further evidence. Second, we provide details and sources on the data covering regional output and unemployment, trust, beliefs, attitudes and voting statistics. Third, we provide the classification of non-mainstream political parties’ political orientation (far-right, radical-left, populist, Eurosceptic and separatist) for all countries. 1 1. Summary Statistics, Additional Sensitivity Checks, and Further Evidence 1.1 Summary Statistics Appendix Table 1 reports the summary statistics at the individual level for all variables that we use from the ESS distinguishing between the pre-crisis period (2000-08) and the post-crisis period (2009-14). Panel A looks at all questions on general trust, trust in national and supranational institutions, party identification, ideological position on the left-right scale and beliefs on the European unification issue whereas in panel B we focus on attitudes to immigration. 1.2 Additional Sensitivity Checks Appendix Table 2 looks at the relationship between employment rates and voting for anti- establishment parties. Panel A reports panel OLS estimates with region fixed effects. Panel B reports difference-in-differences estimates. In contrast to Table 4, the specifications now include a dummy that takes on the value of one for core countries (Austria, France, Norway, Sweden) and zero for the periphery countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Spain, Hungary, Ireland, Slovakia).