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Queer History, This: an American Synthesis

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Queer History, This: an American Synthesis Culture, Society, and Praxis Volume 3 Number 1 Article 6 January 2004 Queer History, This: An American Synthesis Julie Prince California State University, Monterey Bay Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/csp Recommended Citation Prince, Julie (2004) "Queer History, This: An American Synthesis," Culture, Society, and Praxis: Vol. 3 : No. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/csp/vol3/iss1/6 This Main Theme / Tema Central is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Digital Commons @ CSUMB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Culture, Society, and Praxis by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ CSUMB. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Prince: Queer History, This: An American Synthesis Queer History, This: An American Synthesis By Julie Prince Exploring the roots of Queer history in America, this essay delves into the complexities of historical representations (or lack thereof) of this marginal- ized subculture. With every passing month, new devel- form the duties of females, while women opments, for good or ill, reflect the po- turn men and mate with their own sex!” litical climate surrounding Lesbian, Gay, (Roscoe, 2000, p.2). Denig was com- Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) menting on the social structure of the rights and presence in America. It is an Crow Indians who, like many other Na- election year, and ‘gay marriage’ is cur- tive American tribes, had third/fourth rently the hot issue on the tip of every- gender representations in their social one’s tongue. Turn on your television groups. Long before Denig’s observa- set, and you are likely to see gay and tion, early explorers had witnessed what lesbian comic ‘representations’ on came to be known as the berdache, or nightly sitcoms and programs. Queer two-spirit people, who did not fit into a presence, it could be argued, is currently male/female gender construct in their the most visible it has ever been. If this societies (Eskridge, 1996, p.21). The is true, the historical processes that have berdache were given special status made it so appear to be absent from among their tribes and their presence, mainstream discourse. Further, if Queer modern historians query, suggests a visibility is at an all time peak, on whose more fluid gender identity and diversity terms does that visibility come? LGBT than the ‘heterosexual world’ that was to presence is nothing new in American quickly become the norm with European society. Yet, while it might fleetingly colonization in the Americas. The ber- dominate the front page of the newspa- dache, along with the majority of Native per, it is still almost completely absent peoples, were to become victim to the from historical texts. How then does the genocide and cultural obliteration of in- current spotlight compare with the silent digenous North America but their pres- darkness of the past? As new legislation ence remains, reclaimed, in some circles and new developments unfold around despite their absence in History. LGBT communities and issues, histori- Decades later and among a very ans continue to dig through the dust of different social and ethnic group, white time to show that not only are queer bourgeoisie women defied the prevalent communities here, they have been heterosexual dominant norm in what we here…for a long, long time. might call an early version of ‘gay mar- What we now call the United riage.’ In the 18th and early 19th centuries States has a very old, what we might what came to be known as “Boston Mar- now call ‘Queer’ history. Early explorer riages” appeared in urban centers. and trader Edwin T. Denig may have Women who for the first time had eco- unwittingly described it best in 1833 nomic independence from men formed when he wrote, “Strange country this, romantic friendships with other women where males assume the dress and per- and created lives together ((Eskridge, p. CS&P Vol 3 Num 1 November 2004 Published by Digital Commons @ CSUMB, 2004 1 Culture, Society, and Praxis, Vol. 3, No. 1 [2004], Art. 6 CS&P Julie Prince 61 36). Boston Marriages enjoyed a signifi- factors in resistance to this ‘inversion’ cant degree of social acceptance for a theory and early organizing was to time and are evidence that publicly rec- emerge in both political and social ognized, committed same-sex partner- groups. ships are nothing ‘new’ in the US. They While credit is given, and much were even, in a small space, tolerated credit is due, to the Mattachine Society beside the heterosexual norm. and the Daughters of Bilitis, early gay As the 19th century came to a and lesbian rights groups, resistance to close, new fields of ‘science’ were to heterosexual norms was also found in emerge that would have lasting effect queer social environments—primarily upon people who identified as having bars. San Francisco from the 1940s same sex love as well as people of color. through the 1960s provides a good case Sexology and Eugenics, more entwined example. Despite collusion of local po- than one might assume, had oppressive lice, the military, and the state authority, and detrimental effects that are still pre- gay and lesbian bars were able to resist sent today. As ‘science’ spelled out and keep their doors open to their pa- norms for people to abide by, the space trons. The bar communities resisted re- for Boston Marriages and other same sex pression and rejection of the concept of couples was squashed. In parallel with ‘inversion’ in several important ways. scientific racism, the construction of the Working through legal channels, the ‘homosexual’ occurred simultaneously Stoumen vs. Riley case in 1951 accorded with a renewed distinction between gays and lesbians the right to congre- black and white ‘races’ (Somerville, gate, a right previously denied (Boyd, 2000, p.16.) “All these models,” writes 2003, p.122). Sol Stoumen, owner of the Siobhan B. Somerville, “constructed Black Cat Bar, had his liquor license re- both the nonwhite body and the hetero- voked for providing a meeting space for sexual body as pathological to greater or ‘homosexuals.’ Through court challenge, lesser extents” (p.17). Same sex sexual- he gained an important civil right for ity, as well as being of color, was inter- lesbian and gay communities out of re- preted to be a physical defect or ‘abnor- sistance that was not overtly ‘political’ mal’ characteristic and the result was so much as out of saving the bar space catastrophic. (p. 123). The very existence of the bars The norms that sexology and sci- was a form of resistance as well, for they entific racism were to put into place provided a place for people to be differ- were to become the most significant ent and did not hold patrons to hetero- forms of oppression and the key points sexist social norms. It was in the bar of resistance for ‘queer’ people, people space, as much as the political arena, of color, and queer people of color in the that queer culture emerged. 20th century. For those who were ori- Early gay and lesbian political ented towards members of their own sex, organizing focused on Civil Rights and the title and trait of ‘inversion’ was at- social acceptance for lesbians and gay tributed, making the assumption that men in society. Viewed in a modern con- these individuals were stunted in their text as having assimilationist strategies, personal development and needed medi- members of early political groups took cal help. World War II, mobilization, considerable risk in identifying with and and organization were to be the ultimate organizing around these issues. The Mat- CS&P Vol 3 Num 1 November 2004 https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/csp/vol3/iss1/6 2 Prince: Queer History, This: An American Synthesis 62 This Queer History: An American Synthesis CS&P tachine Society and the Daughters of The small riot at the illegal New Bilitis were to lay the foundation for York City gay bar, Stonewall Inn, was to LGBT activism in the decades to come, have a huge effect upon LGBT organiz- and were instrumental in opening up an ing and the Movement in 1969. A com- alternative political and social space for mon rumor that John D’Emilio refutes in some LGBT communities. However, Stonewall: Myth and Meaning is that differences of race, class, and gender “Stonewall Started Everything.” Stone- continued to be divisive elements in wall, while significant, occurred after queer organizing. It was not until the decades of struggle in the bars and after late 1960s that resistance to these linked the groundbreaking work of early orga- oppressions was to emerge. nizing groups. The role that Stonewall In the United States, the 1960s is played was that of a catalyst. Post- known as a decade of social unrest and Stonewall, thousands of LGBT groups the Civil Rights movement highlighted emerged and assimilation was no longer in Dr. Martin Luther King, Vietnam pro- the struggle. Revolution took its place. tests, rioting across the nation and, less Queer liberation theories emerged as well remembered, the Stonewall inci- manifesto/as were written across the US dent. What the history textbooks do not attacking the institutions of racism, pa- portray around the protests of the 1960s triarchy, and capitalism for perpetuating was how divided Americans really were. heterosexist oppression. A kind of gay While the organizing of the era was of- liberation had begun. ten issue specific and is presented in an With LGBT movements becom- oversimplified manner as black vs. ing more visible, so too was resistance white, straight vs. gay, pro-war vs. anti- and opposition. Visibility makes war, in reality these oppressive para- one…visible…and in some ways, more digms and many more were present in vulnerable.
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