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Language Contact 1. Introduction ever, can contribute to a better under-stan- and Language Politics ding of the languages used in the public in Ireland: he Republic of Ireland is a bilingual sphere. In a state with an explicit language state – both Irish and English are the policy that heavily promotes bilingualism, it Linguistic Landscapes is particularly interesting to analyse how the T official languages according to the in South Dublin Irish constitution. Irish is, however, a mino- two official languages are used in every-day Journal Article rity language in Ireland. English is the life and how this relates to the use of other languages in public spaces. Marion Schulte language that is commonly spoken by the vast majority of the population in all domains This paper presents a case study of the This paper describes the language contact of public and private life. The Irish state en- linguistic landscape created by publicly dis- situation in the Republic of Ireland with courages the use of Irish through a variety of played signs in two areas of the capital city, particular focus on English and Irish, and the current language policies that en- language policies (e.g., Gaeltacht Act 2012, Dublin: Dundrum and Stillorgan. In the first courage the use of these official languages. Official Languages Act 2003) and aims to in- two sections the history of the contact situ- Data from regular censuses in Ireland are crease the number of people who are profi- ation between English and Irish as well as the linked to a case study of linguistic landscapes in two South Dublin neighbor- cient in Irish and also use the Irish language current linguistic policies in the Republic of hoods to reveal to what extent English, in their daily lives. Ireland are briefly laid out. A discussion of Irish, and other languages are present in Regular censuses in Ireland offer linguistic landscaping as a technique to public spaces in Ireland’s capital. These gather data, especially in multilingual con- results are compared to the attitudes valuable insights into the perceived linguistic regarding English and Irish held by proficiency and also to an extent into the use texts, follows before the study itself is members of the community in South of the Irish language. Some data on other presented. The results of this study are then Dublin, which are based on semi-guided languages are also generated by the census compared to the reported language use and interviews with young Dubliners from these neighbourhoods. questionnaires, but these are largely limited language attitudes of South Dublin infor- to which languages are being spoken in the mants. This discussion is based on semi- home and to the English language profi- guided interviews conducted in the area.

ciency of persons who claim to speak 2. English and Irish Language Contact another language in private. As census data in Ireland rely on self-reports of the participants, they

are problematic when assessing actual Irish and English have been spoken in the language usage. Linguistic landscapes, how- island of Ireland for hundreds of years – Irish 1 0 p l u s 1 L I v I n g L I n g u I s t I c s 10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 119 was spoken throughout the island when the often seen as the event that finally cemented compel their countrymen living in Ireland to Anglo-Normans arrived in the 12th century the extinction of Irish as a commonly spoken use English rather than Irish and dress and and brought English, among other languages, language in Ireland (cf. Doyle 2015: 124ff). behave according to the English fashion; with them. Throughout the middle ages, Irish Especially the rural population in the tradi- thus proving that the people were doing remained the majority language; the use of tionally Irish-speaking areas in the west exactly the opposite – namely assimilating to English only significantly increased in the were affected by the famine, and 2.5 million the Irish. After the Tudors and Stuarts Early Modern period, and even then not in all people died or emigrated in its wake (cf. Ó started a policy of plantations in the 16th and parts of Ireland. In the east of Ireland, espe- Riagáin 1997: 4-5). The search for reasons 17th centuries, and “legislation was passed cially in the area around Dublin known as the for the language shift from Irish to English is against the use of Irish within areas of Pale, English was much more common than often coloured by different ideologies. As English rule” (Crowley 2000: 19), the use of in the west, where Irish dominated (cf., for Grillo (2009: 100) remarks, “it is easier to English became more prestigious and example, Crowley 2000: 12ff; Hickey 2007: blame the decline of Irish in the nineteenth widespread especially from the 17th century 30ff). The remnants of this distribution can century on the education system (as did onwards. The perception of the Celtic still be seen today: current census figures Douglas Hyde, for example), or the Catholic languages spoken in the British Isles in reveal that the percentage of Irish speakers Church, or Daniel O’Connell, than accept general became more and more negative. is much higher in the western counties, that for many people English represented Grillo points out that “[t]he climate of especially in rural areas, than in the east the only ‘rational’ choice in their economic opinion in the seventeenth, eighteenth and (CSO, Census 2011). Especially during the and social circumstances”. nineteenth centuries was thus hostile to the 19th century, Irish speakers increasingly used Language contact between Irish and languages and cultures of inhabitants of the English without maintaining the Irish English is, in fact, closely intertwined with Celtic fringe, seeing them as ‘barbarous’, language and/or passing it on to the next the political situation in Ireland. English dangerous, and in the case of Ireland and the generation. A number of factors contributed arrived as the language of an occupying Highlands, priest-ridden […]” (Grillo 2009: to this decline of Irish as a community force from the outside and language use and 89). By the 19th century, Irish was seen by language, among them the favouring of ethnicity were closely connected in medieval many as an obstacle to economic success and English in the education system (cf. the Ireland, as Arne Peters’ article in this journal as a language spoken by the rural poor (cf. Ó remarks in Grillo 2009: 97-102), the per- shows very vividly. Crucially, the distinction Riagáin 1997: 5ff). ceived advantage of English language skills in between Irish and English was not just made The language revival movement that the labour market of the British Empire, and by the native Irish population, but also by the began in the late 19th century was closely the resulting higher prestige of English. The English powers. With the Statutes of Kil- associated with the nationalist movement Irish Famine of the 1840s and 1850s is also kenny (Hardiman: Article 3) they tried to and the fight for Irish independence. The

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Irish language became a strong source of official documents, for example, “the text in schools also exist all over the country. A Irish identity that was unique to the Irish and the national language shall prevail” (Consti- particularly good example for the state thus served to distinguish them as a people, tution of Ireland 2012, Article 25 §6). support for Irish within the education and as a nation, from the British. Following The state does not only grant official system is the availability of extra points for Irish independence in 1922, the revival of status to Irish and English, it also actively students who take their leaving certificate the Irish language was strongly supported by promotes the use of the Irish language exams through Irish rather than English. In the Irish state. The following section will lay through various policies. In spite of its offi- spite of such efforts by the Irish state to out how this official support has continued cial status, Irish is a minority language in increase the knowledge and use of Irish, Ó until the present day and which measures most parts of the country (see below), and Laoire (2008: 195) points out that the role of are currently taken to achieve both in- the Irish state aims to increase the number the English language, and any other creased speaker numbers and higher profi- of people who use Irish daily, especially languages that are also spoken in Ireland, is ciency levels of Irish among the Irish popu- outside of the education system. In order to largely ignored when it comes to official lation. achieve this, a number of strategic docu- language policies. ments have been published (e.g., Gaeltacht The extent of use of Irish is documented 3. Current Language Policy and Act 2012, Official Languages Act 2003) that in regular censuses that are created every 5 Language Use in Ireland should ensure an increased quality and years. As part of each census, residents over extent of Irish language services, especially the age of 3 are asked to self-report whether Article 8 (§§2,3) of the Irish constitution regarding public institutions, and a variety of they can speak Irish. Those who respond states that “[t]he Irish language as the organisations and projects are funded that positively are then asked how often they use national language is the first official promote the status and use of the Irish the language and whether they use it inside language” and “[t]he English language is language. Irish is particularly strongly or outside of the education system. In 2011, recognised as a second official language” supported in the education system. Both 1,774,437 persons, or 41% of the population, (Constitution of Ireland 2012). Both English and Irish are compulsory subjects in stated they could speak Irish (CSO, Census languages may be used when dealing with primary and secondary schools for the vast 2011, Table 32). Almost a third of these government bodies, and official texts are majority of pupils, which leads to the high persons claim to use Irish exclusively within usually produced in both languages. Irish has figures of Irish language use within the the education system and another quarter primacy over English in certain contexts, education system that are reported in the never use the language. Only 158,686 however. Whenever there is a conflict be- censuses (see below). While most schools persons, equalling 9% of Irish speakers, and tween the Irish and English versions of teach subjects other than Irish or foreign 4% of the total population, use Irish daily or languages through English, Irish-medium

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 121 weekly outside of the education system of immigrants in Dublin justifies the hypo- 4. Linguistic Landscapes (CSO, Census 2011, Table 33A). thesis that languages other than English and The knowledge and extent of use of Irish Irish can be found as part of the linguistic Linguistic landscapes can be employed to differs considerably between different areas landscape of the city. Kallen (2010) does investigate the written language used in an in Ireland. South Dublin and Dublin City are indeed find signage in a number of immigrant area by analysing the language(s) featured the districts with the lowest percentage of languages, but only in certain parts of the on publicly displayed signage. This includes, Irish speakers, while Galway County reports area he investigates. for example, road signs, street names, adver- the largest percentage (CSO, What we know: Bilingualism in English and Irish is tisements, or private and public notices. 26). This is not surprising, as some of the strongly supported and fostered in Ireland, Linguistic landscapes have often been crea- well-known Gaeltacht areas, locations where but other languages do not enjoy similar ted to investigate language use in multi- Irish is commonly spoken as an every-day official recognition or support. With regards lingual contexts (e.g., Cenoz & Gorter 2006; language, are located in County Galway. to the linguistic landscape we can thus Kallen 2014; Schuster 2012). They offer Other rural counties, for example Clare or expect bilingual signage especially in the insights into the actual language use in a North Tipperary, have similarly high percen- official domain, which includes, for example, community, not only into the language use tages of Irish speakers, however. street signs and road signage. As knowledge that is self-reported by speakers in censuses The most frequently spoken language of Irish is relatively low in South Dublin, or interviews and can be seen as reflections other than English or Irish is Polish, which is signs displayed by businesses or private of “the relative power and status of the spoken by 119,526 persons (CSO, Census persons may not utilise the Irish language as different languages in a specific sociolingu- 2011, Table 25), or almost 3% of the total frequently. Kallen (2009) has, however, istic context” (Cenoz & Gorter 2006: 67). population. Other immigrant languages are pointed out that Irish-looking fonts are often Linguistic landscapes are, however, not a far less common than Polish, but 514,068 used to allude to the language and to serve a mere reflection of the relation of languages persons (CSO, Census 2011, Table 25), or symbolic function. Such signs may well be or codes, but also influence speakers’ per- 11% of the population, report that they found in South Dublin. Languages other than ceptions of this relation and thus contribute speak a language other than English or Irish English or Irish are part of the linguistic to the construction of the linguistic identity at home. The largest percentages of non- landscape of Dublin city (cf. Kallen 2010), of a community. Landry & Bourhis (1997) Irish nationals live in Galway City, Fingal, and and can be expected to be found in South link the informational and symbolic func- Dublin City in 2011. South Dublin has the Dublin as well. tions of public signage to considerations of fifth highest percentage of non-Irish natio- ethnolinguistic vitality, and Coupland (2012: nals. Nationality can, of course, not be equa- 4) claims that “visible bilingualism” is not ted with language use, but a high percentage

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 122 only “a correlate of, but a […] stylization of, city centre. He emphasises the different in a variety of ways (see also Kallen 2009). ethnolinguistic vitality”. Kallen (2014) domains public signs belong to, the different He also emphasises the choices a linguistic concludes a study of the linguistic landscape discourse functions these domains have, and community has in using language on public in the border area between the Republic of the ways in which all of these domains form a signage. These choices are not limited to the Ireland and Northern Ireland by saying that layered linguistic landscape. Signage in the language that is used, but also incorporate an analysis of the linguistic landscape “offers civic domain, like street signs, is, for example, code choices like fonts or audience choices a unique insight into questions of language mostly bilingual in Ireland, due to the (cf. Kallen 2009: 277; also see Domke 2015). and identity” (2014: 167). linguistic policy of the state, and these signs A Celtic-style font can, for example, “index But linguistic landscapes also have are only installed by an official body. Signs Irishness” (Kallen 2009: 279) even when the significant drawbacks that have to be put up by local businesses, on the other language used is English. This indexation can considered. They do not provide information hand, are largely monolingual English signs, be useful in a context where the use of the on language use in the private sphere, and at least in Dublin. But his survey also reveals Irish language would impede communica- they are not suitable to explore oral the use of “other languages finding a niche” tion, for instance when a sign is addressed at language. They also offer only a momentary (Kallen 2010: 46), for example Polish and tourists who cannot be expected to know glimpse into language use and are therefore Chinese. These languages are often found in Irish. not a particularly reliable and objective a discourse frame which Kallen calls the method for gathering data. In spite of these ‘marketplace’, where they are added to 4.1 A Case Study in South Dublin disadvantages, linguistic landscapes can be a English, and sometimes Irish, signage. The valuable tool for gathering data, especially in emphasis Kallen puts on the different Linguistic landscaping will be used here to multilingual contexts, in addition to other domains of language use is an important investigate the use of the two official methods like, for example, interviews with point to consider in the analysis of the languages of the Republic of Ireland, Irish members of a community. linguistic landscape, as each of these do- and English, in parts of the capital, Dublin. Previously, linguistic landscaping in mains “has its own set of discourse expec- Rather than comparing areas influenced by Ireland has yielded valuable insights tations” (Kallen 2010: 55). Street signs can extensive tourism (cf. Kallen 2009), or regarding the use of Irish, English and other thus generally be expected to be bilingual, regions that are shaped by different languages. Kallen (2010) investigates the while local businesses are probably going to language policies (cf. Kallen 2014), I will linguistic landscape in Dublin by recording favour monolingual English signage. Kallen focus on two shopping areas in South Dublin public signage in a relatively large area, a stresses the discourse nature of the lingu- that fall within the same jurisdiction and are 5km long stretch, from Malahide Road in the istic landscape and the fact that the different not particularly affected by tourism. The north of the city via selected streets in the discourses and domains overlap each other

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 123 questions addressed here are how Irish, English, and possibly other languages are represented on public signage in two specific and small locations, and what this can tell us about the linguistic community in these areas. The data were collected in early 2016. The neighbourhoods around Dundrum Shopping Centre and Stillorgan Village are frequented by a large number of people, but are not necessarily places of interest for tourists coming to Ireland. In both places, data was gathered by walking on the footpath in the vicinity of the shopping centres. Figure 1 shows a map of Dublin; the locations of the two research sites in Stillorgan and Dundrum are marked. The investigated areas themselves are rather small – in Dundrum, data was gathered on Main Street on a 350m long stretch, and in Stillorgan, the signage was recorded over 260m on Lower Kilmacud Road. Differently from many other studies of the linguistic landscape in Ireland and elsewhere, all written language on stationary Figure 1 Map of Dublin (OpenStreetMap 2016) objects that was visible from the footpath was recorded and classified. This includes, instance of language use was classified languages. Table 1 shows the number of for example, window displays and street according to the language it was written in: times each of these categories was signs, but excludes signs on moving vehicles. Irish only, both Irish and English, English encountered. Window displays that contain more than one only, another language or combination of sign are counted as a single unit, and every

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An analysis of the buted at a certain time, or by the owner of signs emphasizes the the bin, maybe to express their identification importance of English with the local county. even more than a Table 1 Number of Signs in Irish, Irish & English, simple counting of instances of language use. English, and Other Languages Let us consider the Irish and bilingual signs first. A closure for water services on the In both locations, the overwhelming majority footpath in Stillorgan has the Irish word for of signs are written in English only. A small water, uisce, written on it. Similar, slightly number is written in both English and Irish, larger, versions of this closure lid could be but only one sign in Stillorgan is written in found as well, and these have both the Irish Irish only. Also in Stillorgan, the Latin inscrip- and English word written on them. All of the tion “Deo Gratias” is the only sign in another bilingual signs in Stillorgan are in fact related language. It is clear from this distribution to public services. Apart from the covers for that public language use is heavily in favour services on the footpath, there is also a of English-only-signage in both Dundrum rubbish bin with both English and Irish and Stillorgan. writing on it (Figure 2) and glass recycling Quantitative information based on containers with bilingual labels. The English linguistic landscapes should be treated with writing on the lid of rubbish bin reads “No care because each of the shop windows one hot ashes please”. This is ingrained in the lid encounters contains multiple signs, and thus itself and has probably been added during multiple instances of language use, but the the production of the lid. The Irish phrase “Ó number of these signs differs enormously chuan go sliabh” (‘from harbour to moun- between individual shops. Official signs like tain’) and the coat of arms are symbols of Figure 2 Rubbish Bin in Stillorgan, Bilingual Irish/English road signs also often occur multiple times. County Dún Laoghaire – Rathdown, the local

For this investigation, each type of sign was authority. Similar bins on the same stretch of The recycling containers are interesting, counted, but the frequency with which this road do not show such markings, and it is not because a number of recycling containers type occurs is not taken into account. We are clear whether this coat of arms was added by with new bilingual labels stand next to therefore looking at type rather than token an official authority; it could, for example, containers with older labels that are written frequency. have been added to all rubbish bins distri-

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 125 in English. The photos in Figures 3 and 4 Figure 4 Glass Recycling Container in of the writing on these is in English. Some provide examples for both types. The fact Stillorgan, Bilingual English/Irish private institutions, a bank, a credit union, that older monolingual labels were covered and a college of further education, also with bilingual signage could suggest a display bilingual signage. More than half of changing attitude in favour of bilingualism, the bilingual signs in Dundrum are put up by but the overall paucity of bilingual signs does official services or institutions like the Luas, not support such an assessment. It is also the name of the tram service in Dublin, possible that new bilingual signs are added which is also the Irish word for speed, and due to the provisions of the Official Dublin Bus. Only a small number of private Languages Act (2003), which requires public companies or persons display bilingual signs. bodies to provide services in Irish where those are not yet available.

Figure 3 Glass Recycling Container in Stillorgan, Monolingual English In Dundrum, monolingual signs in Irish could not be found, but this location has a larger number of bilingual signs. A third of these bilingual signs could be found at the tram stop. Signposts and general information is sometimes displayed in both languages, but there are also monolingual English signs to be found here. The photo in Figure 5

provides an example for both kinds of signs. Figure 5 Bilingual and Monolingual Signs Bilingual signs on Main Street itself are at Dundrum Luas Stop signposts, a Dublin Bus stop, and some parking signs. The parking ticket machine In both locations, a large part of the bilingual and an e-car point, where owners of electric signs can therefore be attributed to official cars can charge their vehicles, also contain services rather than to private enterprises or both English and Irish writing, although most persons. Not all of the official signage is

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 126 bilingual, however. In Stillorgan, we find window displays of supermarkets, solicitors, council site notices, warning signs on electri- banks, estate agents, shops, take-aways, city service boxes (Figure 6), writings on the restaurants, doctors, and notices by road itself (Figure 7) and information dis- homeowners and residents (Figure 9). played at a bus stop among the monolingual English signs.

Figure 7 Road Markings in Stillorgan, Monolingual English

Figure 6 Warning Sign on Electricity Service

Box in Stillorgan, Monolingual English Figure 8 Road Markings in Dundrum, Figure 9 Missing Dog Sign in Stillorgan, Monolingual English Monolingual English In Dundrum, warning signs, road markings (Figure 8), signposts to the local county In both locations, the overwhelming majority The language use documented here clearly council office, and information at the tram of advertisements, notices and all other shows a preference for monolingual English stop are displayed in English only. signage is in English only. This includes the signage. Bilingual Irish/English signs are

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 127 relatively sparse, and the ones that exist are It should be kept in mind, however, that this communities that create and perceive the often put up by a governmental body or does not mean other languages, inclu-ding written signs. Most of the interviewees were another official institution. Similar obser- Irish, are not spoken in Ireland. A lingu-istic multilingual, although to different extents. vations have, for example, been made by landscape can help to shed light on the Some had already spent time abroad, often Kallen (2010), who also finds that signs in the written language displayed in public spaces. with the aim of learning another language, civic domain are often bilingual, while signs People in these areas may well speak Irish, and others were studying a foreign language. in the marketplace domain are mostly both in their homes and in public areas, but A number of participants had grown up written in English. In contrast to the areas he this is not recorded here. Signage in other bilingually, and spoke Russian, German, investigated, there are no signs in any areas in Ireland, especially, but not exclu- Spanish, or Irish as well as English at home. language but English, however. The linguistic sively in the Gaeltacht, is also likely to be None of the participants spoke any language communities in Stillorgan and Dundrum thus very different. other than English and Irish outside of their do not seem to make use of any immigrant A comparison to interview data of South family, with the exception of formal edu- languages. Although South Dublin has a Dubliners, however, reveals that the scarcity cation situations or language tandems. While lower percentage of foreign inhabitants than of signage in languages other than English in this was not further remarked upon by the other parts of Dublin (CSO, Profile 6: 10), the area coincides with the language atti- participants, some did talk about their speakers of languages other than English and tudes and reported language use of partici- opinions to, and their knowledge and use of Irish almost certainly frequent these pants. Irish. shopping areas. The complete lack of any of Out of 16 participants, just one reported these languages in the public space can 5. Interviews with South Dubliners that they used Irish on a regular basis out- therefore be seen as an active choice by the side of an education context, which corres- community as a whole. English is the only Semi-guided interviews were conducted ponds to the results of the 2011 census. All language necessary to navigate public spaces with young adults who attend either a informants bar one had attended or were in the investigated areas and the linguistic secondary school or university in South attending primary and secondary schools in community there constructs an English-only Dublin in spring 2016. Many of the infor- Ireland, and thus had knowledge of Irish, but identity for itself. This identity contrasts mants also lived in the area and might not all of them expressed favourable with other areas of Ireland, where Irish is frequent one or both shopping areas investi- opinions about the language. Most men- more prominent, and also other areas of gated here. It should be kept in mind that the tioned that they were unhappy with the way Dublin, where immigrant languages are part interviewees were not the same persons Irish was taught and/or the fact that it is a of the linguistic landscape and Irish or Irish- who set up signs in either of the two sites compulsory subject until the end of second- inspired signage can be found as well. investigated here, but they were part of the dary school. All of the participants who

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics Marion Schulte | Language Contact and Language Politics in Ireland: Linguistic Landscapes in South Dublin 128 expressed negative attitudes to Irish door!’” (Interview 12), but would never linguistic landscaping in South Dublin: While stressed that the language is not used speak Irish in “earnest conversations” (Inter- Irish is found on some official bilingual outside of the education sector. One partici- view 5). When asked why they do not use the signage, it is hardly used by businesses or on pant said “I’m never gonna use Irish ever language more, especially in an environment private signs. The other languages spoken by again in my life” (Interview 4) and another where everyone in their family is fluent in the interviewees also do not feature in public claimed that “once you leave the classroom Irish, as is the case for the informant in signage in the areas investigated in South you’re not gonna be speaking Irish” (Inter- Interview 12, they responded that it is a Dublin. As they did not claim to speak them view 3). Some participants said they would “complex issue” and that there is a “trend outside of education context or their homes, like to speak better Irish, but they were not that most people now don’t speak Irish, so I this also corresponds to the language use willing to put in the effort to learn it. Parti- guess then we don’t”. reported by the participants. cipant 8 is a good example for this view: “It’d The interviews reveal that only a small [Irish] be lovely to have, it’s just that I’d number of young people in South Dublin 6. Conclusion rather invest my time into learning some- think they speak Irish well. This is surprising thing that would be more useful, like Ger- given the many years of formal education in This small case study of the linguistic man, for my future than kind of spending Irish the participants have already comple- landscape in two shopping areas in South time on a language I’ll never speak”. ted. Many of them stress the teaching Dublin has shown that English is heavily Only two participants claimed they had differences between Irish and other foreign favoured on signage in the public sphere. a good knowledge of Irish, and both of these languages like French or German, and they This is true although the Republic of Ireland had very positive views of the language and generally prefer the way those other foreign is a bilingual state and many languages apart of its importance in Ireland. One of them had languages are taught. This may, of course, from the official languages Irish and English been to the Gaeltacht twice, and another reveal more about their personal attitudes are spoken there. Bilingual signage in the had attended an Irish-medium primary towards those languages than about the official languages largely remains a part of school. Both reported that either their actual quality of foreign or second language the civic domain, including road signs and friends or their family members also had teaching in their schools. However, it is official services, but, in spite of existing positive attitudes to the language and that obvious from these interviews that only a language policies, not even all of the signs in they could speak it well. In spite of this, small minority of interviewees uses Irish at this domain are bilingual. Languages other neither informant used an extensive amount all. Even those who claim they are fluent or than English or Irish do not form a significant of Irish to communicate with their friends or have a very good knowledge of the language part of the linguistic landscape in the family members. They would both use single do not speak it in their every-day lives. This investigated areas. words or “little comments like ‘Close the confirms the impression gained from the

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This is confirmed by a number of semi- References Doyle, A. (2015). A History of the Irish Language: guided interviews conducted with secondary From the Norman Invasion to Independence. school and university students from South Bunreacht na hÉireann, Constitution of Ireland Oxford: OUP. Gaeltacht Act (2012). Retrieved from Dublin. In spite of a high level of bi- and (2012). Dublin: Stationery Office. Retrieved from https://www.constitution.ie/ http://www.ahrrga.gov.ie/app/uploads/2015/ multilingualism among the interviewees, Documents/ 07/Gaeltacht-Act-20121.pdf. they do not report to speak any language Bhunreacht_na_hEireann_web.pdf. Grillo, R.D. (2009). Dominant Languages. apart from English outside of their homes, in Cenoz, J. & Gorter, D. (2006). Linguistic Cambridge: CUP. the case of those who have grown up spea- Landscape and Minority Languages. Hardiman, J. (Transl.) & O’Brien, K. (Ed.) (2011). A statute of the fortieth year of king Edward III., king more than one language, or education International Journal of Multilingualism, 3.1, pp. 67-80. enacted in a parliament held in Kilkenny, A.D. contexts. They are, of course, aware of the Central Statistics Office (CSO) (2011). Census 1367, before Lionel duke of Clarence, lord special status of Irish in Ireland and many of 2011 – This is Ireland. Retrieved from lieutenant of Ireland. Corpus of Electronic them remark upon that status and their own http://www.cso.ie/en/census/census2011rep Texts, University College Cork. Retrieved proficiency, or lack thereof, of Irish. Even orts/census2011thisisirelandpart1/. from http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/ those who speak Irish fluently do not use it Central Statistics Office (CSO) (2012). Profile 6, T300001-001/. Hickey, R. (2007). Irish English: History and regularly in conversations outside of their Migration and Diversity. Retrieved from http://tinyurl.com/census2011profile6. Present-Day Forms. Cambridge: CUP. families or with close friends, and even then, Central Statistics Office (CSO) (2012). What We Kallen, J.L. (2009). Tourism and Representation they claim to use it only sporadically. Taken Know. Retrieved from in the Irish Linguistic Landscape. In E. together, these results lead to the conclusion http://tinyurl.com/census2011profile9. Shohamy & D. Gorter (Eds.), Lingusitic that the community in South Dublin con- Coupland, N. (2012). Bilingualism on Display: The Landscape: Expanding the Scenery (pp. 270- structs an English-only identity for itself, Framing of Welsh and English in Welsh Public 283). New York: Routledge. Kallen, J.L. (2010). Changing Landscapes: where languages other than English do not Spaces. Language in Society, 41, pp. 1-27. Crowley, T. (2000). The Politics of Language in Language, Space and Policy in the Dublin feature significantly in the public domain, Ireland 1366-1922: A Sourcebook. London: Linguistic Landscape. In A. Jaworski & C. and Irish is restricted to official contexts. Routledge. Thurlow (Eds.), Semiotic Landscapes. Language, Domke, C. (2015). Prohibition Signage in Public Image, Space (pp. 41-58). London: Continuum. Acknowledgements Places: On the Functional Organization of Kallen, J. L. (2014). The Political Border and I would like to thank Arne Peters for his Different Media, Communication Forms, and Linguistic Identities in Ireland: What can the Linguistic Landscape Tell Us? In D. Watt & C. input and constructive criticism on a pre- Text Types. 10plus1: Living Linguistics, 1. Retrieved from http://tinyurl.com/ Llamas (Eds.), Language, Borders and Identity vious version of this article. domke2015. (pp. 154-168). Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP.

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Landry, R. & Bourhis, R.Y. (1997). Linguistic Landscape and Ethnolinguistic Vitality: An Empirical Study. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 16, pp. 23-49. Official Languages Act (2003). Retrieved from http://www.achtanna.ie/en.act.2003.0032.1. html. Ó’Laoire, M. (2008). The Language Situation in Ireland. In R.B. Kaplan & R.B. Baldauf Jr. (Eds.), Language Planning and Policy in Europe, Vol. 3. The Baltic States, Ireland and Italy (pp. 193- 255). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. OpenStreetMap (2016). Retrieved from http://www.openstreetmap.org/copyright. Ó Riagáin, P. (1997). Language Policy and Social Reproduction: Ireland 1893-1993. Oxford: OUP. Schuster, M. (2012). Language Accessibility of Signage in Public Settings: A Case Study of a Health Care Service. Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, 30:3, pp. 311-324.

10plus1: Living Linguistics | Issue 2 | 2016 | Contact Linguistics