Lucretius Final-5

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Lucretius Final-5 Foedera Naturae in Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura by Lauren Tee BA, University of Victoria, 2011 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Greek and Roman Studies © Lauren Tee, 2016 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. !ii Supervisory Committee Foedera Naturae in Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura by Lauren Tee BA, University of Victoria, 2011 Supervisory Committee Dr. Cedric Littlewood, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Co-Supervisor Dr. Margaret Cameron, Department of Philosophy Co-Supervisor !iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Cedric Littlewood, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Co-Supervisor Dr. Margaret Cameron, Department of Philosophy Co-Supervisor Abstract Lucretius wrote his six-book philosophical epic poem De Rerum Natura a few decades before the fall of the Roman Republic and the start of the principate and the reign of Augustus in 27 BC, in a time of great social and political upheaval. This thesis examines Lucretius’ appropriation and correction of traditional Roman social and political rhetoric as part of his therapeutic philosophical programme, which aims to alleviate fear and anxiety through a rational understanding of nature. Specifically, this thesis examines Lucretius’ innovative use of foedus, a charged Roman word with many powerful connotations which is generally translated as “treaty”, “pact” or “covenant”. More than just an agreement, a foedus represented a divinely sanctioned ritualized contract between Rome and another polity, one which could not be broken without grave spiritual and political repercussions. They were an integral part of Roman life and culture and were strongly associated with imperialism, ambition, religion and sacrifice, and so Lucretius’ decision to adopt that word for the unthinking, unchanging, atheistic, necessary laws that limit and guide nature – despite his explicit condemnation of exactly those values foedus represents – is at first glance mystifying. As this thesis will show, however, foedus turns out to be an exceedingly apt choice, infusing almost every aspect of Lucretius’ Epicurean work with subtle complexity and meaning and contributing strongly to his polemical, therapeutic, ethical and didactic agendas. This thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter examines the social, political and philosophical contexts which influenced Lucretius to adopt Epicureanism. It then delves into some of the issues surrounding his innovative use of foedus. Chapter Two attempts to answer the research question of why foedus? by comparing and contrasting the essential characteristics of Roman foedera against those of Lucretius’ foedera naturae. This in turn provides a more detailed picture of Lucretius’ philosophical system both in terms of its physical and ethical doctrines, and suggests some possible motivations for Lucretius’ choice. Chapter Three looks at the deeper significance of Lucretius’ use of foedus and its role in his therapeutic programme of correction. Driving this chapter is Lucretius’ exploitation of the etymological connection between the noun foedus (‘treaty’, ‘covenant’) and the adjective foedus, ‘foul’. Chapter Three is divided into two sections, each focusing on Lucretius’ masterful manipulation of foedus and its !iv etymological roots – as well as generic expectations and language in general –first for polemical purposes, then for therapeutic. !v Table of Contents Supervisory Committee .......................................................................................................ii Abstract ..............................................................................................................................iii Table of Contents .................................................................................................................v Acknowledgments ..............................................................................................................vi Introduction .........................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 ..............................................................................................................................6 Historical Context ............................................................................................................7 Cicero and Stoic Philosophy ..........................................................................................10 Lucretius’ Position .........................................................................................................17 Problems with Foedus ...................................................................................................20 Foedera in DRN .............................................................................................................24 Precedents for “laws of nature” .....................................................................................30 Stoic Natural Law ..........................................................................................................33 Foedus versus Lex .........................................................................................................36 Lex naturae in Lucretius ................................................................................................37 Chapter 2 ............................................................................................................................42 I. Limits and Boundaries .................................................................................45 II. Foedera in Space and Time ..........................................................................63 III. Dual Roles in Destruction/Creation .............................................................76 Chapter 3 ............................................................................................................................92 Part I: DRN as Social Critique ......................................................................................93 Part II: Foedus and Foeditas ........................................................................................128 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................165 Bibliography ....................................................................................................................177 Primary Sources ...........................................................................................................177 Secondary Sources .......................................................................................................180 !vi Acknowledgments I am gratefully indebted to my supervisors, Dr. Cedric Littlewood and Dr. Margaret Cameron, for their extreme patience and invaluable guidance and assistance in the preparation of this thesis. I could not have finished this thesis without their support and flexibility. I would also like to thank my external examiner, Dr. Allan Mitchell, and the entire faculty and staff of the Greek and Roman Studies and Philosophy Departments at the University of Victoria, who have guided both my undergraduate and graduate education. Thank you as well to my fellow graduate students both past and present, for their friendship, commiseration and support. Finally, I would like to thank my partner, Dr. Matthew Bouchard, for patiently enduring, encouraging and supporting me. Without him I would have given up on this a long time ago. Introduction This thesis examines Lucretius’ appropriation and correction of traditional Roman social and political rhetoric as part of his therapeutic philosophical programme, which aims to alleviate fear and anxiety through a rational understanding of nature. Specifically, this thesis examines Lucretius’ use of foedus, a charged Roman word with many powerful connotations which is generally translated as “treaty”, “pact” or “covenant”. More than just an agreement, a foedus represented a divinely sanctioned ritualized contract between Rome and another polity, one which could not be broken without grave spiritual and political repercussions. They were an integral part of Roman life, controlling the interactions between Rome and her allies, as well as those between Roman citizens and their leaders. Usually heavily weighted in Rome’s favour, foedera stood testament to Rome’s imperium and superiority over other nations, and were a vital component of Roman expansion. They dictated trade agreements and military obligations, guaranteed the sacrosanctity of tribunes from the Roman people, and played pivotal roles in Rome’s legendary past. The striking of a treaty was formally sanctioned through the ritual slaughter of a ten-day old piglet, while the rupturing of a treaty resulted in a ceremonial declaration of war; both rites fell under the provenance of the fetiales, a college of priests whose sole function was to oversee the making of war or peace through foedera. Roman foedera were thus strongly associated with imperialism and ambition, religion and sacrifice, and so Lucretius’ decision to adopt that word for the unthinking, unchanging, necessary laws that limit and guide nature – despite his explicit condemnation of exactly those values foedus represents – is somewhat perplexing. Scholars have typically viewed Lucretius’ foedera naturae or “laws of
Recommended publications
  • Biology and Philosophy. VII. Sokrates, the Demigod
    https://doi.org/10.31871/WJRR.9.1.9 World Journal of Research and Review (WJRR) ISSN:2455-3956, Volume-9, Issue-1, July 2019 Pages 26-30 Biology and Philosophy. VII. Sokrates, the Demigod Juan S. Gómez-Jeria His diverse pupils, though proclaiming themselves similarly Abstract—I use the cylinder-ladder model presented in the faithful, presented opposing images of him. And in each of previous paper of this series to present and defend the thesis them, legend and history are probably mixed. Some that Sokrates was placed in a step much higher than those that well-known biographic details follow. There is a certain were occupied by almost all mortals regarding the degree of perception of reality and that he could perfectly be situated in possibility that some facts are not exactly as they are told, the category of ‘demigod’ as defined in this paper. Plato´s even that some are just gossip, but that is not important in this Apology is considered the most probable and unique context. Sokratic-like text. Furthermore, I claim that Sokrates knew that he was (relatively) wiser than those around him due to its higher position on the cylinder-ladder. This last statement opens new questions about the response of the Pythia. Sokrates was clear that his discourse would be understood by his listeners accordingly to the place they occupied in the cylinder-ladder model. This is the reason because, after Sokrates death, so many different Socratic schools appeared. Finally, I firmly hold the idea that one day we will discover that our knowledge of Sokrates has not grown one iota since his death.
    [Show full text]
  • Livy's View of the Roman National Character
    James Luce, December 5th, 1993 Livy's View of the Roman National Character As early as 1663, Francis Pope named his plantation, in what would later become Washington, DC, "Rome" and renamed Goose Creek "Tiber", a local hill "Capitolium", an example of the way in which the colonists would draw upon ancient Rome for names, architecture and ideas. The founding fathers often called America "the New Rome", a place where, as Charles Lee said to Patrick Henry, Roman republican ideals were being realized. The Roman historian Livy (Titus Livius, 59 BC-AD 17) lived at the juncture of the breakdown of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. His 142 book History of Rome from 753 to 9 BC (35 books now extant, the rest epitomes) was one of the most read Latin authors by early American colonists, partly because he wrote about the Roman national character and his unique view of how that character was formed. "National character" is no longer considered a valid term, nations may not really have specific national characters, but many think they do. The ancients believed states or peoples had a national character and that it arose one of 3 ways: 1) innate/racial: Aristotle believed that all non-Greeks were barbarous and suited to be slaves; Romans believed that Carthaginians were perfidious. 2) influence of geography/climate: e.g., that Northern tribes were vigorous but dumb 3) influence of institutions and national norms based on political and family life. The Greek historian Polybios believed that Roman institutions (e.g., division of government into senate, assemblies and magistrates, each with its own powers) made the Romans great, and the architects of the American constitution read this with especial care and interest.
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
    Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf.
    [Show full text]
  • PRIMITIVE POLITICS: LUCAN and PETRONIUS Martha Malamud in Roman Literature, Politics and Morality Are Not Distinct Categories
    CHAPTER TWELVE PRIMITIVE POLITICS: LUCAN AND PETRONIUS Martha Malamud In Roman literature, politics and morality are not distinct categories: both are implicated in the construction and maintenance of structures of power. Roman virtues are the basis of the res publica, the body politic. In what follows, I take “politics” in a broad sense: “public or social ethics, that branch of moral philosophy dealing with the state or social organism as a whole.”1 As Edwards puts it, “issues which for many in the pres- ent day might be ‘political’ or ‘economic’ were moral ones for Roman writers, in that they linked them to the failure of individuals to control themselves.”2 What follows is a case study of how Lucan and Petronius deploy a pair of motifs popular in Roman moralizing discourse (primi- tive hospitality, as exemplifi ed by the simple meal, and primitive archi- tecture) in ways that refl ect on the politics of early imperial Rome. Embedded in the moralizing tradition is the notion of decline. Roman virtue is always situated in the past, and visions of the primitive, such as the rustic meal and the primitive hut, evoke comparisons with a corrupted present. These themes are present in Roman literature from an early period. Already by the third century bce, there is a growing preoccupation with a decline in ethical standards attributed to luxury and tied to the expansion of Roman power and changes in Rome’s political structure. Anxiety focused around luxurious foods, clothing, art, and architecture. As Purcell observes of Roman views of their own food history, “[d]iet-history is a subdivision of that much larger way of conceptualizing passing time, the history of moral decline and recovery; indeed, it is a way of indexing that history,”3 and one can say the same of architecture-history.
    [Show full text]
  • ILLUSTRATED from the in the NEWBERRY LIBRARY By
    4° S 5999)-Zz YZANflNE ELEHEffS IN HUMANISTIC SC1W1 ILLUSTRATED FROM THE AYLVS GELL}vS OF.1445' IN THE NEWBERRY LIBRARY By STANLEY MORI SON Fellow of the Newberry Library CHICAGO, I LLI NOI S Written, Composed and Printed at THE NEWBERRY LIBRARY 1952 S, F trncnl. t , /'t".t pMit., e554' c emn,., fänl- ýr rt, i,! ra, e, 'r'u ret, r lnbl. trl: t , ielirrt , N on tluer cýj"qni uänerro inc. týn, »int' lembnm Ä ý i! em, li, b, g, r. li brich-L4 ti+rre' rrmif, C. trcý:, llarrn in pr. ccef+l'prm, o r:, rr luea, l : ., tsm . AVLýGELý. If NocrvM ATTICARVM CiBL-R,. ". r" ... EýtµIVSc: }CPtýC. trceP. Xf. FELFc-t1%"Rý., ýo ortýert[ uoutbuli" rrr7. c"' iatLt:c: des: e; t mttlr, cluF' %up, wrpdLtntr, dcý; etitf nomtiulr, dc' rta trionc ,u lege 4's: 'ucrf+: C p:tcrrm. t, stý+c:! .mtccinsm! mn1rA .r ansnmt. t citcs (ýolir.t ('rnr. cArttttlttrn ý, - , in IAfVS hyraniil'qnAs orsnonc gr-,ec. t drrrbK! compoille: r. 4ý. rn: i :, rrr 'ppr.:: l7crrn. tiý . "nquininb: rcrirrri t»arirm trr {tali: ran, tsri cicýýco noc. ibnlo .+ý, pc1L 1 tan, ! 'crip! 'cýYrnr, clm boiic(gr. cc.t ucceri' lrý1Zu. t lr. tlot'itocýcýnýfunr; clclorci171 i11 [r+ncai: {zifi. i rr, agsli copi. i Fucýeir; ýýt 1i2 ca tm: t o, pi p1tctg: foltrA liT1t cotrlpLitrsttt. t. Goief t: ttY st-trim; ob ctndcln c.irn ro[Tstmuf jP tr.ylt. t tttnc ter. ttittettro/i(r&'tn. t. mnlr. lntci: tppol. tr (üpretttA "`1. litliiittLlt1, rs1 ltitQti[oýdtcs ditArnirt otttitm trtgsit t.
    [Show full text]
  • LUCAN's CHARACTERIZATION of CAESAR THROUGH SPEECH By
    LUCAN’S CHARACTERIZATION OF CAESAR THROUGH SPEECH by ELIZABETH TALBOT NEELY (Under the Direction of Thomas Biggs) ABSTRACT This thesis examines Caesar’s three extended battle exhortations in Lucan’s Bellum Civile (1.299-351, 5.319-364, 7.250-329) and the speeches that accompany them in an effort to discover patterns in the character’s speech. Lucan did not seem to develop a specific Caesarian style of speech, but he does make an effort to show the changing relationship between the General and his soldiers in the three scenes analyzed. The troops, initially under the spell of madness that pervades the poem, rebel. Caesar, through speech, is able to bring them into line. Caesar caters to the soldiers’ interests and egos and crafts his speeches in order to keep his army working together. INDEX WORDS: Lucan, Caesar, Bellum Civile, Pharsalia, Cohortatio, Battle Exhortation, Latin Literature LUCAN’S CHARACTERIZATION OF CAESAR THROUGH SPEECH by ELIZABETH TALBOT NEELY B.A., The College of Wooster, 2007 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2016 © 2016 Elizabeth Talbot Neely All Rights Reserved LUCAN’S CHARACTERIZATION OF CAESAR THROUGH SPEECH by ELIZABETH TALBOT NEELY Major Professor: Thomas Biggs Committee: Christine Albright John Nicholson Electronic Version Approved: Suzanne Barbour Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia May 2016 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................................1
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Authors 297
    T Ancient authors 297 is unknown. His Attic Nights is a speeches for the law courts, collection of essays on a variety political speeches, philosophical ANCIENT AUTHORS of topics, based on his reading of essays, and personal letters to Apicius: (fourth century AD) is the Greek and Roman writers and the friends and family. name traditionally given to the lectures and conversations he had Columella: Lucius Iunius author of a collection of recipes, heard. The title Attic Nights refers Moderatus Columella (wrote c.AD de Re Coquinaria (On the Art of to Attica, the district in Greece 60–65) was born at Gades (modern Cooking). Marcus Gavius Apicius around Athens, where Gellius was Cadiz) in Spain and served in the was a gourmet who lived in the living when he wrote the book. Roman army in Syria. He wrote a early first centuryAD and wrote Cassius Dio (also Dio Cassius): treatise on farming, de Re Rustica about sauces. Seneca says that he Cassius Dio Cocceianus (c.AD (On Farming). claimed to have created a scientia 150–235) was born in Bithynia. He popīnae (snack bar cuisine). Diodorus Siculus: Diodorus had a political career as a consul (wrote c.60–30 BC) was a Greek Appian: Appianos (late first in Rome and governor of the from Sicily who wrote a history of century AD–AD 160s) was born in provinces of Africa and Dalmatia. the world centered on Rome, from Alexandria, in Egypt, and practiced His history of Rome, written in legendary beginnings to 54 BC. as a lawyer in Rome.
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny's "Vesuvius" Narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20)
    Edinburgh Research Explorer Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20) Citation for published version: Berry, D 2008, Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). in F Cairns (ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . vol. 13, Francis Cairns Publications Ltd, pp. 297-313. Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Early version, also known as pre-print Published In: Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar Publisher Rights Statement: ©Berry, D. (2008). Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). In F. Cairns (Ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . (pp. 297-313). Francis Cairns Publications Ltd. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 29. Sep. 2021 LETTERS FROM AN ADVOCATE: Pliny’s ‘Vesuvius’ Narratives (Epp. 6.16, 6.20)* D.H. BERRY University of Edinburgh To us in the modern era, the most memorable letters of Pliny the Younger are Epp. 6.16 and 6.20, addressed to Cornelius Tacitus.
    [Show full text]
  • Herodian History of the Roman Empire Source 2: Aulus Gellius Attic
    insulae: how the masses lived Fires Romans Romans in f cus One of the greatest risks of living in the densely populated city of Rome, and particularly in insulae was that of fires. Fires broke out easily (due to people cooking on open flames), spread easily (due to buildings being constructed out of wood, and buildings being built so closely together) and were hard to control. Several times large parts of the city went up in flames. It was not unusual for imperial funds to make good losses of impoverished wealthy citizens in the wake of a fire. Source 1: Herodian History of the Roman Empire In this passage from Herodian riots have broken out in the city of Rome, and soldiers combatting civilians started setting fire to houses. The soldiers did, however, set fire to houses that had wooden balconies (and there were many of this type in the city). Because a great number of houses were made chiefly of wood, the fire spread very rapidly and without a break throughout most of the city. Many men who lost their vast and magnificent properties, valuable for the large incomes they produced and for their expensive decorations, were reduced from wealth to poverty. A great many people died in the fire, unable to escape because the exits had been blocked by the flames. All the property of the wealthy was looted when the criminal and worthless elements in the city joined with the soldiers in plundering. And the part of Rome destroyed by fire was greater in extent than the largest intact city in the empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Lucan's Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulf
    Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2014 Reading Committee: Catherine Connors, Chair Alain Gowing Stephen Hinds Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2014 Laura Zientek University of Washington Abstract Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Catherine Connors Department of Classics This dissertation is an analysis of the role of landscape and the natural world in Lucan’s Bellum Civile. I investigate digressions and excurses on mountains, rivers, and certain myths associated aetiologically with the land, and demonstrate how Stoic physics and cosmology – in particular the concepts of cosmic (dis)order, collapse, and conflagration – play a role in the way Lucan writes about the landscape in the context of a civil war poem. Building on previous analyses of the Bellum Civile that provide background on its literary context (Ahl, 1976), on Lucan’s poetic technique (Masters, 1992), and on landscape in Roman literature (Spencer, 2010), I approach Lucan’s depiction of the natural world by focusing on the mutual effect of humanity and landscape on each other. Thus, hardships posed by the land against characters like Caesar and Cato, gloomy and threatening atmospheres, and dangerous or unusual weather phenomena all have places in my study. I also explore how Lucan’s landscapes engage with the tropes of the locus amoenus or horridus (Schiesaro, 2006) and elements of the sublime (Day, 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • Architectural Encounters Between Idea and Material the 1547 Frontispiece of Walther Hermann Ryff
    ARCHITECTURAL ENCOUNTERS 179 Architectural Encounters between Idea and Material The 1547 Frontispiece of Walther Hermann Ryff PAUL EMMONS Virginia Tech The renaissance frontispiece is simultaneously an that presented through a combination of word and encounter between reader and author and inhabit- image the idea of its content^.^ Frontispieces thus ant and building. The idea of the book is personified are excellent visual sources to study the significance into an architectural image. Reader and author are of a text. Architects often drew frontispieces, not face-to-face even though the later is absent and the only for their own books, but also for many other book stands as a physical incarnation of the ideas subjects. The visual threshold of frontispiece for of the author. This paper will examine one notable renaissance architectural treatises was variously renaissance architectural frontispiece in Walther shown as an altar (Palladio), triumphal arch (Bar- Hermann Ryff's Architectur (1547) to reconsider the baro), curtain or veil (Bartoli), window (Vignola), relation between idea and material in architectural or pedimented entry (Scamozzi). theory and practice today. Frontispieces employed allegorical illustrations like The illustrated architectural frontispiece developed emblems. Emblems originated with the renaissance with the early printed book.' At this time, printers humanist attempt to create a modern equivalent only produced the pages and sold them tied in a to Egyptian hieroglyphs. With the rediscovery of bundle which was then taken to a separate leather Horapollo's Hieyroglyphica in the fifteenth century, worker for the book's cover. The cover represented it was thought that the esoteric picture language of the owner while the first page, the frontispiece, the Egyptians could be deciphered and numerous represented the interior of the book.
    [Show full text]
  • The Philosophic Life and Socratic Fatherhood in the Apology, the Crito, and the Phaedo
    Gib´on vol. IX (2011) pp. 35{50 c 2012 Ateneo de Naga University Regular Research Article ISSN 1655-7247 The Philosophic Life and Socratic Fatherhood in the Apology, the Crito, and the Phaedo Federico Jos´eT. Lagdameo Department of Philosophy Ateneo de Naga University Abstract Plato's depiction and defense of philosophy were linked to his de- piction and defense of Socrates' own life. Notably in the Early Dialogues which gave accounts of Socrates' trial and execution, Plato portrayed his mentor's life as the philosophic life which one ought to aspire for. Yet, Socrates' admission in the Apology and the Crito's reproof that the former had neglected his oikon or his household presented an image of Socrates that suggested that the paradigm of the philosophic life had been in fact remiss by being an absent father who failed to care for his own children. I indicate that this image of Socrates engendered questions and criticisms against the life devoted to philosophy, especially from those belonging to a family-centered cultural milieu such as the Philippines. I show that Socrates's fatherhood is one that prioritizes the care of the political community over that of his own family. Keywords: Plato, trial of Socrates, Early Dialogues, fatherhood, philo- sophic life From Plato we receive the notion that philosophy is not merely an activity, that it is not merely something that a man does. Philos- ophy is an ethos in which one's actions are derived ultimately from the soul's virtue. Philosophy, in other words, is a kind of life that is lived.
    [Show full text]