NOTES

Introduction 1. Elías Tormo, Las viejas series icónicas de los reyes de España (Madrid: Blass y Cía, 1916 [1917]), p. 191. 2. Isabel Beceiro Pita and Ricardo Córdoba de la Llave, Parentesco, poder y mentalidad: la nobleza castellana, siglos xii–xv (Madrid: CSIC, 1990), pp. 68–71; Heath Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest: Women in Castilian Town Society, 1100–1300 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 26–29. 3. See Bernard F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VI, 1065–1109 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), and The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VII, 1126–1157 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998). 4. Marion Facinger, “A Study of Medieval Queenship: Capetian France 987– 1237,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 5 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1968), pp. 3–47. See also Miriam Shadis, “Blanche of Castile and Marion Facinger’s ‘Medieval Queenship:’ Reassessing the Argument,” in Capetian Women, ed. Kathleen Nolan (New York: Palgrave, 2003), pp. 137–161. John Parsons showed a similar phenomenon for England, like Facinger linking the decline of the queen’s official power to Eleanor of Aquitaine’s queenship; John Carmi Parsons, Eleanor of Castile: Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), p. 72. 5. The oldest version of this story appears to be in Florián Ocampo’s sixteenth- century edition of the Primera crónica general, the Crónica ocampiana. [Full title: Las quatro partes enteras dela Cronica de Espana, que mando componer el serenissimo rey don Alonso llamado el Sabio . . . ] ed. Florián Ocampo (Zamora: 1541), pt. 4, folio 390r. 6. Urraca was an early patron of the Franciscans in Portugal, especially sponsoring a group of missionaries martyred in Morocco. Luke Wadding, Annales Minorum seu Trium Ordinem A.S. Francisco Institutorum T. 1: (1208–1220), ed. Joseph María Fonseca de Evora (Florence: Quarrachi, 1931), pp. 393–94. See also Atanasio López, La provincia de España de los frailes menores (Santiago: El Eco Francisco, 1915), pp. 47–48 and 52–53; Frederico Francisco de la Figanière, Memorias das rainhas de Portugal 178 NOTES

(Lisbon: Typographia Universal, 1859), Appendix 5, pp. 235–38; and Andrés Ivars, “Los mártires de Marreucos de 1220 en la literatura hispano- lusitana,” Archivo Ibero-Americano 14 (1920): 344–81. 7. A critical edition of Afonso’s testament is published in Ivo Castro et alia, Curso da história da língua portuguesa (Lisbon: Universidade Aberta, 1991), pp. 197–202. See also de la Figanière, Memorias das rainhas, pp. 71–81 and Appendices 5 and 6, pp. 235–42. 8. Leonor was approximately twenty to Jaume’s thirteen when they mar- ried. In 1228, Alfonso was born; in 1229 Leonor returned to Castile. Gerónimo Zurita y Castro, Anales de la corona de Aragón ed. Antonio Ubieto Arteta and María Desamparados Pérez Soler, 3 vols. (Valencia: Editorial Anubar, 1967), v. 3, pt. 1, p. 51. For Jaume’s perspective, see The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon; A Translation of the Medieval Catalan Llibre dels Fets, trans. Damian Smith and Helena Buffery (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), ch. 18–24, pp. 33–41, and ch. 140, pp. 146–47. See also Zurita, Anales 3: pp. 18–19 and 68. 9. Andrea Gayoso, “The Lady of Las Huelgas: A Royal Abbey and Its Patronage,” Cîteaux: commentarii cistercienses 51.1–2 (2000): 91–116; Miriam Shadis, “Piety, Politics and Power: The Patronage of Leonor of England and Her Daughters Berenguela of León and Blanche of Castile,” in The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. June Hall McCash (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1996), pp. 202–27. 10. Facinger, “Medieval Queenship,” p. 3. See also the work of Theresa Earenfight, especially “Absent Kings: Queens as Political Partners in the Medieval Crown of Aragon,” in Queenship and Political Power in Medieval and Early Modern Spain, ed. Theresa Earenfight (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 33–51. 11. For example, Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith: Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997); Bonnie Wheeler and John Carmi Parsons eds., Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady (New York: Palgrave, 2002); and Parsons, Eleanor of Castile. The historiography of English queenship has usefully challenged periodiza- tion and the master narrative, as well as the interrogated sources and para- digms such as “public and private.” See Kimberly A. LoPrete, “Historical Ironies in the Study of Capetian Women,” in Capetian Women, pp. 276–80 [271–86]. 12. John Carmi Parsons “Family, Sex, and Power: The Rhythms of Medieval Queenship,” in Medieval Queenship ed. John Carmi Parsons (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993), pp. 1–2 [1–12]; LoPrete, “Historical Ironies,” in Capetian Women, pp. 272–73. 13. For example, the tenth-century Leonese princess Elvira, and Sancha, sister of Alfonso VII. See Lucy K. Pick, “Dominissima, prudentissima: Elvira, First Queen-Regent of León,” in Religion, Text and Society in Medieval Spain and Northern Europe: Essays in Honor of J. N. Hillgarth, ed. Thomas E. Burnham et alia (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2002), pp. 38–69; Roger Collins, “Queens-Dowager and Queens-Regent in NOTES 179

Tenth-Century León and Navarre,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 79–82 [79–92]; Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 139–41; Luisa García Calles, Doña Sancha, hermana del emperador (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 1972). 14. See, however, the essays in Queenship and Political Power, ed. Earenfight, as well as the studies mentioned below. 15. Bernard F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under Queen Urraca, 1109– 1126 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Therese Martin, Queen as King: Politics and Architectural Propaganda in Twelfth-Century Spain (Leiden: Brill, 2006); Barbara F. Weissberger, Isabel Rules: Constructing Queenship, Wielding Power (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004); Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press, 2004); Theresa M. Vann, “The Theory and Practice of Medieval Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents, Potentates, ed. T. M. Vann (Dallas: Academia Press, 1993), pp. 125–47. 16. Núria Silleras-Fernández, Power, Piety, and Patronage in Late Medieval Queenship: Maria de Luna (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); pp. 41–50; Earenfight, “Maria of Castile, Ruler or Figurehead: A Preliminary Study in Aragonese Queenship,” Mediterranean Studies 4 (1994): 45–61; also Theresa Earenfight, The King’s Other Body: María of Castile and the Crown of Aragon (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). 17. As an example of the theoretical potential of this material, see Earenfight, “Without the Persona of the Prince: Kings, Queens, and the Idea of Monarchy in Late Medieval Europe,” Gender and History 19 (2007): 1–21. 18. Antonio Lupián Zapata, Epitome de la vida y muerte de la Reyna Doña Berenguela, primogenita del rey D. Alonso el Noble (Madrid: 1665); Enrique Flórez, Memorias de las reinas católicas de España, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (1761, repr. Madrid: Aguilar, 1959); Fray Valentín de la Cruz, Berenguela la grande; Enrique I el chico (1179–1246) (Gijón: Ediciones Trea, 2006); “Berenguela la Grande: una mujer excepcional,” in Vicenta Márquez de la Plata and Luis Valero de Bernabé, Reinas medievales españolas (Madrid: Alderabán Ediciones, 2000), pp. 163–81; Georges Martin, “Berenguela de Castilla (1214–1246): en el espejo de la historiografía de su época,” in Historia de las mujeres en España y América Latina, ed. Isabel Morant (Madrid: Cátedra, 2005), pp. 569–96; Martin, “Négociation et diplomatie dans la vie de Bérengère de Castille (1214–1246). La part du facteur générique,” e-Spania: Revue interdisciplinaire d’études hispaniques médiévales 4 (December 2007; online March 2008). URL: http://e-spania.revues.org/index562. html; Accessed October 31, 2008. 19. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, “Origin and Development of Archival Record- Keeping in the Crown of Castile-León” in Discovery in the Archives of Spain and Portugal: Quincentenary Essays, 1492–1992, ed. Lawrence J. McCrank (New York: Haworth Press, 1993), pp. 3–18. 20. Emma Falque Rey, “Introducción,” Lucae Tudensis, Chronicon mundi, ed. Emma Falque Rey (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003) Corpus Christianorum. 180 NOTES

Continuatio Medievalis v. 74. T. 1, pp. vii–viii; Peter Linehan, “Dates and Doubts about don Lucas,” CLCHM 24 (2001): 205 [201–17]. 21. Rey, “Introducción,” CM, pp. xviii–xxi; Bernard F. Reilly, “Bishop Lucas of Túy and the Latin Chronicle Tradition in Iberia,” The Catholic Historical Review 93:1 (October 2007): 768 [767–88]. 22. CM, praefatio, p. 4. 23. Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 771–72. 24. For Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, see Lucy K. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence: Archbishop Rodrigo and the Muslims and Jews of Medieval Spain (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), especially chapter two, “Conquest and Settlement,” pp. 21–70. See also the numerous works of Peter Linehan, cited throughout. 25. Peter Linehan, “On Further Thought: Lucas of Tuy, Rodrigo of Toledo and the Alfonsine Histories,” in The Processes of Politics and the Rule of Law: Studies on the Iberian Kingdoms and Papal Rome in the Middle Ages, ed. Peter Linehan (Variorum Collected Studies Series) (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), p. 417 [415–36]; Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 769. 26. Linehan, “On Further Thought,” p. 427; see also Peter Linehan, History and the Historians of Medieval Spain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), pp. 298–99; Peter Linehan, “Don Juan de Soria: Unas Apostillas,” in Fernando III y su tiempo (1201–1252), ed. José Manuel Nieto Soria (León: Fundación Sánchez-Albornoz, 2001), pp. 375–93; Francisco Javier Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III y la casa real de Francia. Documentos, crónicas, monumentos,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 103–55. 27. Chronica latina regum Castellae, in Chronica hispana saeculi xiii, ed. Luis Charlo Brea et alia, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis 73 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997); The Latin Chronicle of the Kings of Castile, English trans. Joseph F. O’Callaghan (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2002), pp. xxviii–xxx. 28. Derek Lomax, “The Authorship of the Chronique Latine des Rois des Castille,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 40 (1963): 205–11; O’Callaghan, Latin Chronicle, pp. xxxiii–xxxv. 29. O’Callaghan, Latin Chronicle, pp. xxxiii and xxxvi. 30. Alfonso X, Primera crónica general de España que mandó componer Alfonso el Sabio y se continuaba bajo Sancho IV en 1289, ed. Ramon Menéndez Pidal (Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1955), 2 vols. 31. Linehan, History and Historians; Linehan, “Unas Apostillas,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 375–93; Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 115. 32. William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). 33. Reilly critiques these trends in “Bishop Lucas.” 34. Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, p. 589. 35. The field of study of medieval motherhood, both as an experience and as a religio-cultural construct was inaugurated by Clarissa W. Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell NOTES 181

University Press, 1991); this work was quickly followed by a series of more specialized studies appearing in collections such as Sanctity and Motherhood: Essays on Holy Mothers in the Middle Ages, ed. Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker (New York: Garland, 1995); and Medieval Mothering, ed. John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Garland, 1996). 36. Carlos Estepa Díez, “Curia y Cortes en el Reino de León,” in Las Cortes de Castilla y León en la Edad Media 1, ed. Carlos Estepa Díez (Valladolid: Cortes de Castilla y León, 1988), pp. 23–103; Joseph F. O’Callaghan, The Cortes of Castile-León, 1188–1350 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), p. 15. For the effect of these developments on women, see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest. 37. Esther Pascua Echegaray, Guerra y pacto en el siglo XII: la consolidación de una sistema de reinos en Europa occidental (Madrid: CSIC, 1996), pp. 288–317; Ana Rodríguez López, La Consolidación territorial de la monarquía feudal castellana: expansion y fronteras durante el reinado de Fernando III (Madrid: CSIC, 1994), pp. 137–39, 197–98, 313–22. 38. The famous polemical debate between the twentieth-century histo- rians Claudio Sánchez Albornoz and Américo Castro over the funda- mental characteristics of medieval Spain drew scholarly attention to the explanatory power of convivencia, problematizing especially its potentially static view of medieval Spanish culture. For recent discussions of the meaning and use of the term, see the work of Lucy Pick, Thomas Glick, Jerrilynn Dodds, and María Judith Feliciano, cited throughout, espe- cially in Chapter Six. See also David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), p. 9. Brian Catlos challenges the usefulness of the term, arguing instead for the idea of “convenience” to understand the relations between Christians and Muslims in the Crown of Aragon, but his argu- ment is based on the very particular economic and social relations that existed in the Ebro valley. Brian A. Catlos, “Contexto y Conveniencia en la Corona de Aragón: Propuesta de un modelo de interacción entre grupos etno-religiosos minoritarios y mayoritarios,” Revista d’Història Medieval 12 (2001–2002): 259–68. 39. Penelope D. Johnson, Prayer, Patronage and Power: The Abbey of La Trinité, Vendôme, 1032–1187 (New York: New York University Press, 1981), pp. 11–13; Erin L. Jordan, Women, Power, and Religious Patronage in the Middle Ages (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 61–84, articulates very well the clear link between religious patronage and secular power, as does Silleras-Fernández, Power, Piety, and Patronage, pp. 115–37. 40. Gabrielle M. Spiegel, “Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative,” History and Theory 22.1 (Feb., 1983): 43–53; “History, Historicism, and the Social Logic of the Text,” Speculum 65.1 (Jan., 1990): 59–86. 41. Crónica Ocampiana, pt. 4, fol. 387v; La Traducción gallega de la crónica gen- eral y de la crónica de Castilla, ed. Ramón Lorenzo (Orense: Instituto de Estudos Orensanos Padre Feijóo, 1975), 2 vols., v. 1: ch. 502, p. 732; Lupián 182 NOTES

Zapata, Epitome de la vida y muerte de la Reyna Doña Berenguela, pp. 33–47; Juan de Mariana, Historia de España in Obras del Padre Juan de Mariana, 2 vols. (Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1950), v. 1, pp. 350–51; The French scholar Le Nain de Tillemont also claimed Blanche’s seniority; see Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 113. 42. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957). See also, Theresa Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power, pp. xiv–xv, [xi–xvii], citing Kantorowicz. 43. This was not a given. For Queen Urraca, and her sexual conduct while an unmarried queen, see Reilly, Queen Urraca, especially pp. 46–47. 44. Lois L. Huneycutt, “The Creation of a Crone: The Historical Reputation of Adelaide of Maurienne,” in Capetian Women, p. 30 [27–44], citing Achille Luchaire, Histoire des institutions monarchiques de la France sous les premiers Capétiens, 987–1183, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (1891 repr. Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1964), v.1, pp. 133–34 and 183–85, and Andrew W. Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies in Familial Order and the State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 21, 43, and 54–55. 45. Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power, pp. xiv, xv, and xvii. 46. Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, p. 588. 47. CM, praefatio, p. 4. 48. DRH 9.5, pp. 295–86. 49. Alfonso IX 1, p. 92; Élie Berger, Histoire de Blanche de Castille, reine de France (Paris: Thorin et fils, 1895), pp. 30–31. 50. Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1, pp. 449–50. 51. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 142–46. 52. Louis IX, Gesta Sancti Ludovici Noni, auctore monacho sancti Dionysii anon- ymo, RHF 20, p. 46. 53. Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, p. 589. 54. Sordello, “Lament for Lord Blacatz,” The Poetry of Sordello, ed. and trans. James J. Wilhelm (New York: Garland, 1987), p. 109. Sordello’s reference to Louis’s loss of Castile is fascinating, but inexplicable; perhaps, he was vaguely aware of the nobles who approached Blanche and her husband Louis about the Castilian throne. See Chapter Four. 55. Sordello, “The Instruction in Honor,” The Poetry of Sordello, trans. Wilhelm, p. 203. 56. CM 93, p. 332. 57. DRH 9.17, p. 300. 58. Weissberger, Isabel Rules, especially Chapter One, “Anxious Masculinity,” pp. 1–27. 59. Ana Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política en Castilla en los siglos XII y XIII. Algunas consideraciones sobre el relato de las crónicas Latinas castellano-leonesas,” Annexes CLCHM 16 (2004): 21–41. 60. Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France, trans. Lionel Butler and R. J. Adam (London: Macmillan, 1960), p. 28; see also Jordan, Women, NOTES 183

Power, and Religious Patronage for a discussion on the relationship between perceptions of women’s power as potentially real but always anomalous, pp. 33–34.

1 Mothering Queenship: Leonor of England, Queen of Castile 1161–1214 1. Queens who did not become mothers might be forced to overcome that deficit by refiguring their rhetorical position vis-à-vis the king. Thus, Queen Edith, wife of Edward the Confessor, recast herself as a chaste daughter-figure to the saintly king, “glossing over a barren union.” Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith, p. 47. Much later, María of Castile, queen of Aragón, was neither a mother nor a regular sexual partner nor a fictive daughter to her husband Alfonso V of Aragón. María could refer to a powerful extended family, and the particular institution of the queens-lieutenant of Aragón to secure her political role. Earenfight, “Absent Kings” in Queenship and Political Power, pp. 40–47, and Earenfight, “Without the Persona of the Prince,” 4–6. 2. Robert de Torigny, Chronica, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I, ed. Richard Howlett, 4 vols. (1882, repr. Weisbaden: Kraus Reprint, 1964), v. 4, p. 303. See also Miriam Shadis and Constance Hoffman Berman, “A Taste of the Feast: Reconsidering Eleanor of Aquitaine’s Female Descendents,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 182–85 [177–211]. 3. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 185, 787–89, and 793; Joseph F. O’Callaghan, History of Medieval Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975), pp. 235–39. 4. W. L. Warren, Henry II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), p. 223. 5. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, pp. 128–29. 6. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 188–90; Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1, p. 504; Robert de Torigny, Chronica, p. 247. 7. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 192b provides a photograph and transcript of this char- ter of arras. 8. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 148. 9. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 47–51. Castilians (and the Leonese) were slower to adopt the changes described by Diane Owen Hughes for the rest of the Mediterranean, although the reasons why—possibly a longer retention of partible inheritance—remain unclear. “From Brideprice to Dowry in Mediterranean Europe,” Journal of Family History 3:3 (1978): 262–96. 10. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 27, 47, and 69; Simon Barton, The Aristocracy in Twelfth-century León and Castile (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 54–55. 11. Blanche’s dowry came from her uncle John of England as part of his settlement with Philip Augustus in the Treaty of Le Goulet. Although 184 NOTES

Urraca was likely dowered by her husband, Afonso of Portugal, no arras agreement exists for her. 12. Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, ed. Ambrosio Huici Miranda and María Desamparados Cabanes Pecourt, 5 vols. (Valencia: Anubar, 1976), v. 1: no. 27; see also Jesús Lalinde Abadia, “Los pactos matrimoniales cata- lanes,” Anuario de historia del derecho español 33 (1963): 188–91 [133–266]. 13. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 48. 14. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 192b. 15. Alfonso X, Fuero real, ed. Azucena Palacios Alcaine (Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 1991), p. 65; see also Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 69–70, and Barton, Aristocracy, p. 71. 16. Alfonso X, Las siete partidas, trans. Samuel Parsons Scott, ed. Robert I. Burns, S. J., 5 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 4.11.7, pp. 933–34. Although Alfonso X described the theory and practice of dowry, he noted that it “rarely happens because women are naturally greedy and avaricious.” Partidas 4.11.3, p. 932. A more logical explanation would be that even by Alfonso’s day, legal custom still fol- lowed the old ways. 17. Alfonso VIII 3: no 769. 18. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 278; see also Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 802–3; Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 37–38, 45, and 206. 19. In 1188, Leonor was recognized as “Lady of Peñafiel.” Documentación del monasterio de Las Huelgas de Burgos, ed. José Manuel Lizoain Garrido, 10 vols. (Burgos: Ediciones Garrido y Garrido, 1985), v. 1 (1116–1230): no. 18. 20. Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, Benedicti Abbatis: The chronicle of the reigns of Henry II and Richard I A.D. 1169–1192; known commonly under the name of Benedict of Peterborough, ed. William Stubbs, 2 vols. (1867, repr. Wiesbaden: Kraus Reprint, 1965), v. 1, p. 139; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 279. 21. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 277 and 278. 22. Gesta Henrici II, p. 144; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 810–11. 23. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 279. 24. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 834–35; CL 14, p. 48. 25. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, p. 301. González points to a rumor of Alfonso’s interest in Gascony as early as the reign of Richard I (1188–98), supplied by the poet Bertran de Born. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 866; “Miei Sirventes Vuolh Far Dels Reis Amdos” in Los Trovadores: historia literaria y textos, ed. Martín de Riquer, 3 vols. (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1975), v. 2: no. 138, pp. 734–36. Although the date is uncertain, the sirventes surely indicates anxiety about Castilian intervention in France. 26. CL 17, p. 51; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 319–20. 27. CL 17, p. 52. 28. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 1030; see also no. 765. 29. Foedera: conventiones, litterae, ed. Thomas Rymer, 3 vols. (London: Record Commission, 1816–1830), v. 1, pt. 1, p. 94. 30. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 195, n191. NOTES 185

31. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 674. No contemporary charter or chronicle evidence attests to Mafalda’s life, although she appears in La traducción gallega, v. 1, ch. 503, p. 733. The only other evidence for her is a very late, possi- bly postmedieval tomb inscription in the “old” cathedral of Salamanca, asserting that Mafalda died in 1204 “as yet unmarried” [finó por casar en Salamanca el año de 1204]. 32. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 373. 33. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 373, 374, 377–82, 386–90, 399, 419, 442, 472, 499, 520, 522, 524–31, and 533–36. Charter no. 537, dated December 1189, notes Alfonso ruling with his son Fernando, signaling the infante’s birth. 34. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 373, 374, 377–82. 35. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 520, 522, 524–31, 533–36. 36. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 367. 37. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 549; Francisco Simón y Nieto, “La nodriza de doña Blanca de Castilla,” Bulletin Hispanique 5 (1903): 5–8. 38. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 530. 39. Alfonso VIII 3, p. 865. 40. For contemporary discussions of the benefits of mothers’ milk, see William F. MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger: High Medieval Medicine and the Problem(s) of the Child,” in Medieval Mothering, pp. 3–24, and Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation, pp. 59–61. 41. For example, Documentación del monasterio de San Juan de Burgos, 1091– 1400, ed. F. Javier Peña Pérez (Burgos: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido, 1983): no. 49. 42. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 165, 168, 248, and 249. 43. See Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 5, 7–15, 17–19, and 21–23; and Reilly, Alfonso VII, “Annotated Guide to Documents,” nos. 817, 821, 837, 842, 881, 883–84, and 892–93. 44. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 76–77. 45. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 324. 46. Simon R. Doubleday, The Lara Family: Crown and Nobility in Medieval Spain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), pp. 38–43; Barton, Aristocracy, Appendix 3: no. 17. 47. Felipe-Gil Peces Rata, Paleografía y epigrafía en la catedral de Sigüenza (Sigüenza: Gráficas Carpintero, 1988), p. 51; also Charles Rudy, The Cathedrals of Northern Spain (Boston: L.C. Page, 1905), p. 338. 48. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 307. 49. Julio González, Regesta de Fernando II (Madrid: CSIC, 1943): no. 37, and pp. 129–30, 457, and 460–66. 50. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 355. 51. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, pp. 134–35. 52. In 1175 the English brothers Richard and Randulph, canons at the cathe- dral of Salamanca founded a church there dedicated to Becket. Pablo Núñez Paz et alia, Salamanca. Guía de arquitectura (León: Colegio Oficial 186 NOTES

de Arquitectos de León, 2002), p. 89. See also Documentos de los archivos catedralicio y diocesano de Salamanca, siglos xii–xiii, ed. José Luis Martin et alia (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1977): no. 74. Other early examples of the Becket cult include a cathedral chapel in Burgos endowed around 1202, and a church in Toro, by 1206. Tancred Borenius, St. Thomas Becket in Art (1932; Reprint Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1970), pp. 48–51; See Documentación de la catedral de Burgos, 1184–1222, José Manuel Garrido Garrido, ed. 4 vols. (Burgos: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido, 1983), v. 2: no. 363. 53. Angel González Palencia, Los mozarabes de Toledo en los siglos xii y xiii, 3 vols. (Madrid: Instituto de Valencia de don Juan, 1926–28), v. 1: no. 326; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 215; Alfonso VIII 3: no. 797. 54. The Great Roll of the Pipe, ed. Pipe Roll Society (1955, repr. Nendeln, Kraus Reprints, 1974), v. 25, p. 47; v. 26, p. 89; v. 27, p. 49; v. 28, p. 61; and v. 29, p. 81; also vols. 30, 34, 36, and 37; Alan B. Cobban, The Medieval English Universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c. 1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 29–30 and 33; H. G. Richardson, “The Schools of Northampton in the Twelfth Century,” English Historical Review 55 (1941): 597 [595–605]. 55. See Chapter Two, n7. 56. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769. Italics added. 57. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769. 58. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769; Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 100. 59. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 824. 60. Compare Rose Walker’s argument that Alfonso VIII was primarily respon- sible for the foundation of Las Huelgas, inspired by the old Castilian- Leonese institution of the infantado—lands set aside for royal women who were dedicated to God. “Leonor of England, Plantagenet queen of King Alfonso VIII of Castile, and her foundation of the Cistercian abbey of Las Huelgas. In imitation of Fontevraud?” Journal of Medieval History 31 (2005): 346–68. 61. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 551; see also Shadis, “Piety, Politics, and Power,” in Cultural Patronage, pp. 203–4. 62. Las Huelgas 1: no. 12; DRH 7.33, p. 255; PCG 1006, p. 685. 63. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 894. 64. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 923. 65. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 843. 66. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 885 and 887; See also Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 886, 917, and 923. 67. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 885 and 886. 68. For example, Alfonso VIII 3: no. 887. 69. Notably those recorded in the Libro Tumbo in the Archivo del Palacio Real, Documentación del Hospital del Rey de Burgos, 1136–1277, ed. María del Carmen Palacín Gálvez and Luis Martínez García (Burgos: J. M. Garrido Garrido, 1990): nos. 30 and 31. 70. Hospital del Rey: nos. 38–43. NOTES 187

71. Hospital del Rey: no. 44. 72. Hospital del Rey: nos. 60, 61, and 64. 73. In 1232 the abbess of Las Huelgas, who administered the hospital, requested confirmation of a real estate transaction from Fernando and Berenguela, and asked that they seal the charter; Hospital del Rey: no. 155. In 1240 Berenguela confirmed a private sale to the Hospital; Hospital del Rey: no. 217. 74. DRH 7.34, p. 256; CM 4.84, p. 324. González acknowledged without com- ment that one charter calls the hospital “de la reina Leonor.” Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 610–11. Amancio Rodríguez López criticized the assumptions of earlier historians, but supposed that it was logical that Alfonso VIII was the hospital’s founder, nonetheless. El real monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos y el hospital del Rey (Burgos: Librería del Centro Católico, 1907), pp. 79–84. 75. Earenfight, “Partners in Politics,” in Queenship and Political Power, p. xvii on the inequalities inherent in monarchy. 76. Along with an alférez (standard bearer) and aguacil (a judicial official), Salazar y Acha asserts we are unlikely to see a chancellor among the queen’s staff, although Leonor did have one, as did Berenguela. Jaime de Salazar y Acha, La casa del rey de Castilla y León en la edad media (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2000), p. 56. 77. Salazar y Acha, Casa del rey, p. 183; Luciano Serrano, El mayordomo mayor de Doña Berenguela (Madrid: Tipografía de Archivos, 1933). 78. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 333. 79. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 197. 80. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 314; Alfonso VIII 1, p. 254. 81. Las Huelgas 1: nos. 8, 17, 18, 43, 50, 77, 85–87, 89, and 91. Las Huelgas nos. 53, 56, 66, and 71 were all confirmed by “Guillelmus et Martinus de la Regina.” González believed these were references to the queen’s men. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 256. Another of Leonor’s followers included Álvaro Rodríguez, Alfonso VIII 2: no. 412. 82. Cf. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, p. 136. In 1202 charter from Toledo mentioned Aparicio, the queen’s “man,” probably her official agent, possibly her chamberlain. In 1203, Aparicio represented Leonor in purchasing a house in Toledo. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 721; González Palencia, Mozarabes de Toledo, pp. 267–68. 83. Shadis and Berman, “A Taste of the Feast,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 182–84. 84. Partidas 2.6.1, p. 299. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, pp. 125–26, and p. 146. But see also Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, pp. 9–10, and n12. 85. Brigitte Bedos Rezak, “Women, Seals, and Power in Medieval France, 1150–1350,” in Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski, eds. Women and Power in the Middle Ages (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1988), pp. 61–82. 86. ACT A. 2.G.1.5; Los cartularios de Toledo, ed. Francisco J. Hernández (Madrid: Fundación Ramon Areces, 1985): no. 186; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 542; 188 NOTES

Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “Eleanor of Aquitaine Reconsidered: The Woman and Her Seasons,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 20–27 [1–54]. Certain elements of Leonor’s seal—the full female figure holding the fleur-de-lis are found in many queens’ seals. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 64. 87. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 77. 88. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 76 (on hunting birds); Brown, “Eleanor of Aquitaine Reconsidered,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 23–24 (on the dove). 89. Jesús María Muñoz y Rivero, “Signo Rodado en los documentos reales anteriores a don Alfonso el Sabio,” Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos 2 (1872): 189–90, 222–25 and 270–74; ACT A. 2.G.1.5; Hernández, Los Cartularios: no. 186; Alfonso VIII 2: no. 542. 90. Muñoz, “Signo Rodado,” 274. 91. Medieval authorities on rhetoric, contemporary with Leonor, specified that beautiful hands with smooth skin and long white fingers were ele- ments of feminine beauty. “Furthermore,” wrote Matthew of Vendôme, “in praising women, one should stress their physical beauty. This is not the proper way to praise a man.” Art of Versification, trans. Aubrey E. Galyan (Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1980), p. 43. Kim M. Phillips, “The Medieval Beauty Myth: An Aesthetics of Virginity,” Medieval Life 5 (Summer, 1996): 10–13. 92. For example, in the Primera crónica general, the queen spurred the construc- tion of Las Huelgas “por los muchos ruegos”—by many requests: PCG 1006, p. 685. In another instance she agreed with the nobility to inter- cede with her husband over the war in León, but her words of agreement or intervention are not recorded; PCG 1004, pp. 682–83. 93. “Un Sirventes Ai En Cor a Bastir,” Riquer, Los trovadores 1: no. 96, pp. 539–40. 94. Manuel Mila y Fontanels, Obras de Manuel Mila y Fontanels, ed. C. Martínez and F. R. Manrique, 2 vols. (Barcelona: CSIC, 1966), De los trovadores en España, v. 2, p. 112; Walter T. Pattison, “The Background of Peire D’Alvernhe’s Chantarai d’aquest Trobadors,” Modern Philology 31(1933): 19–34. 95. Mila y Fontanels, Los trovadores, v. 2, p. 126; see also Castigos para celosos, consejos para juglares, trans. Jesús D. Rodríguez Velasco (Madrid: Gredos, 1999), p. 94. 96. Rodríguez Velasco, Castigos para celosos, p. 94, n5. 97. On the political and moral legitimizing message of the ciclatón, or ciclatun, “a heavy fabric made of silk and precious metals, either gold or silver,” of probably Andalusí manufacture, see María Judith Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds for Christian Kings? A Reassessment of Andalusi Textiles in Thirteenth-century Castilian Life and Ritual,” in Under the Influence: Questioning the Comparative in Medieval Castile, ed. Cynthia Robinson and Leyla Rouhi (Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 127–31 [101–31]. 98. Rodríguez Velasco, Castigos para celosos, p. 90; also Carlos Alvar, ed. La poesía trovadoresca en España y Portugal (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1977), pp. 70–74. NOTES 189

99. María Jesús Gómez Barcena, La escultura gótica funeraria en Burgos (Burgos: Diputación Provincial, 1988), pp. 194–96. 100. PCG 1024, p. 708. 101. Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 43, citing Philippe Mousket, verse 27145; Chronique rimée de Philippe Mouskes, ed. Baron de Reiffenberg, 2 vols. (Brussels: M. Hayez, 1838), v. 2, p. 548. 102. Sancho IV, Castigos e documentos para bien vivir, ed. Agapito Rey (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1952), p. 133. 103. In the early twentieth century, Fidel Fita showed the relationship of the story to the legends surrounding Rosamund Clifford, the real-life mistress of Henry II, and suggested the introduction of such a nar- rative in Castile through troubadour poetry. In the Castilian version, Leonor took Eleanor of Aquitaine’s place as the betrayed wife. Fidel Fita, “Elogio de la reina de Castilla y esposa de Alfonso VIII, doña Leonor de Inglaterra,” BRAH 53.4 (1908): 418–25 [411–30]. See also Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 26–49; and Pilar León Tello, Judios de Toledo, 2 vols. (Madrid: CSIC, 1979), v. 1, pp. 40–42. 104. David Nirenberg, “Deviant Politics and Jewish Love: Alfonso VIII and the Jewess of Toledo,” Jewish History (2007): 21 [15–41]. 105. For example, the work of Lope de Vega ( Jerusalén conquistada [1609] or Las paces de los reyes y judía de Toledo [1617]). In the twentieth cen- tury, a more sympathetic version of the tale was told by the German- Jewish novelist Lion Feuchtwanger. In Raquel: The Jewess of Toledo, Feuchtwanger builds on the themes of Raquel’s beauty and intelligence, and Alfonso’s compulsion: Leonor is cast as a villainess, inspired to cold- heartedness by her mother, Eleanor. Lion Feuchtwanger, Raquel: The Jewess of Toledo, trans. Ernst Kaiser and Eithne Wilkins (New York: Julian Messner, 1956) [German title: Die Jüdin von Toledo: Roman ]. 106. Crónica ocampiana, pt. 4, fol. 387v. “E demas matol los fijos varones e houo el regno el rey don Fernando, su nieto, fijo de su fija.” Sancho IV, Castigos, p. 133. See also Traducción gallega, 1: 491, p. 717; Nirenberg, “Deviant Politics,” p. 34, nn4, 5.

2 Documenting Authority: Marriage Agreements and the Making of a Queen 1. Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith, p. 60. 2. The Treaty of Le Goulet, which described Blanche’s dowry in France, provides a comparison in both form and content, standing out as a for- mal treaty. Layettes du tresór des chartres, ed. Alexandre Teulet et alia, 5 vols. (1863–1909, Reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1977)1: no. 578. The designation of the Treaty of Seligenstadt (Berenguela and Conrad’s marriage agreement) as a treaty is historiographical: the purpose of the document was to contract a marriage; it made no other political arrangement between Frederick I and Alfonso VIII. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499. 190 NOTES

3. Infante Fernando was twenty-one years old when he died, and only one attempt to find a bride for him is known. His parents sought to betroth him to a Danish princess, who rejected the marriage in favor of the cloister. See M-H. Vicaire, Saint Dominic and His Times, trans. Kathleen Pond (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964), pp. 46–48 and 53–55; Jordan of Saxony, On the Beginnings of the Order of Preachers, ed. and trans., Simon Tugwell, O. P. (Dublin: Dominican Publishers, 1982), ch. 2, pp. 4–5. 4. John Carmi Parsons, “Mothers, Daughters, Marriage, Power: Some Plantagenet Evidence, 1150–1500,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 66–68 [63–78]. 5. Conrad was the fifth son of Frederick Barbarossa and Beatrice of Burgundy, and approximately seventeen years old in 1187. In 1191, he became Duke of Swabia and died in 1196. The Chronicle of Otto of St. Blaise paints a picture of an uncouth and easily led young man. Die Chronik Ottos von St. Blasien und die Marbarcher Annalen, ed. and German trans. Franz-Josef Schmale (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1998). The Iberian chroniclers do not say much about him. The one modern com- mentator on this marriage says only that Conrad met an evil end, f ittingly in the arms of a woman he tried to ravish. Peter Rassow, Der prinzegemahl: ein pactum matrimoniale aus dem jahre 1188 (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1950), pp. 84–85. 6. Evelyn S. Procter, Curia and Cortes in León and Castile, 1072–1295 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 77; Joseph F. O’C a l l a g h a n , “ T he B e g i n n i n g s of t he C or t e s of L e ón - C a s t i le ,” American Historical Review 74.5 (June 1969): 1512–13 [1503–1537]; O’Callaghan, Cortes of Castile-León, pp. 16–18; Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 467–71. These meet- ings also had a significant impact on the alliance system throughout Iberia. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 292–93. 7. Gonzalo Martínez Díez, “Curia y cortes en el reino de Castilla,” in Estepa Díez, Curia y Cortes, pp. 140–42. O’Callaghan believes that despite the dating of the contract in Germany, “it obviously was prepared at San Esteban in 1187.” O’Callaghan, “Beginnings of the Cortes,” 1512–13. However, the form of the document differs from typical Castilian char- ters; the possibility of its preparation in Germany should not be dismissed. Peter Rassow, in his study of the charter, points out the ambiguity inher- ent in the very form of the charter and leans toward preparation in Germany. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 14–15. The nobility of Castile still may have confirmed the agreement, however: cortes were often called to ratify marriages. 8. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 471. 9. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 467–71. 10. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 35–51; O’Callaghan, Cortes of Castile-León, p. 16. 11. CL 11, p. 44; PCG 997, p. 677; See also DRH 7.24, p. 246. Even earlier, Alfonso VIII recorded Alfonso IX’s obeisance in royal charters for some time, dating his charters from the time of the cortes when he knighted Alfonso. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 505. This continued through 1190, when NOTES 191

sometime after October 14, 1190 the formula ceased to be used (along with mention of Berenguela’s betrothal to Conrad). Alfonso VIII 2: no. 560. 12. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 706; for the 1158 treaty between Fernando II and Sancho III, see González, Fernando II: no. 1, pp. 241–43; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, p. 291. 13. Teofilo Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy: The Kings of Castile in the Late Middle Ages,” in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual and Politics in the Middle Ages, ed. Sean Wilentz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), p. 125 [109–144]. See also Linehan, History and the Historians, p. 595. 14. CL 11, p. 43. Thirty-two years later, González notes, a charter referred to this curia as one in which “the king of Castile handed over his daugh- ter in marriage to the king of León” [A tempore curie que fuit Carrione, quando rex Castelle tradidit filiam suam nupti regi Legionis]. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 706–707, n19. A charter given by Alfonso IX in 1188 places him at San Zoilo of Carrión as well: See Alfonso IX 2: no. 10 (1188 June 27, Carrión); Julio A. Pérez Celada, Documentación del monasterio de San Zoilo de Carrión, 1047–1300 (Palencia: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido, 1986), v. 1: no. 60. Although it gives the precise date and location the char- ter does not mention Alfonso’s reasons for being in Carrión. Alfonso was accompanied by the archbishop of Compostela and bishops of León, Oviedo, and Salamanca, as well as at least four major nobles of his realm, who all confirmed the charter. The chancery of the Castilian king is silent about this matter, González supposes, because it consisted of cler- ics who would have been opposed to a canonically forbidden marriage. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 706–7. On the other hand, as Lomax pointed out, Juan of Osma’s distaste for consanguineous marriages led him to identify them assiduously. Lomax, “Authorship,” 205–11. 15. Cf. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 203. 16. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 707–8. González’s collection indicates the dates and duration of this curia. On July 4, 1188 Alfonso VIII’s chancery noted the knighting of Alfonso IX. On July 28, there is notice of the mar- riage of Conrad and Berenguela, which presumably had occurred in the interim, as well as of Alfonso IX’s knighting (Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 505 and 506). The Chronica latina states that it was scarcely two months after the knighting of Alfonso that the marriage of Berenguela and Conrad took place. CL 11, p. 14. Generally, Juan of Osma is very precise about details of agreements and chronology, suggesting access to court records. See Lomax, “Authorship,” 207–8. 17. CL 11, 44. 18. This process contrasts with the establishment of an earlier hereditary queen, Urraca of Castile-León (1109–1126). Reilly, Queen Urraca, pp. 14–44. Reilly cites the Crónica anómina’s assertion that Alfonso VI desig- nated Urraca as his heir in a public forum, but no official, public, recorded declaration of her right to succeed survives. Reilly, Queen Urraca, p. 56; Reilly, Alfonso VI, p. 352. 192 NOTES

19. The cases of Alfonso X, Sancho IV, and Fernando IV and their daughters will be discussed below. 20. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499. Leonor and Berenguela’s apparent witnessing may be one reason why the treaty is argued to have been prepared in Castile. 21. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499. 22. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy,” p. 109; Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 427–30. Much later, the Siete partidas stated that kingship could be achieved through marriage. Partidas 2.1.9, p. 274. 23. “secundum usum et consuetudinem Alemanie,” Alfonso VIII 2: no. 499. German law and practice regarding wives, widows, and property rights for the thirteenth century is understudied. For earlier periods, see Suzanne Fonay Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and the Cloister 500–900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981); see also Jerold C. Frakes, Brides and Doom: Gender, Property and Power in Medieval German Women’s Epic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), pp. 54–64. 24. Rodríguez López, Consolidación, p. 156. 25. Berenguela later exacted this same promise from Álvaro Núñez de Lara, when he became regent for her brother Enrique I in 1215. DRH 9.1, pp. 281–82; PCG 1025, p. 709. 26. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 506. 27. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 207–8. 28. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 53–54. It should be pointed out that Alfonso’s dynasty was relatively new. 29. Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 110–12, on the negotiations for this marriage, which was not intended to last. 30. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, p. 57. 31. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, p. 73, citing only Otto of St. Blaise, c. 28. See Chronik Ottos, p. 82. 32. DRH 7.24, p. 246. The Primera crónica general states that Conrad wished to dissolve the marriage upon his return to Germany. PCG 997, p. 677. The editor of Otto’s chronicle suggests that Conrad instigated the betroth- al’s dissolution, between 1190 and 1193. If proven, this would suggest that Conrad became disenchanted by a match that seemed unlikely, after Infante Fernando’s birth, to bring him a crown. Procter, Curia and Cortes, pp. 75–76. See Chronik Ottos, p. 83, n71, which refers to a letter to Archbishop Gonzalo of Toledo, explaining Conrad’s resistance. I cannot find this letter. By August 1192, Martín López de Pisuerga was arch- bishop of Toledo: if such a letter was written, it was probably to Martín, and not Gonzalo. Juan Francisco Rivera Recio, Los arzobispos de Toledo (Toledo: Diputación Provincial, 1969), pp. 35–38. 33. James A. Brundage explains, “Divortium in canonistic language meant either a declaration of nullity (that a valid marriage had never existed) or else permission for a married couple to separate and establish indepen- dent households, but not to remarry.” James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), p. 371. NOTES 193

34. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 74–75; DRH 7.24, p. 246. 35. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 560. 36. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 710. 37. Roger of Howden, Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houdene, ed. William Stubbs, 4 vols. (1869, Reprint Wiesbaden: Kraus Reprint, 1964), 3, p. 100; D. D. R. Owen, Eleanor of Aquitaine: Queen and Legend (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), p. 84; Regine Pernoud, Eleanor of Aquitaine, trans. Peter Wiles (New York: Coward-McCann, 1968), p. 216; Ralph V. Turner, “Eleanor of Aquitaine in the Governments of Her Sons Richard and John,” in Lord and Lady, pp. 80–81 [77–95]; Jane Martindale, “Eleanor of Aquitaine and a ‘Queenly Court’?” in Lord and Lady, pp. 423–39. 38. Rassow, Prinzegemahl, pp. 81–82. 39. What can be reconstructed of the Castilian court’s itinerary in this period does not suggest a visit to Navarre, but it is an itinerary full of lengthy gaps. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 555–63. 40. Prinzegemahl, p. 85. 41. As Rassow notes, “Almost a generation after these events, when the agree- ment would seem to be a dead letter, it finally achieved its real and highest logical political meaning in terms of its own attributes as the arbiter of throne-succession for the Castilian royal house.” Prinzegemahl, p. 87. 42. CL 33, p. 76. 43. Martin explains Berenguela’s “reservation” of her rights both when she gave up the regency of Enrique I and at the time of her own succession in 1217. “Négociation,” 10, 12; see next chapter. 44. As noted earlier (n18), no surviving document affirmed Urraca’s right to rule. 45. Procter suggests that this document served as the source for the “princi- ple” or “statute” that in the event there is no male heir, a daughter should inherit or rule. Procter, Curia and Cortes, pp. 177, and 192–93; Vladimir Piskorski, Las cortes de Castilla en el período de tránsito en la edad media a la moderna, 1188–1520, Spanish trans. C. Sánchez-Albornoz (1897, repr. Barcelona: El Albir, 1977): Appendix 1, pp. 196–97. See also the declara- tion of Enrique III in 1402 that his daughter María should be his recog- nized heir. Las cortes, Appendix 4, pp. 200–202. 46. For Sancho, see Procter, Curia and Cortes, p. 176; Pedro López de Ayala, Crónica del rey don Sancho el Bravo, in Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla, ed. Cayetano Rosell, 3 vols. (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1953), v. 1: ch. 1 and 2. 47. López de Ayala, Crónica del rey don Fernando Cuarto, in Crónicas de los reyes de Castilla 1: ch. 19. 48. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 622; Alfonso IX 2: no. 79; PL 214:611; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 712–14; Alfonso IX 1, pp. 65–66; Flórez, Las reinas católicas 1, pp. 332–33. 49. CL 14–15, pp. 45–50; DRH 7.24, p. 246. 50. Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), pp. 62–64; Alfonso IX 1, pp. 83–85; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 293–94. 51. Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 296–97. 194 NOTES

52. CL 15, p. 50. 53. CM IV, pp. 323–24. 54. DRH 7.31, p. 253. 55. DRH 7.31, p. 253; see also Flórez, Las reinas católicas 1, p. 464. Later, the Primera crónica general suggested a conspiracy between the queen and the nobles, and that the omnes buenos foresaw that the marriage ultimately would be dissolved, but that meanwhile the birth of heirs who could poten- tially unite Castile and León would more than offset this unpleasant pos- sibility. Perhaps, however, the authors of the Primera crónica general were reading later events into an earlier history; for at the time of his marriage to Berenguela, Alfonso IX had three children by his first wife, Teresa, and had proceeded to treat his first son, Fernando, as his heir; thus his children by Berenguela were potentially removed from inheriting the throne of León. This Fernando died in 1214; his death possibly “naturalized” the direct line of inheritance to Fernando III for the compilers of the Primera crónica general. PCG 1004, p. 682. Roger Howden does not mention Leonor’s interference in the marriage, but rather says that Alfonso VIII acted with the pope’s blessing as he forced Alfonso IX to divorce Teresa of Portugal and marry his own daughter instead. Howden, Chronica 3, p. 90. The Chronica latina does not mention Leonor’s possible involvement. 56. See Lois L. Huneycutt, “Intercession and the High Medieval Queen: The Esther Topos,” in The Power of the Weak: Essays in the History of Medieval Women, ed. Sally-Beth MacLean and Jennifer Carpenter (Champaign: University of Illinois, 1995), pp. 126–46; John C. Parsons, “The Queen’s Intercession in Thirteenth-Century England,” in Power of the Weak, pp. 147–77. 57. Howden, Chronica 3, p. 90. I have found no texts of Celestine’s condem- nation or approval of the marriage. González suggests that he was influ- enced by his prelates in Spain, who desired peace and thus supported the marriage. Alfonso IX 1, p. 100. 58. Alfonso IX 1, p. 95. 59. The Latin phrase is “et propter nupcias datis donationibus que tante dom- ine competebant.” DRH 7.31, p. 253; Berenguela’s arras, discussed below, was drawn up in 1199. Rodrigo’s report suggests there may have been an earlier dower agreement which is no longer extant; see below. 60. DRH 7.31, p. 253; PCG 1104, p. 683. 61. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 724. Mariana imaginatively suggested that Leonor’s intercession and pleadings were directed at convincing her daughter to go along with the scheme. Historia de España, p. 332. 62. Las Huelgas 1: no. 43. 63. Alfonso VIII’s donation to the monastery of Santa María de Tórtoles included as patrons Alfonso, Leonor, Fernando, “Queen Berenguela,” Urraca, Blanca, Constanza, and Sancha. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 674. See dis- cussion of this charter in Chapter One, n54. 64. This document may be misdated; the addition of a daughter Sancha and exclusion of Mafalda (if she existed) may suggest a forgery. If the NOTES 195

document is misdated, perhaps by a year or so, it is all the more intrigu- ing for its implications for Berenguela’s status either as a new mother in January 1198 or as a newly endowed bride in January 1200. Alfonso IX’s discernable itinerary for the years 1198–1200 offers no particular sugges- tion that the royal couple may have been visiting Castile, which does not mean, of course, that Berenguela could not have gone without him. 65. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681; Alfonso IX 2: no. 135. Hereafter the later edi- tion, from the collection of documents from the reign of Alfonso VIII of Castile, is cited. 66. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. Specifically, they were the following castles and towns: in Galicia, San Pelayo de Lodo, Aguilar de Mola, Alba de Bunel, Candrei, Aguilar de Pedrayo; in the Tierra del Campo, Vega, Castrogonzalo, Valencia, Cabreros, Castro de los Judíos de Mayorga, Villalugán, and Castroverde; in Somoza, Colle, Portella, Alión, and Peñafiel; in Asturias, Oviedo, Siero de Oviedo, Aguilar, Gozón, Corel, La Isla, Lugaz, Ventosa, Miranda de Nieva, Buraón, Peñafiel de Aller, and Santa Cruz de Tineo, as well as Astorga and Mansilla. See Rodríguez López, Consolidación, pp. 139, 148. 67. See the discussion of Innocent III’s claims below, and the next chapter for discussion of the Treaties of Cabreros and Valladolid. Perhaps it is an irony of history that the principle that “there should be no marriage without endowment (ne sine dote coniugium fiat)” had its origins in Visigothic law before it found its way into canon law. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 46–47. 68. They were Rodrigo Pérez de Villalobos, Pedro Ferrández de Benavides, Gonzalo Rodríguez, Gonzalo Ibánez, Osorius Ibánez, Ferrando García, Nuño Rodrigo, Sebastián Gutiérrez, Pedro Peláez, Pelayo Gordon, Pelayo Subredina, Álvaro Díaz, and Fernando Núñez. 69. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. 70. For example, Gonzalo Rodríguez held Valencia for the queen in 1212. See below, and next chapter. See also Rodríguez López, Consolidación, pp. 160–61. 71. Alfonso VIII 2: no. 681. 72. “Et si illam captam tenuerit aut ei tam malam continentiam habuerit que sit preter rationem, et hoc emendare noluerit sicut mandauerit rex Castelle aut eius uxor.” Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. One wonders what evil treatment would have been considered within reason. 73. I am grateful to Professor James Brundage for guidance on the legal- ity of such “ill treatment beyond reason.” Brundage himself chooses the meaning of “repression,” or punishment in this case. James A. Brundage, “Domestic Violence in Classical Canon Law,” in Violence in Medieval Society, ed. Richard A. Kaeuper (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2000), p. 187. 74. In between his marriages to Teresa and Berenguela, Alfonso IX had a noble mistress named Inés Iñiguez de Mendoza, with whom he had at least one child. Alfonso VIII and Leonor may have been aware of her presence; González says that the second marriage put a stop to that affair. 196 NOTES

Alfonso IX 1, p. 311. Alfonso IX fathered at least ten natural children with a series of mistresses and barraganas. Some of these women are known to us, and some may have had more status as Alfonso’s partners than is read- ily apparent. See Flórez, Las reinas católicas v. 1, pp. 485–92. As González put it, Alfonso did his part in the efforts to repopulate the kingdom, fathering a total of nineteen children with six different women. Alfonso IX 1, p. 309. It is unknown whether any of these children were born dur- ing Berenguela’s tenure as Alfonso’s wife. 75. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. 76. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. 77. Constance M. Rousseau, “Kinship Ties, Behavior Norms, and Family Counselling in the Pontificate of Innocent III,” in Women, Marriage, and Family in Medieval Christendom: Essays in Memory of Michael M. Sheehan, C.S., ed. Constance M. Rousseau and Joel Thomas Rosenthal (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1998), pp. 325–47. 78. Demetrio Mansilla, ed. Documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (Rome: Instituto Español de Estudios Eclesiásticos, 1955), no. 138. 79. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 196. 80. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 196. 81. Howden, Chronica 4, p. 79. 82. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 305. 83. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 276. 84. John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus, Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 80–86; Georges Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest: The Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France, trans. Barbara Bray (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983), pp. 189–206. 85. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 299. 86. Mansilla, Documentación pontificia, no. 305. 87. Fernando III, pp. 253–55; pp. 265–66; L. Auvray, Les Registres de Gregoire IX, recueil des bulles de ce pape publieés ou analyseés d’après les manuscrits originaux du Vatican, ed. Lucien Auvray, 4 vols. (1896–1908, repr. Paris: Fontemoing, 1955), 1: nos. 267, 628. Centuries earlier, Visigothic can- ons forebade royal widows to remarry in the kingdom of León, but it is unlikely that this tradition influenced Berenguela and her sisters. Collins, “Queens Dowager,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 84–85 and 90. 88. Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society, p. 343. 89. Without presuming to identify any one of these sisters as lesbian, let alone all three of them, Judith Bennett’s provocative formulation of “lesbian- like” is helpful in thinking about the reasons women might not marry, including the possibility that they did not want to. Judith M. Bennett, “ ‘Lesbian-Like’ and the Social History of Lesbianisms,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 9.1–2 (Jan/Apr. 2000): 1–24. 90. In 1235, Jaume married Violant of Hungary, and eventually divided his growing empire among her sons Pere and Jaume, reducing significantly the inheritance of Leonor’s son Alfonso. Thomas N. Bisson, The Medieval NOTES 197

Crown of Aragon: A short history (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 65–68. 91. See the next chapter for Berenguela. Likewise, Blanche carefully chose brides for her sons Louis, Robert, Alphonse, and Charles. Her daughter Isabelle resisted any attempt to marry her. See William Chester Jordan, “Isabelle of France and Religious Devotion at the Court of Louis IX,” in Capetian Women, p. 214 [207–33]; Sean L. Field, Isabelle of France: Capetian Sanctity and Franciscan Identity in the Thirteenth Century (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006), pp. 15–20 and 27–34. 92. Janet L. Nelson, “Medieval Queenship,” in Women in Medieval Western European Culture, ed. Linda Mitchell (New York: Garland, 1999), p. 189 [179–208]. This idea is problematic, however, for it reaffirms the notion of woman as vessel. Indeed, she was, but perhaps kings need to be under- stood this way too, as placeholders for royalty, and stability.

3 1197–1217: The Limits of Power and Authority 1. André Poulet, “Capetian Women and the Regency: The Genesis of a Vocation” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 108–9 [93–116]. On Blanche’s regencies, see Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 46–203 and 313–69; and Jacques Le Goff, Saint Louis (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1996), pp. 99–127 and 194–99. 2. Castro, Curso da história da língua, pp. 197–202. 3. Zurita, Anales de la corona de Aragón 3, p. 68. 4. Alfonso IX 2: no. 109. 5. Alfonso IX 2: no. 110. 6. Fernando II’s sisters Sancha and Constance married the kings Sancho VII of Navarre and Louis VII of France respectively. A half-sister, another Sancha, married Alfonso II of Aragón. Alfonso IX of León had no sisters. 7. Lucas of Túy, Vita s. Martini legionensis, in Patrilogiae cursus completus. Series Latina. Ed. J.-P. Migne. 1844–1855 (repr. Turnhout: Brepols, 1969), vol. 208: 17; See also Lucas de Túy, Milagros de San Isidoro, trans. [Spanish] Juan de Robles (1525), ed. José Manuel Martínez Rodríguez (León: Universidad de León, 1992), pp. 108–9. Lucas described the royal couple’s devotion to Martín, PL 208: 17. In his Chronicon mundi, while describing Berenguela’s patronage, Lucas did not mention Martín. CM 4.85, p. 326. On June 22, 1199, Alfonso IX excused all tributes from estates belonging to the same chapel at Martín’s request. Alfonso IX 2: no. 127. 8. Raymond McCluskey, “The Genesis of the Concordia of Martin of Leon,” in God and Man in Medieval Spain: Essays in Honour of J. R. L. Highfield, ed. Derek W. Lomax and David Mackenzie (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1989), pp. 26–27 [19–35]. 9. Patrimonio Cultural de San Isidoro de León. A. Serie documental. 1/1. Documentos de los siglos x–xiii: colección diplomatica, ed. Maria Encarnación Martín López (León: Universidad de León, 1995): no. 168. This charter 198 NOTES

is nearly identical in content to Alfonso IX’s given on the same day, although different wording confirms the use of a different chancellor. Alfonso IX 2: no. 127. 10. John W. Williams, “León: The Iconography of the Capital,” in Cultures of Power: Lordship, Status, and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. Thomas N. Bisson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 234–36, 238–39 and 249–51 [231–58]. Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 210–14, 357–75, and 402–4. 11. CM 4.85, p. 326. 12. Colección documental de la catedral de Astorga II (1126–1299) ed. Gregoria Cavero Domínguez and Encarnación Martín López (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación, “San Isidoro,” 2000): no. 939. San Isidoro con- tinued to be a focal point of royal patronage. Patrimonio San Isidoro: nos. 174 and 175; Alfonso IX 2: nos. 159 and 162. 13. CM 4.85, p. 326. 14. María Luisa Bueno Domínguez suggested that Berenguela and Alfonso’s 1201 donation to the cathedral of Zamora was to reward Bishop Martín for his efforts with the papacy on their behalf. Historia de Zamora: Zamora de los siglos xi–xiii (Zamora: Fundación “Ramos de Castro,” 1988), pp. 119–120. See also Peter Linehan, “Santo Martino and the Context of Sanctity in Thirteenth-century León,” in Past and Present in Medieval Spain, ed. Peter Linehan, Variorum Reprints (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992), p. 691 [689–97], and Linehan, History and the Historians, p. 253. 15. Diplomatic traditions, and not the relative power of the queen, go far to explain Blanche of Castile’s absence from French charters. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 137–61, and Nelson, “Medieval Queenship,” in Women in Medieval Western European Culture, p. 201. 16. Alfonso IX 2: no. 112. 17. “[S]ub rege domno Adefonso cum regina castellana domna Berengaria.” Colección diplomática del monasterio de San Vicente de Oviedo años 781–1200, ed. Pedro Floriano Llorente (Oviedo: Diputación de Asturias, CSIC, 1968), v. 1: no. 367. Historian Alexandre Herculano asserted that Oviedo uniquely objected to Berenguela’s marriage to Alfonso, and supported the interdict. Alexandre Herculano, Historia de Portugal desde o començo da monarchia até o fim do reinado de Affonso III, ed. David Lopes (Paris, Lisbon: Livrarias Aillaud & Bertrand, 1915), p. 270. A charter from San Vicente similarly described Teresa by her nationality. This may explain the cler- ics’ insistence on Berenguela’s identity as Castilian—a near relative. San Vicente de Oviedo 1: no. 348. 18. “Regnante rege Alfonso cum Regina domna Berengaria in Legione et in alia multa terra.” Tumbo viejo de San Pedro de Montes ed. Augusto Quintana Prieto (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigacion “San Isidoro,” 1971): no. 254; see also no. 255. 19. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 178; Colección diplomatica del monasterio de San Vicente de Oviedo: siglos xiii–xv, ed. Ma. Josefa Sanz Fuentes and Juan NOTES 199

Ignacio Ruiz de la Peña (Oviedo: Imprenta Gofer, 1991) 1.1 (1201–1230): no. 3. 20. “Dei gratia Legionis atque Gallecie regina.” Alfonso IX 2: no. 181. 21. January 18, 1204 Zamora. Documentos del archivo catedralicio de Zamora primera parte, 1128–1261, ed. José Luis Martín (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad, 1982): no. 61; Bueno Domínguez, Historia de Zamora: no. 112, p. 250. 22. María Vélaz’s grandfather was the powerful count Ponce Vela de Cabrera, her mother the countess Sancha Ponce. Barton, Aristocracy, pp. 35, 284–85. Villalobos was particularly important as one of the contested “frontier” territories between Castile and León, and Rodrigo Pérez’s role as a go- between should be seen in this light. Rodríguez López, Consolidación, pp. 160–61, 167. 23. Archivo catedralicio Zamora: no. 52; Bueno Domínguez, Historia de Zamora: no. 108. 24. Alfonso IX 2: no. 165. 25. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 18–26 and 50; González, Fernando II, pp. 69–70. 26. Documentos del monasterio de Villaverde de Sandoval (siglos xii–xv), ed. Guillermo Castan Lanaspa (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 1981): no. 5. This charter was misdated to October 26, 1168; Leonor and Alfonso married in 1170. 27. Sandoval: nos. 11, 15, and 16. 28. Sandoval: no. 24. 29. Sandoval: no. 32. 30. Sandoval: nos. 33–35 and 37; no. 39, dated October 26, 1204, is well past the time when Berenguela returned to Castile. Sandoval monks were not the only ones behind the times: documents from Carracedo note Alfonso ruling with Berenguela in June and July 1204, and as late as December 1205. Cartulario de Santa María de Carracedo 992–1500, ed. Martín Martínez Martínez, 2 vols. (Ponferrada: Instituto Estudios Bercianos, 1997), v. 1: nos. 194, 195, and 198. Although these charters often acknowledge the local lordship of the former Leonese queen Teresa of Portugal in Villafranca, several also acknowledge the reign of the Castilians before the union of Castile and León in 1230. See Carracedo: nos. 177, 210, 212, 229, 336, 349, and 350. 31. Sandoval: no. 43. Their majordomo, Gonsalvo Rodríguez and their merino, García Rodríguez, are also named. A second document from 1208 men- tions also Álvaro Nunez as alférez. Sandoval: no. 44. 32. Sandoval: nos. 45 and 48. 33. “Regnante rege donno Adefonso cum regina Helynore in Toleto et in Castella. Regina Beregaria possidente Valentiam. Sub mano eius Gundissalvus Roderici. Didacus Avas tenens motam Valentie. Villicus Gundissalvus Roderici.” Sandoval: no. 50; also, no. 51. 34. Sandoval: nos. 56 and 57. 35. Alfonso IX 2: no. 135; Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. 200 NOTES

36. Documentos de Salamanca: nos. 108, 110, 113, and 119. The known itin- erary of the Leonese court suggests Berenguela and Alfonso were in Salamanca six times between July 1197 and July 1204. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 113, 116, 130, 154, 155, and 169. See also El monasterio de Santa María de Moreruela (1143–1300), ed. María Luisa Bueno Domínguez (Zamora: Caja de Ahorros Provincial de Zamora, 1975): no. 36; “Regnante rege Alfonso in Legione et in Galletia et in omni suo regno mandante in Salamanca sub eius de Regina domna Berenguela,” dated 1200. 37. Alfonso IX 2: no. 179. 38. Alfonso VIII 2: nos. 407 and 556. 39. Dated tentatively 1202. Alfonso IX 2: no. 163. 40. Alfonso IX 2: no. 163. 41. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 579 and 633. 42. Alfonso IX 2: no. 163. 43. Alfonso IX 2: no. 181. 44. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 183 and 185. 45. Alfonso IX 2: no. 189; Alfonso IX 1, p. 118. 46. “Regina domina Berengaria dominante Castrum Viride. Roderio Roderici sub manu Regina castrum viride tenente.” Carta de vencion deci- ertas heredades de Villafrontín. BN ms. 700 folio 240r. 47. Alfonso IX 2: no. 219. 48. AHN Sección Clero, Eslonza, Carpeta No. 967, charters no.1, 2, 12, 13, 14, 15, and 20 recognize Berenguela as “domina de Valencia,” (no. 1), or “regnante regina berengaria in Valencia” (the rest). Berenguela’s lordship in Valencia was also noted in the cartulary of Carracedo: Carracedo: no. 371. For Villalpando, see Cartulario de monasterio de San Pedro de Eslonza, ed. Vicente Vignau y Ballester (Madrid: La Viuda de Hernando, 1885): nos. 144, 145, and 149. 49. Aurelio Calvo, ed. San Pedro de Eslonza (Madrid: CSIC, 1957), pp. 117–18. 50. The conflict with Algadefe and Santa Marina would have taken place between 1217 and 1230, for Berenguela is described as “Queen of Castile and Toledo,” and the petition is addressed to Alfonso IX, who died in September 1230. The members of the commission are identified by their first initials and patronymics, as well as their positions. “Abbot M. of San Isidoro” was undoubtedly Martín, abbot from at least 1222 until 1247. See San Isidoro: nos. 213 and 252. “R. Gutierrez, an archdeacon” was likely Rodrigo Gutierrez, an archdeacon of León active in 1217. José María Fernández Caton, Catálogo del archive historico diocesano de León (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, 1978), C-11, pp. 230–32. “F. Alfonso, a canon of León” has been identified as a “juez del cabildo” serving under Alfonso IX. Tomás Villacorta Rodríguez, El cabildo catedral de León (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 1974), pp. 519–20, and no. 1. 51. Calvo, San Pedro de Eslonza, pp. 117–18, and no. 149. 52. Berenguela was consistently identified with the lordship of Valencia throughout her life. Five years after she died, in 1251, Fernando III NOTES 201

confirmed a privilege that Berenguela had given to the alcalde in Valencia around 1224. Fernando III 3: no. 831. 53. Documentos de la iglesia colegial de Santa María la Mayor (hoy Metropolitana) de Valladolid, ed. Manuel Mañueco Villalobos and José Zurita Nieto (Valladolid: Imp. Castellana, 1920): nos. 6, 7, 11, and 12. In 1230, the “queen’s merino” was established in Valladolid, and although it is unclear which queen—Berenguela or Beatriz—is referred to, it strongly indicates the continued lordship for the queen in that city. Santa María la Mayor: no. 28. See also Adeline Rucquoi, Valladolid en la edad media 1: Genesis de un poder (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1987), pp. 164–66. 54. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 231; Colección documental del monasterio de Santa María de Carbajal, 1093–1461, ed. Santiago Domínguez Sánchez (León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 2000): nos. 124 and 127. 55. Patrimonio San Isidoro: nos. 236–38, and 241; Carbajal nos. 128–30, 132, and 133; Fernández Caton, Catálogo Catedral León, BC-15, p. 411; Villacorta Rodríguez, El cabildo catedral, p. 531. 56. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 256. Martin asserts that Berenguela ceded the tenancy of León to Alfonso in 1238, but his evidence for this is unclear. “Négociation,” 50. 57. The Castilian ad hoc approach to the problem may be compared with the Aragonese development of the office of the queen-lieutenant; see Earenfight, María of Castile, and Silleras-Fernández, María de Luna. 58. Either Alfonso or Constanza may have been born after Berenguela’s return to Castile. Only the birth order of Leonor and Fernando is cer- tain. González thought Leonor was probably born in the second half of 1198; calculating that Berenguela gave birth on an average of every fif- teen months, he placed Constanza’s birth at the end of 1199, Fernando’s at the end of June 1201; Alfonso at the end of 1202, and Berenguela in 1204. Following Lucas of Túy, González states that Leonor died on November 12, 1202. Fernando’s birth can be confirmed to some extent by his first appearance in his parents’ charters in September, 1201, in a gift to San Isidoro: Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 174; Fernando III 1, p. 62, nn3 and 4. González calculates Fernando’s birthdate based on the expres- sions of his age in the Chronica latina and the De rebus Hispanie in July 1217. Fernando III 1, p. 62, n6. 59. CM 4.85, p. 325; Alfonso IX 1, p. 421, n11. 60. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 156, 166 and 179. 61. Alfonso IX 2: no. 185. 62. DRH 8.13, p. 277. 63. At some point after Alfonso VIII’s death, Fernando returned to his father’s kingdom, perhaps after the death of his eponymous half-brother that same year, but more likely in 1215 or 1216; see below. 64. DRH 7.24, p. 247. 65. CM 4.84, p. 324. The first three castles were actually given to Berenguela in 1209, and the second three in 1207. See below. 202 NOTES

66. Later, Lucas asserted that a number of the castles had been wrongfully taken from the king of León and that as a gesture of friendship Alfonso of Castile returned some of them to the Leonese, who destroyed them. Alfonso VIII’s magnanimous gesture was also possibly one of domina- tion, as he returned the castles to Alfonso IX following the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), in which a sullen Alfonso IX had refused to par- ticipate. CM 4.91, pp. 330–31. The exchange of castles was part of a larger treaty between the kings of Portugal, León and Castile. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 749. On the difficulty of negotiating the different perspectives of Lucas and Rodrigo, see Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” 786–88. 67. With one exception: Candrei in Galicia was later assigned to Alfonso IX’s daughters Sancha and Dulce in 1217. Alfonso IX 2: no. 342; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, pp. 318–19. 68. Specifically, Alfonso of Castile endowed his grandson with the castles of Monreal, Carpio, Almanza, Castrotierra, Valderas, Bolaños (de Campo), Villafrechós, and two castles called Siero. Alfonso of León gave Fernando Luna, Argüello, Gordón, Ferrara, Tiedra, Arbuey, and Alba de Aliste. Alfonso IX 2: no. 205. 69. Some of Berenguela’s rents were to come from Benavente, Villafranca, and Valcárcel from which the other former queen of León, Teresa of Portugal also collected her income. Alfonso IX 2: no. 205. Other income was derived from Astorga, Avilés, Mansilla, Oviedo, Ponteferro, and whenever they would become “liberated,” the four castles of Toroño. 70. Alfonso IX 2: no. 205. These treaties, therefore, disinherited Alfonso IX’s older son Fernando from his first marriage. 71. Roger Wright, El tratado de Cabreros (1206): estudio sociofilológico de una reforma ortográfica (London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, 2000). 72. Namely, the castles of Argüello, Gordón, Luna, Alba de Aliste, Tiedra, Cabreros, Villalugán, Peñafiel, Almanza, and Portella. Alfonso IX 2: no. 219. 73. Alfonso IX 2: no. 251. González says that this treaty was necessary because of trouble caused by rogue knights, both Castilian and Leonese, along the Castile-León frontier, and implies that Berenguela influenced the outcome of the treaty in favor of the Castilians. Alfonso IX 1, pp. 129–31; Echegaray, Guerra y pacto, p. 328; Rodríguez López, Consolidación, pp. 166–67. 74. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 194. The document was also confirmed by “Fernando Reyna” [Fernandus Regine] “Reyna” was possibly a matro- nymic, but more likely “Fernando Regine” was one of the queen’s men. 75. CM 4.84, p. 324. 76. Patrimonio San Isidoro: no. 228. 77. In June 1227, a gift to the monastery of Carracedo recognized Berenguela as the “lady of Villalpando,” [sennora de Villalpando]. Don Lope held the tenancy of Villalpando from Berenguela, and Álvaro Fernández held it from Don Lope. Carracedo: no. 324. NOTES 203

78. Rodríguez López, Las Huelgas de Burgos 1: no. 51; Las Huelgas 1: no. 93. 79. CL 18, pp. 52–53; DRH 7.35, p. 257. 80. CL 20, pp. 55–56; DRH 7.36, p. 258. 81. CL 20, p. 56. 82. CL 25, p. 64; CM 4.91, p. 331. 83. CL 31, p. 73. Martin sees this as another instance of Juan attempting to reduce Berenguela’s role. “Négociation,” 7. 84. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 963. Italics added. Realizing he was ill, Alfonso VIII confirmed and updated his will of 1204. Thus his previous intention to have Leonor serve as regent and corule with her son remained valid. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 969 and 976. 85. Rodrigo was absent briefly during the Fall of 1215, when he attended the Fourth Lateran Council in Rome. See Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 65–66; Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 328–31. 86. DRH 9.1, p. 281. Doubleday argues that Rodrigo’s perspective was skewed, as he received many royal favors that ceased when Berenguela lost the regency. Doubleday also argues that the passage shows that “a rather broad segment of the aristocracy was ill at ease with Berenguela’s regency.” Lara Family, p. 53. It is unclear, however, whether it was Berenguela herself, her gender, or regency that made the nobles uneasy. 87. CM 4.85, p. 326. 88. DRH 9.1, p. 281; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 150–70; Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 36–38. 89. Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 52; CL 64, pp. 52–53. 90. Doubleday says that Berenguela granted Rodrigo jurisdiction over Milagro. Lara Family, p. 53. The relevant charter is Alfonso VIII 3: no. 965, dated November 6, 1214, immediately after Enrique’s acclamation as king. Enrique issued the charter which does not mention Berenguela, but it may be correct to assume her influence here. Other privileges granted to Rodrigo include Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 964 and 966–68. 91. Martin considers these impulses in the context of resistance to Berenguela’s regency of Enrique I. “Négociation,” 8. 92. A husband might have provided Berenguela with the appropriate military foil to her feminine identity, but any marriage under the circumstances would have been seen as an attempt at a royal coup. Weissberger consid- ers the legacy of this ideology for Queen Isabel in the fifteenth century; even ceremonial sword-wielding was distinctly gendered. Isabel Rules, pp. 44–47. 93. CL 31: p. 73. Enrique’s confirmation of his father’s testament, dated January 18, 1215, is the first (and possibly only) charter issued by Enrique to acknowledge his sister’s role. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 976. 94. ACT Z.9.M.1.2. described in Cartularios de Toledo, no. 358. This is the only known extant seal belonging to Berenguela. One manuscript copy of an 1198 charter describes Berenguela’s seal depicting the arms of León on one side and a queen on the other. Fueros y privilegios (León), BN ms 6683, f. 82; Colección documental Astorga 2: no. 939. 204 NOTES

95. Rezak, “Seals,” in Women and Power, p. 73. 96. DRH 8.1, p. 282. 97. DRH 9.1, p. 281, and CL 31, p. 73. 98. DRH 9.1, p. 281–82. Archbishop Rodrigo says that he received the promise of homage and fealty. It is not clear whether Rodrigo means instead of, or as well as, to Berenguela. Juan of Osma does not mention the archbishop. CL 31, p. 73. Archbishop Rodrigo’s revision of events highlights his own role in Enrique’s government, as well as his loss of power; it obscures Berenguela’s central role. For Rodrigo, an essential point is that Álvaro and his men had reason to be considered “perni- cious traitors.” Cirot, who edited the Chronica latina in the early part of the twentieth century, interpreted the chronicler to mean that homage was performed to Berenguela, but “entre les mains” of the archbishop: Rodrigo acted as Berenguela’s appropriate, male proxy. See G. Cirot, “Chronique latine des rois de Castille,” Bulletin Hispanique 19 (1913): 83, n6 [2–101]. The text itself, however, does not demonstrate this. 99. CM 4.92, p. 332. 100. AHN, Codice L. 976 Tumbo de Sobrado, folio 77. González suggests that the presence of such “personages” probably indicates an agree- ment between the two kingdoms at this time. Extant documents reveal Alfonso IX’s presence in nearby Benavente (March 7) and Astorga (March 22), supporting this hypothesis. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 222. 101. Fernando III, p. 70. 102. Berenguela may have adopted this motto from Pope Clement III; it appears on the papal bull recognizing the foundation of Las Huelgas photographed in Valentín de la Cruz, El monasterio de Santa María la Real de Huelgas de Burgos (Editorial Everest, S.A., León 1990). See also, Muñoz y Rivero, “Signo rodado,” 224–25. 103. Psalm 142:10: “doce me ut faciam voluntatem tuam/ quia tu Deus meus/ spiritus tuus bonus deducet me in terra recta.” Biblia sacra: iuxta vulgatem versionem, ed. Robertus Weber and Roger Gryson (Stuttgart, Deutsche Bibel Gesellschaft, 1969, 1994). 104. “Regnante rege Henrico cum sorore sua regina Berengaria in Toleto et Castella.” Graciliano Roscales Olea, Monasterio de Santa María de la Vega (cartulario e historia) (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2000): no. 4; Lupián Zapata, Epitome, p. 76. Lupián Zapata also describes a royal priv- ilege dated May 6, given in Logroño, from Enrique acting “cum sorore mea Regina Berengaria.” Epitome, p. 77. 105. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 1007. 106. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 981; DRH 9.1, p. 281. 107. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 227; Alfonso IX 2: nos. 334 and 340; Alfonso VIII 3: no. 1005. 108. CL 23, p. 73. 109. Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 54. 110. DRH 9.1, p. 282. NOTES 205

111. CL 32, p. 73–74. Members of the Giron family had consistently func- tioned as the majordomo at the courts of Alfonso VIII and Fernando III. Ana Rodríguez López, “Linajes nobiliarios y monarquía castellano- leonesa en la primera mitad del siglo xiii,” Hispania 53/3 n. 185 (1993): 845–46 [841–59]; Rodríguez López, Consolidación, pp. 148–50. 112. DRH 9.2, p. 282. Rodrigo named “Lupus Didaci de Faro, Gunsaluus Roderici et fratres eius, Rodericus Roderici et Aluarus Didaci de Camberis, Aldefonsus Telli de Menesis et alii nobiles.” 113. González believes that these were the places, rents, and services of Valencia, Castroverde, Castrogonzalo, Bolaños, and Villafrechós given to Berenguela in the Treaty of Burgos in 1207. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 226, n306. Her former husband, not her father, endowed Berenguela in this treaty, although probably Alfonso VIII played a large part in obtaining these grants for his daughter. Alfonso IX 2: no. 219. 114. Demetrio Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa y curia romana en los tiempos del Rey Fernando: estudio documental sacado de los registros vaticanos (Madrid: CSIC, Instituto Francisco Suárez, 1945), Appendix no. 1, p. 272. 115. DRH 9.2, p. 282. 116. DRH 9.3, p. 283. 117. CL 32, pp. 74–75; DRH 9.3, p. 283. 118. Furthermore, reigning kings generally were not assassinated in this period. Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 52, and 55–56. Lucas of Túy does not mention this matter. 119. CL 32, p. 75. 120. CL 32, p. 75. Here Rodrigo differs on chronology, DRH 9.2, p. 282. Doubleday says Berenguela’s “forces captured Autillo.” Lara Family, p. 55. 121. DRH 9.3, p. 283. 122. DRH 9.3–4, p. 284. 123. CL 32, p. 76; also DRH 9.4, p. 284. 124. DRH 9.2, p. 283. González suggests that Berenguela may have called Innocent’s attention to the marriage through bishops dispatched to the pope. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 229. See also Luciano Serrano, Don Mauricio, obispo de Burgos y fundador de su catedral (Madrid: Blass, S.A., 1922), pp. 33–34, and Demetrio Mansilla, Inocencio III y los reinos hispanos (Rome: Iglesia Nacional Espanola, 1953), p. 30, n30. 125. DRH 9.2, p. 283. Mafalda was known for her sanctity; her subsequent reputation, which Archbishop Rodrigo helped to create, depended upon her previous chastity. See Flórez, las reinas católicas, pp. 534–38. Álvaro’s personal ambition goes unmentioned in the Chronica latina, and this is another example of either Rodrigo’s privy knowledge or his spite. Lupián Zapata’s spin was that Mafalda, having been promised a king, was insulted when offered a mere vassal, and thus chose the convent. Epítome, p. 84. 126. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 233–36; DRH 9.3, pp. 283–84. 206 NOTES

127. What were these boys doing on the roof? Rodrigo says they were unsu- pervised. DRH 9.4, p. 284. CL 32, p. 76, says that someone threw a rock and accidentally wounded the king that way. A late source identi- fies the unfortunate youth who threw the projectile as Iñigo Mendoza, who had recently joined Enrique’s court. Colección de los primeros fueros y leyes generales de Castilla, Manuscript, Hispanic Society of America HC NS4/607, Folio 115 r. See Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 56–57; see also CM 4.92, p. 332. Enrique died on May 26, 1217; Latin Chronicle, p. 73, n15; Alfonso VIII 1, p. 233, n340. 128. CL 32, p.76; DRH 9.4, p. 285 also. Enrique’s skull can be identified among the royal bones at Las Huelgas because of the neat square hole in it, the effect of trepanation. Victor Escribano García, “La calavera de Enrique I de Castilla,” Boletín de la institución Fernán González 27 (1949): 250–64. 129. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 237, n335; Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 55–57. Martin also suspects Berenguela’s “friend” Bishop Tello of Palencia, in whose court the accident purportedly took place. “Négociation,” 12. 130. CL 33, p. 76; DRH 9.4, p. 285; Fernando III 1, pp. 235–36. 131. This fits, however, with some modern historians’ assessment that Juan of Osma sought to elevate Fernando at the expense of Berenguela. See Martin, Hernández, and Linehan, cited throughout. 132. Rodrigo suggests that Alfonso suspected the real reason behind Fernando’s departure, but was persuaded to let him go anyway. DRH 9.4, p. 285. 133. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, pp. 144–46.

4 The Labors of Ruling: The Mothering Queen 1. Janet L. Nelson, “Early Medieval Rites of Queen-Making and the Shaping of Medieval Queenship,” in Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe: Proceedings of a Conference Held at King’s College April 1995, ed. Anne J. Duggan (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997), pp. 301–15; Ordines Coronationis Franciae: Texts and Ordines for the Coronation of Frankish and French Kings and Queens in the Middle Ages, ed. Richard A. Jackson, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995); John Carmi Parsons, “Ritual and Symbol in English Medieval Queenship to 1500,” in Women and Sovereignty, ed. Louise Olga Fradenburg (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press, 1992), pp. 61–65 [60–72]. 2. Poulet, “Capetian Women and the Regency,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 93–116. 3. Jordan discusses the distinction between informal power, associated generically with women, and authority, associated with men. Women, Power and Religious Patronage, pp. 21–24, and 33–34. 4. Shadis, “Blanche of Castile,” in Capetian Women, p. 143. 5. CL 33, p. 77. NOTES 207

6. DRH 9.4, p. 285. 7. CL 33, p. 77; Rucquoi, Valladolid en la edad media, v.1, pp. 164–65. 8. CL 33, p. 77. The queen’s party was received in San Justo, but in nowhere else in Castilian Extremadura; DRH 9.4, p. 285. 9. DRH 9.4, p. 285; CL 34–35, pp. 77–78; Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 57. 10. According to Rodrigo the houses were too crowded together, and the streets were too narrow. DRH 9.5, p. 286. 11. CL 35, p. 78. 12. CL 35, 78–79; see also DRH 9.5, pp. 285–96; PCG 1029, p. 713. 13. “ . . . nolens destiture Castellam proprii regis solatio,” CL 35, p. 78. 14. CL 43, p. 85; Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” pp. 116–24, and Linehan, “Apostillas,” p. 377, in Fernando III y su tiempo; Martin, “Négociation,” 19–21. 15. DRH 9.5, pp. 285–286. Lucas emphasized not the drama of these devel- opments but rather the good fortune in Fernando’s rule (fortune nonethe- less guided by the king’s mother). CM 4.93, p. 332. 16. Martin, “Négociation,” 20. 17. CL 33, p. 76; DRH 9.5, pp. 285–86; CM 4.93, p. 332. O’Callaghan believes the charter referred to was a separate charter, “not extant, it was likely drafted during the curia of Carrión in 1188.” The Latin Chronicle, p. 74, n3. See Chapter Two. 18. Both Juan and Rodrigo refer to Berenguela’s femininity or gender in framing her “renunciation”; Martin, “Berenguela,” in Historia de las mujeres, pp. 574–75; see also Martin, “Négociation.” 19. Martin, “Négociation,” 23. 20. DRH 9.5, p. 286. 21. But not a cortes precisely, given the irregularity of the meeting and the partisan nature of the participants. Martínez Diez, “Curia y cortes,” in Las Cortes de Castilla y León, p. 146. 22. DRH 9.5, p. 286; CL 36, p. 79. 23. CL 36, p. 94; DRH 9.5, p. 286. 24. CL 36–37, p. 80; see also DRH 9.6, p. 287. 25. CL 37, p. 80; DRH 9.6, p. 287. 26. DRH 9.6–7, pp. 287–88; CL 37, p. 80. 27. DRH 9.6, p. 286–87; CL 36, p. 79. 28. CL 37, p. 80; DRH 8.7, p. 287. 29. Michael Enright, Lady with a Mead Cup: Ritual, Prophecy and Lordship in the European Warband from la Tène to the Viking Age (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1996), pp. 21–22, and 29–30 on the keeping and dispensing of royal treasure and gifts. 30. DRH 9.7, p. 288, echoing CL 38, p. 80. 31. CL 38, p. 81. Archbishop Rodrigo enthusiastically repeated the story, as did the Primera crónica general, stressing Álvaro’s humiliation. DRH 9.7, p. 288; PCG 1031, p. 716. 32. CL 38, p. 81. Lucas of Túy only hints at Berenguela’s role in capturing Álvaro and acquiring his castles; CM 4.94, p. 333. 208 NOTES

33. Crónica de la población de Avila, ed. Amparo Hernández Segura (Valencia: Anubar, 1966), p. 40. Berenguela is the “fija del mejor señor que en el mondo ovo e mas desventurado.” It is unclear why Alfonso VIII would be characterized as unlucky, whether as the most unlucky ruler (e más), or as the best ruler, albeit (e mas) unlucky, perhaps because of the deaths of his sons. Here the Crónica prefigures the characterization of the sinful and sonless Alfonso VIII in Sancho IV’s Castigos. See Chapter 1. 34. Crónica de Avila, p. 40. For the probable date, see Hernández Segura, Crónica de Avila, p. 14. I thank Cynthia L. Chamberlin for sharing her translation. 35. Exiled from Castile, Álvaro died soon after. Doubleday suggests that Berenguela had Álvaro tortured in retaliation for his earlier mistreatment of her follower, Gonzalo Rodríguez Girón; Lara Family, pp. 57, and 155, n75, citing Alfonso IX 1, pp. 183–84. 36. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 41. 37. CL 40, p. 84 calls it as outright rebellion; See Fernando III 1, p. 139. On the timing and nature of these rebellions, and the veracity of the letters in the French archives despite their obvious problems, and the nature of these disputes, see Ana Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus regnet et here- des expellatur. L’offre du trône de Castille au roi Louis VIII de France,” Le Moyen Âge 105.1 (1999): 101–128; Rodríguez López, “Légitimation royale et discours sur la croisade en Castille aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles,” Journal des Savants 1 (2004): 136–38 [129–63]; and “Linajes nobiliarios,” 850–52, 858; See also Hernández, “La corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 110–19. 38. Layettes 2: nos. 1813–21 (improbably dated to 1226, the first year of Louis VIII’s reign). In all, the Castilians included Rodrigo Díaz de Cameros (Layettes, no. 1813); Gonzalo Pérez de Molina (no. 1814), Rodrigo González de Orbaneja (no. 1815), S. Perez de Gavara (no. 1816), Álvaro González de Orbaneja (no. 1817), Pedro González de Marañón (no. 1818), P. Díaz (no. 1819), García Ordoñez de Roa (no. 1820) and G, count of Ferrara (no. 1821). Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus . . . ,” pp. 126–27. See also Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 31, 33 and 35–36; Gérard Sivéry, Blanche de Castille (Paris: Fayard, 1990), pp. 76–78; Doubleday, Lara Family, p. 63, n9; and below. This maneuver had a historiographic impact as well. Lupián Zapata defended Berenguela as the eldest, but others, such as Juan de Mariana, thought Blanche had been cheated of her rightful inheritance. However, Mariana finesses the point, acknowledging that Berenguela was the legit- imate heir, having been twice declared so by her father. “Tratado apolo- getico en defensa de mayoria de la Reina Doña Berenguela; y el derecho que tuvo a los reynos,” in Lupián Zapata, Epitome, pp. 33–47; Mariana, Historia de España, pp. 350–51. Hernandez, “La Corte de Fernando III,” citing Le Nain de Tillemont, in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 113. 39. Carlos Estepa Díez, “Frontera, nobleza y señoríos en Castilla: El señorío de Molina (siglos xii–xiii),” Studia historica. Historia Medieval 24 (2006): 68–82 [15–86]. NOTES 209

40. CL 38: p. 82; DRH 9.8, pp. 288–89. 41. Alfonso IX 2: no. 350 (November 26, 1217); See also DRH 9.9, p. 289. 42. AHN Sección Clero: Palencia, Nuestra Sra. de Benevivere, Carpeta 162, no. 10. 43. For example, Crónica anónima de Sahagun, ed. Antonio Ubieto Arteta (Zaragoza: Pedro Garcés Cariñena, 1987), p. 135. 44. Epistolae saeculi xiii e regestis pontificum romanorum selectae per G. H. Pertz, ed. Carolus Rodenberg, 3 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann, 1883–94), v. 1: no. 762, p. 662. Modern historians might prefer the term “queen mother” rather than queen, but this is how Berenguela designated herself. 45. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, p. 235; Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation, p. 75. 46. CL 40, p. 82. 47. CL 40, p. 82; DRH 9.10, pp. 290–91. In 1222, Honorius III con- firmed Beatriz’s dower: Demetrio Mansilla, ed., La documentación pon- tificia de Honorio III (1216–1227) (Rome: Instituto Español de Estudios Eclesiásticos, 1965): no. 411; See also Serrano, Don Mauricio, p. 45. 48. Serrano, Don Mauricio, pp. 42–43. 49. Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 594 and 596–97. 50. Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v.1, p. 554, implies she buckled the swordbelt on Fernando after he donned another “belt of knighthood,” but Rodrigo uses the verb “deaccinxit.” DRH 9.10, p. 291. Rodrigo was present and as a senior churchman may have influenced the liturgy. Cf. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy,” p. 124, and Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 593–95; and p. 595, nn123–24. Alfonso X forbid women to create knights: “Moreover, the ancients held that an empress, or a queen, not- withstanding she might inherit her dignity, had no authority to create a knight, although she could request or command certain knights in her dominions, who had the right to confer the order of knighthood, to do so.” Partidas, 2.21.11. Alfonso X did not, however, forbid women from un-buckling a knight’s belt and thus confirming his knighthood; he was, however uncomfortably, fully aware of his grandmother’s precedent. PCG 1034, pp. 718–19. 51. CL 40, p. 84. A charter dated December 12, 1219 from Burgos refers to Fernando’s knighting and his wedding, but not the cortes. Fernando III 2: no. 93. Both Juan of Osma and Rodrigo relate that the parliament was attended by all nobles, lords, knights, and important men of the king- dom. DRH 9.10, p. 291. From the presence of noble women, Evelyn Procter assumes this cortes was purely ceremonial; Curia and Cortes, pp. 77–78. Given Berenguela’s usual presence, Procter’s characterization of the cortes deserves review; later queens, such as María de Molina, partici- pated in full, genuine cortes. Procter also notes that this was similar to the parliament held at the marriage of Fernando’s sister Berenguela to Jean de Brienne in 1224. The complement of estates present and the implied expense suggests a working cortes was convened. Martínez Diez, “Curia y Cortes,” in Las Cortes de Castilla y León, p. 146. 210 NOTES

52. DRH 9.10, p. 291; see also CL 40, p. 83. 53. Despite being sent to her grandmother’s care in León, María died as an infant. Although Beatriz died in Toro and was buried in Las Huelgas, María was buried at San Isidoro in León. Berenguela held León at the time. CM 4.101, p. 340. 54. For example, Geoffrey of Beaulieu, Vita Ludovici noni, RHF, v. 20, p. 4; See also Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, trans. René Hague (London: Sheed and Ward, 1955), 16.71, p. 41. 55. DRH 9.10, p. 290. 56. DRH 9.18, p. 300. The later Primera crónica general implies that Fernando asked his mother to find his new bride; PCG 1048, p. 735. 57. Teulet, ed. Layettes 2: no. 1713; Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 201; and Jean Richard, Saint Louis, Crusader King of France, trans. Jean Birrell, abridged and ed. Simon Lloyd (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 32 and 56–57. 58. Berger, Blanche de Castille, p. 326, citing Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard 4 vols. (1872–83, Reprint: Wiesbaden: Kraus Reprints, 1964): 3, pp. 327–28; see also Fernando III 1, p. 114. Fernando’s seven sons left little likelihood that a future king of Castile would become count of Ponthieu. Eventually, Fernando’s daughter Eleanor inherited the county from her mother. Fernando III 1, p. 114; Teulet, Layettes, 2: nos. 2699–2700; Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, pp. 32–33. 59. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society, pp. 235–40 and 364–65. 60. Cynthia L. Chamberlin, “The ‘Sainted Queen’ and the ‘Sin of Berenguela’: Teresa Gil de Vidaure and Berenguela Alfonso in Documents of the Crown of Aragon, 1255–1272,” in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages: Studies in Honor of Robert I. Burns, S.J., ed. Larry J. Simon (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 303–21. On Juan Alfonso, see Fernando III 1, p. 88; Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: no. 53, p. 319; and Peter Linehan, The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 230. 61. Estepa Díez points out that no specific evidence ties the marriage of Alfonso and Mafalda to the treaty of Zafra. However, the treaty, the marriage, and the subsequent patronage of the monastery of Buenafuente were all steps in the same process of the pacification of the Lara. We should expect to see marriage play a role in these negotiations. “Frontera, nobleza y señoríos,” 73. See also Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,” p. 119. 62. On the peace of Zafra, see DRH 9.11, p. 292; CL 41, p. 84; and PCG 1035, p. 719. On Buenafuente, see María del Carmen Villar Romero, Defensa y repoblación de la línea del Tajo en un lugar determinado de la provincia de Guadalajara: monasterio de Santa María de Buenafuente (Zaragoza: Caja de Ahorros de Zaragoza, Aragón y Rioja, 1987), pp. 20–21, and appen- dix, no. 19; Fernando III 1, p. 88, and Fernando III 3: no. 703. See also Rodríguez López, “Quod alienus . . . ” 122–23; and “Linajes nobiliarios,” 852. See also Doubleday, Lara Family, pp. 63–64. Estepa Díez says that NOTES 211

Alfonso sold the monastery to his mother-in-law who then converted the institution into one for women; Estepa Díez does not appear to have consulted Villar Romero. “Frontera, nobleza y señoríos,” 80. 63. Martin, Négociation, 44–46. 64. Fernando III 3: no. 533. 65. Fernando III’s legitimacy might have been the issue. Fernando III 1, pp. 247–49. Innocent III had declared Alfonso IX’s children with Berenguela illegitimate, but in 1218 Honorius III legitimized Fernando as his father’s heir. Mansilla, Honorio III, no. 179, pp. 141–42. Interestingly Alfonso IX made no plans for Alfonso de Molina, which would have fit with tradition. Two generations earlier Alfonso VII intended to have his sons Sancho and Fernando rule Castile and León separately. Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 128–29, 134–38, and 144–45. 66. Alfonso IX 2: no. 342. 67. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 346 and 347; also nos. 372, 378, 411, and 523. Alfonso acted “with the consent” of his daughters in a few important charters late in his reign, in which the infantas also participated in the agreements being made, including a fuero for the newly conquered town of Cáceres, and two charters of agreement with the Order of Santiago. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 596–97, 613, and 620. Earlier examples of infantas confirming come from Urraca’s court, where her sisters Sancha and Elvira, and her daugh- ter Sancha regularly confirmed royal charters. The latter Sancha was a powerful presence throughout the reign of her brother Alfonso VII. His daughters confirmed his charters in the last year of his life (1157), but only one, Constanza, did so regularly in earlier years. Reilly, Alfonso VII, pp. 139–41, 144, and 151. For Sancha see also, but with caution: García Calles, Doña Sancha. That the practice fell into desuetude is probably due to a lack of royal sisters in the intervening generation as well as the split between Castile and León. 68. Alfonso IX 2: no. 350. Alfonso IX included his brother and mayordomo Sancho Fernández in this agreement. Sancho Fernández died in 1220, having fallen from favor after 1218. On Sancho’s potential as an heir to the throne, see Alfonso IX 1, p. 187. 69. Alfonso IX 2: no. 372. 70. Alfonso IX 2: nos. 373 and 415. The king of Portugal was Sancha and Dulce’s maternal uncle Afonso II. Charters between 1217 and 1230: Alfonso IX 2: nos. 339, 372, 415–16, 435–36, 441, 547–48, 550, 613, and 620. Martin has pointed to the increased influence of the Portuguese at Alfonso IX’s court in this period. “Négociation,” 29–31. 71. Alfonso IX 2: no. 620. An unpublished charter shows that Sancha and Dulce were recognized as heirs outside of the king’s court: “Regnante Rege dompno Alfonso cum filiabus suis infantibus dompna Sancia et dompna dulcia in legion, gallecia, asturiis et Extremadura.” Madrid, AHN Sección Clero, Catedral de Salamanca, carpeta 1881, nos. 17 and 18 [16 and 18 December 1223]. 72. Fernando III 1, pp. 250–51; CL 42, p. 84. 212 NOTES

73. DRH 7.13, p. 247; CM 4, p. 325. 74. CL 42, pp. 84–85. 75. Jean had married Marie de Montferrat (d. 1219); their only daughter Yolande, queen of Jerusalem (d. 1228), was the second wife of Emperor Frederick II. 76. CL 42, p. 85, states that upon leaving, the infanta and her husband were given a “generous gift” [munera larga] and commended to God. 77. Fernando III 1, p. 252, n94. 78. CL 42, p. 85. 79. CL 60, p. 103. 80. CL 60, p. 103. 81. DRH 9.14, p. 295. 82. DRH 9.14, p. 295; see also CL 60, pp. 103–4. 83. DRH 9.14, p. 296; CL 60, p. 104. 84. DRH 9.14, p. 296. 85. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 681. 86. DRH 9.14, p. 296. 87. For example, Alfonso IX 2: nos. 607, 610, 618, and 619 (from 1229 to 1230). 88. CL 60, p. 104. 89. DRH 9.14, p. 295. 90. DRH 9.15, p. 296. 91. CM 4, p. 339; DRH 9.14–15, p. 296; see also Fernando III 1, p. 256. 92. DRH 9.14, p. 296. 93. CL 60, p. 104. 94. DRH 9.15, p. 296; Fernando III 2: no. 270. The Chronica latina echoes the treaty almost verbatim, because it may have been the Castilian chancel- lor, Juan of Osma, who prepared the treaty. CL 60, p. 104; Fernando III 1, pp. 504–9. 95. See Chapter 3, n. 68, p. 202. 96. Fernando III 2: no. 270. 97. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 31. 98. DRH 9.15, p. 297. 99. CM 4.99, p. 339. 100. Martin suggests that the women’s gender permitted the conflict to be resolved by negotiation instead of warfare—and a humiliat- ing defeat for the Leonese who remained loyal to Sancha and Dulce. “Négociation,” 35. 101. PCG 1036, p. 720; DRH 9.12, p. 292. But see Linehan, “Don Rodrigo and the Government of the Kingdom,” CLCHM 26 (2003): 98–99 [87–99]. 102. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: nos. 50, 52, 54, 62, and 63. For August 15, 1256, Louis IX’s chancellor Jean Sarrasin noted expenses in Paris “pro fratre regis Hispaniae et pro universitate clericorum . . .” Tabulae Ceterae, RHF 21, pp. 328b; Fernando III 1, p. 112. 103. Kristen died a few years later, but Felipe then married the Castilian noblewoman Leonor Ruiz de Castro. Munch, Sancha, and Gayangos, NOTES 213

“La princesa Cristina de Noruega y el Infante Don Felipe, Hermano de Don Alfonso el Sabio,” BRAH 74 (1919): 39–65; Regino Inclán Inclán, “Sepulcro del Infante D. Felipe, Hijo del Rey Fernando III El Santo,” BRAH 75 (1919): 143–84, especially Appendix 2: 169. 104. DRH 9.12, p. 292; PCG 1036, p. 720. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: no. 57. 105. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa: no. 71; Fernando III 1, p. 112; Hernández, Cartularios de Toledo: no. 500. 106. Mansilla, Iglesia castellano-leonesa, p. 187, n192. Berenguela’s eponymous granddaughter entered Las Huelgas as a child oblate in 1241. There is no evidence that the elder Berenguela was behind this profession, although it seems logical that she was involved in, and approved it. See Shadis, “Piety, Politics and Power,” in Cultural Patronage, pp. 208–9; Gayoso, “The Lady of Las Huelgas,” 92–116. 107. Chapter One provides a literary example of Leonor at court. See also Procter, Curia and Cortes, pp. 19–21, 134, and 233–34; Earenfight, “Maria of Castile, Ruler or Figurehead?,” 45–61. 108. Nelson, “Medieval Queens,” p. 200. Queens did sit in judgment in lit- erature, however. 109. Lupián Zapata cites a cortes in 1239, which Berenguela attended. Epítome, p. 132. He may be confused about the date of Fernando III’s marriage to Jeanne de Ponthieu in 1237, when Fernando held a cortes to celebrate the wedding. O’Callaghan, Cortes of Castile-León, p. 82. 110. CL 44, p. 87. 111. Libro de los fueros de Castilla, ed. Galo Sanchez (Barcelona: El Abir, 1981), p. 3. 112. Crónica anónima de Sahagún, p. 139. 113. Colección de los primeros fueros, folio 115r. 114. Lisa Bitel, Women in Early Medieval Europe, 400–1100 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 278; Huneycutt, “Intercession,” pp. 126–46; Parsons, “The Queen’s Intercession,” pp. 147–77. 115. O’Callaghan, The Latin Chronicle, p. 125, n2; Fernando III 1, pp. 132–33. 116. Mencia’s mother was Fernando’s half-sister, Urraca Alfonso, one of Alfonso IX’s natural children. 117. CL 66, p. 108. 118. CL 66–67, pp. 108–9. 119. In the meantime, Berenguela also ameliorated the situation with Lope Díaz, who recognized the king’s suzerainty over his castles, and received them properly from the king through his bailiff. Berenguela promised him this tenancy for fifty years, and Fernando confirmed Berenguela’s promise. CL 66, p. 108. Martin suggests the women’s intervention enabled the preservation of male honor. “Négociation,” 38–41. 120. “domine regine, matri mee, in principio regni me impendistis,” Fernando III 2: no. 8 (Nov. 26, 1217). 121. AHN Sección Ordenes Militares, Ucles, Carpeta no. 311, nos. 10 and 11. 214 NOTES

122. One record of a sale between María Díaz and the monastery of Santa María de Aguilar del Campóo notes the reign of Fernando “in Toledo and in Castile and in León and in Galicia and in Cordoba with his mother Queen Berenguela” in 1237. AHN Cleros 944B; Becerro mayor del monasterio premonstratenses de Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo, 91r. There are many, many more examples to be had; thus far out of a ran- dom sampling of documents, I have noted similar “regnante” clauses for 1218, 1222, 1224, 1234, 1235, 1236, 1237, and 1243. Regarding Berenguela’s loss of power, see Linehan, “Apostillas,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 389–90; and Linehan, “Don Rodrigo,” 95, 99. 123. Mansilla, Honorio III: no. 548; M. León Cadier, Bulles originals du XIIIe siècle conserves dans les archives de Navarre (Rome: L’école française, 1887): no. 23. 124. Epistolae saeculi xiii, ed. Rodenberg, v. 1: no. 762. Fernando wrote to Gregory at the same time, including a claim to Fadrique’s impe- rial inheritance. Rodenberg, Epistolae saeculi xiii, nos. 760 and 761. In a highly speculative and provocative discussion, Martin suggests, fol- lowing Linehan’s lead, that Berenguela may have been writing to the pope to complain about her increasing ostracism at Fernando’s court. Martin, “Négociation,” 50. Without greater evidence, it is uncertain that Berenguela’s release of the tenancy of León and general retirement were not due to her age and indeed the fulfillment of her life’s work. 125. Elaine Tuttle Hansen, “The Powers of Silence: The Case of the Clerk’s Griselda,” in Women and Power, pp. 230–49; Michelle Freeman, “The Power of Sisterhood: Marie de France’s ‘Le Fresne,’ ” in Women and Power, pp. 250–64; Joan Ferrante, “Public Postures and Private Maneuvers: Roles Medieval Women Play,” in Women and Power, pp. 213–29.

5 “The things that please God and men”: Berenguela, Conquest, and Crusade 1. CM 4.100, pp. 339–40. 2. Lucas authored De altera vita fideique controversies adversus albigensium errors libri III between 1230 and 1240, and was deeply concerned about the presence of heretics in León. Lucas of Túy, De altera uita, ed. Juan de Mariana (Ingolstadt: Hertfroy, 1612). Evidence for large, organized groups of heretics, however, is scanty. Javier Faci Lacasta and Antonio Oliver, “Los estamentos eclesiasticos y las estructuras socials en los sig- los xii y xiii,” Historia de la iglesia en España: la iglesia en la España de los siglos viii al xiv, ed. Javier Fernández Conde, 2 vols. (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1982), v. 2, pp. 104–11. 3. PCG 1132, pp. 772–73. 4. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation royale,” 132–36. 5. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation royale,” 156–60. 6. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 10. NOTES 215

7. Blanche’s reaction, “when she heard that he [Louis IX] had taken the Cross, as he told her, too, himself, she was as miserable as if she had seen him dead,” is well known. Joinville, Life of St. Louis, p. 51. At the same time, Blanche clearly supported crusading itself. Matthew Paris relates that the queen took a vow as Louis’s proxy when he was seriously ill. Probably she did not expect that he would fulfill the vow personally, but rather would support a crusade financially. Paris, Chronica Majora 4: pp. 397–98; Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 368–69. 8. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 3. 9. Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986), pp. 18–25. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 31–32. 10. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 24–27. 11. Bernard F. Reilly, The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain, 1031–1157 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1995), pp. 211–12. 12. The protection was actually dated the day before the indulgence; Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 574–76. 13. Fernando III 1, pp. 279–82, citing Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 148, 149, and 207; see also no. 155; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 52–53. 14. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 80; James M. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, 1213–1221 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986). 15. The historiography of analyzing the “religious content” of this territo- rial conquest is explained by Peter Linehan, “Religion, nationalism and national identity in Medieval Spain,” Studies in Church History 18 (1982): 166–67 [161–99]. 16. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation,” 153. 17. James A. Brundage, “Prostitution, Miscegenation and Sexual Purity,” in Crusade and Settlement, ed. Peter W. Edbury (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press, 1985), pp. 57–58 [57–64]; Riley-Smith, First Crusade, p. 24. 18. Constance M. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield: The Gendering of Papal Crusading Policy (1095–1221), in Gendering the Crusades, ed. Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), p. 38 [31–44]. 19. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield,” in Gendering the Crusades, pp. 31–44; James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 77. 20. James A. Brundage, “The Crusader’s Wife: A Canonistic Quandry,” Studia Gratiana 12 (1967): 441 [425–41]. For Queen Marguerite, see Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, pp. 124–25. 21. Jordan, Louis IX, pp. 70 and 80. 22. Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 995–1071; Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, “El siglo xiii y San Fernando,” in Estudios y discursos de crítica histórica y literaria, ed. Miguel Artigas, 7 vols. (Santander: CSIC, 1940), v. 7. pp. 57–58 [47–61]; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 17. Pick contends that the battle’s 216 NOTES

significance lay not in the extension of territory, but in the reduction of the Almohad army and the introduction of the crusading ideal in Spain by Archbishop Rodrigo. Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 43–46. Echegaray discusses the combatants as a “coalición cristiana” and contextualizes the battle in the wider European ambit. Guerra y pacto, pp. 338–39. 23. Rodríguez López, “Légitimation,” 151–60. 24. Pick has argued most recently that it was “Rodrigo’s idea . . . to urge Spanish participants to make the unusual move of thinking of them- selves as crusaders while acting in the peninsula.” Conflict and Coexistence, p. 37. 25. Linehan, History and the Historians, pp. 295–97. 26. This is a main premise of Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, building on the work of Linehan, History and the Historians. 27. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 898. Alfonso’s lengthier letter to Pope Innocent III confirms that Las Navas was a crusade, and discussed the papal indul- gences granted to crusaders coming to Spain. Berenguela’s letter is much shorter and appears to be an independent composition: there are no par- allel phrases (excepting one referring to the king’s distribution of booty), and a great difference in the number of casualties reported. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 897 (to Innocent III). 28. I am grateful to Theresa Vann for sharing with me in advance of publica- tion a copy of her paper, “Our father has won a great victory: Berenguela’s account of the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, 1212”; an earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference, “Remembering the Crusades,” Fordham University, New York: March 28, 2008. See also Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 107–8. 29. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 898. 30. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 897. 31. CL 25, p. 62. 32. CM 4.90, p. 330. 33. DRH 8.10, p. 274. On the unreliable nature of medieval sources regard- ing numbers, see O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 143–46. 34. Some historians have inferred that these were the female inhabitants of Úbeda, which the Christians captured shortly thereafter. See Vann, “Our father.” 35. Elena Lourie, “Black Women Warriors in the Muslim Army Besieging Valencia and the Cid’s Victory: A Problem of Interpretation,” Traditio 55 (2000): 181–209. 36. Alfonso VIII 3: nos. 897 and 898. Rodrigo probably had access to these letters—as well as his own memory—when he described the battle in the De rebus Hispanie. He also described the huge amount of booty, and fur- thermore emphasized the Castilians’ discretion in the acquisition of these riches (in contrast to the Aragonese). DRH 8.11, p. 275; see also Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 21 and 45. Arab historians, however, made little distinction among the behavior of the Christian conquerors. Ibn Abi Zar says that no prisoners were taken; Rawd al-Qirtas, trans. Ambrosio Huici Miranda, 2nd. ed., 2 vols. (Valencia: J. Nácher, 1964), v. 2, p. 467. NOTES 217

The seizure of goods is confirmed by ‘al-Marrakuši: “Alfonso went out from that place, after filling his hands and those of his companions with riches and things belonging to the Muslims.” Abu ¯ Muhammad Abd al- Wahid al-Marrakushi, Kitab al-mu ‘yib fi taljis ajbar al-Magrib, Lo admira- ble en el resumen de las noticias del Magrib, in Colección de crónicas árabes de la reconquista, trans. [Spanish] Ambrosio Huici Miranda 4 vols. (Tetuán: Editora Marroquí, 1955), v. 4, p. 267. 37. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 21. 38. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 71. 39. While Berenguela associated Thibault with the French, he was in fact a Poitevin—at the time an English subject—and the son of a Spaniard. Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, p. 109. 40. Ruiz, “Unsacred Monarchy,” in Rites of Power, p. 116; Hernández, “La Corte de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 108–10. 41. Alfonso VIII 1, p. 1072. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 78, n2. Pick describes the “limited penetration of what might be called a recon- quest ideology” in the aftermath of Las Navas, but as she also points out, material circumstances were such that renewed or extended military potential for all sides was severely limited. Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 46 and 58. 42. Fernando III 1, p. 278, n1. 43. Fernando III 1, p. 278. 44. Alfonso IX 2: no. 352. The main purpose of this treaty was to buy Alfonso IX’s friendship after Enrique I’s death, by paying 11,000 maravedís to him. 45. Ibn ‘Id¯ar¯ı al-Marr¯akusˆ¯ı, Al-Bayan¯ al-Mugrib Fi Ijtisar¯ Ajbar¯ Muluk al- Andalus Wa al-Magrib in Colección de Crónicas Árabes de la Reconquista, ed., trans. Ambrosio Huici Miranda, 4 vols. (Tetuán: Editora Marroquí, 1953), v. 2, p. 283; Fernando III 1, p. 285. 46. Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 268 and 269. See also Fernando III 1, p. 283; Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 53; O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 80–82. 47. Fernando III 1, p. 284. 48. Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus (London: Longman, 1996), pp. 261–62. 49. Rodríguez López sees this as a key moment in the historiography of understanding the nature of Fernando’s independent and legitimate rule. “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” pp. 25–26. 50. CL 43, pp. 85–86. Lomax supplies the date; Derek Lomax, The Reconquest of Spain (Longman: London, 1978), p. 137. 51. Martin suggests that Juan’s reference to the Holy Spirit was the necessary rhetorical device to invoke a power superior to Berenguela’s, initiating Fernando’s emancipation from his mother. “Berenguela,” p. 581; but see Reilly, “Bishop Lucas,” p. 783. Martin’s argument, which corresponds to those made by Linehan and Hernández, cited throughout, derives largely from an interpretation of Juan’s perspective on Berenguela as being 218 NOTES

oppositional. See Linehan, “Apostillas,” p. 383, n33, which also connects this perspective to the historiography of Blanche of Castile’s relationship with her son Louis, in particular the idea that he used the crusades as a means to free himself of his mother’s dominion. See especially Jordan, Louis IX. 52. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, pp. 80, 82–83; Mansilla, Honorio III: no. 209. 53. CL 44, p. 86. Italics added. 54. Reilly, Urraca, p. 124, and pp. 155–56; Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, pp. 15, 29, and 75. 55. Indeed, Reilly cautions that the entire passage itself may be a “borrowed set-piece.” “Bishop Lucas” 783. 56. CL 44, p. 87. 57. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 21. 58. The conquests of Jaume I of Aragón in Valencia and the Balearic Islands, and the extension of Portuguese rule in the Algarve must be considered here as well. 59. DRH 9.13, pp. 292–93. 60. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, p. 59. 61. Rodríguez López, “Sucesión regia y legitimidad política,” 25–26. 62. “Et la noble reyna donna Berenguela, su madre del rey don Fernando, con amor et con bien querencia dese su fijo, queriendol estoruar de yr uengar los tuertos que los moros le fazien, fizol consagrar a Dios, asi commo diz la estoria, los comienços de su caualleria, et alongar por mas tiempo las treguas que el auie puestas con los alaraues, et non le dexaua mouer por alla.” PCG 1036, p. 720. Italics added. 63. DRH 8.12, p. 292. 64. Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, p. 24, citing Deuteronomy 24:5. 65. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 262; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, pp. 137–39; Fernando III 1, pp. 289–91. 66. CL 46, p. 88; Fernando III 1, p. 294; Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 262; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 137. 67. CL 44, p. 87; Fernando III 1, pp. 293–94. 68. Fernando III 1, p. 296. 69. Fernando III 1, p. 286; Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 574–76. 70. Mansilla, Honorio III: nos. 148, 155, 207, 208, 209, 210, and 268. See also Linehan, Spanish Church and the Papacy, pp. 8–17. 71. Chronicon de Cardeña, in España Sagrada: Theatro geographico-histórico de la iglesia de España. Enrique Flórez et alia, eds. 2nd ed. (Madrid: A. Marin, 1747–1879), 51 vols., v. 23, pp. 373–74. 72. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 264. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 139. 73. CL 49, p. 93; See also Ibn Khaldún, Histoire des berbères et des dynasties musulmanes de l’Afrique septentrionale, ed. William MacGuckin Slane, et alia, 4 vols. (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1925–56), v. 4, p. 234. Fernando III 1, p. 304. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 364. 74. CL 50, pp. 93–94. Italics added. NOTES 219

75. CL 50, p. 94. 76. Rousseau, “Home Front and Battlefield,” in Gendering the Crusades, pp. 31–44. 77. Possibly, however, they reflected the new “short-timer’s attitude” compli- cating crusades elsewhere. See Laurence W. Marvin, “Thirty-Nine Days and a Wake-up: The Impact of the Indulgence and Forty Days Service on the Albigensian Crusade, 1209–1218,” The Historian 65.1 (Fall, 2002): 75–94; O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade, p. 125. 78. Fernando III 2: no. 250; Bullarium Ordinis militiae de Calatrava, ed. Ignácio José de Ortega y Cotes and Juan Francisco Alvarez de Baquedano (Madrid: Marin, 1761), pp. 61–62. 79. Enrique Rodríguez-Picavea Matilla, “El Campo de Calatrava en la época de Fernando III,” in Fernando III y su tiempo, pp. 369–73 [343–74]. For an example of the association of the Campo de Calatrava with Berenguela, see Juan Miguel Mendoza Garrido, “La organización del territorio cala- travo en época de Fernando III. El caso de Bolaños,” Archivo hispalense: revista histórica, literaria y artística 234–36 (1994): 335–50. 80. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, pp. 266–67. 81. CM 4.100, p. 339; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 145. 82. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 145. 83. CL 70, p. 112. 84. Fernando III 1, pp. 323–31. 85. The Chronica latina ends its narrative with the conquest of Córdoba and Fernando’s triumphant return to his mother in Toledo. CL 74 and 75, p. 118. In 1248, two years after Berenguela’s death, Fernando captured the city of Seville. 86. CM 4.101, pp. 341–42. 87. CM 4.101, pp. 341–42; CL 74, p. 117; PCG 1047, p. 734; Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 146. 88. DRH 9.17, p. 300. 89. DRH 9.17, p. 300. 90. DRH 9.17, p. 300. 91. “Con tetas llenas de virtudes le dio su leche de guisa que, maguer que el rey don Fernando era ya varon fecho et firmado en edat de su fuerça conplida, ssu madre la reyna donna Berenguella non quedo nin quedaua de dezirle et ensennarle acuçiosamiente las cosas que plazen a Dios et a los omnes—et lo tienen todos por bien—et nuncal mostro las costunbres nin las cosas que perteneçien a mugeres, mas los que fazie a grandez de coraçon et a grandes fechos.” PCG 1047, pp. 734–35. 92. Jordan, Louis IX, pp. 116–22. 93. PCG 1074, p. 748. 94. Lomax, Reconquest of Spain, p. 151. 95. On the date of the composition of the Poema, see Colin Smith, The Making of the ‘Poema de Mio Cid (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Richard Fletcher, The Quest for the Cid (New York: Knopf, 1999). On booty, see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, esp. p. 75. Pick 220 NOTES

discusses in detail Rodrigo’s preference for conquest over booty, arguing that he was “for a long time out of step with his peers over the mat- ter. Conflict and Coexistence, p. 17. On ritual purification, see DRH 9.13, p. 294.

6 “Making Lament”: Death, Grief, Memory, Identity 1. Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis, ed. Josephus-Marie Canivez, 8 vols. (Louvain: Bibliothèque de la Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique, 1933) 2: 1251, cap. 7. 2. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 5, p. 377. Blanche had been formally asso- ciated in prayers with the Order in 1222 (Layettes 1: no. 1557, p. 556), but this relationship had existed since her parents founded Las Huelgas in the year of her birth. In 1244, she requested a memorial for her parents; Canivez, Statuta 2: 1244, cap. 12. 3. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1251, cap. 7 and Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 5; cited earlier. “Amicis” could also mean “relatives.” 4. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 6. 5. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1241, cap. 12. The Cistercians remembered Blanche after her death; Canivez, Statuta 2: 1253, cap. 6. 6. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1243, cap. 9 (for Leonor); cap. 15 (for Constanza). 7. Canivez, Statuta 1: 1217, cap. 33. 8. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1244, cap. 47. 9. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1245, cap. 17. 10. James S. Amelang, “Mourning Becomes Eclectic: Ritual Lament and the Problem of Continuity,” Past and Present 187 (May 2005): 21–31 [3–31]; Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, “Lament for a lost Queen: The sarcoph- agus of Doña Blanca in Nájera,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, ed. Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo and Carol Stamatis Pendergast (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), p. 48 [43–80]; Rocío Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Monumenta et memoriae: The thirteenth-century episcopal pantheon of León Cathedral,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, pp. 270–71 [269–300]; José Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto’ en la Historia y en la Literatura Gallega,” Cuadernos de studios Gallegos 4 (1945): 511–606. 11. Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 514–16. 12. Partidas 1.4.44, p. 36. 13. Cited in Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 564–67. 14. Amelang, “Mourning Becomes Eclectic,” 4. 15. Filgueira Valverde, “El ‘Planto,’ ” 557–59. This gendered distinction in manners of grief was noticed by Christine Mitchell Havelock in “Mourners on Greek Vases: Remarks on the Social History of Women,” Feminism and Art History: Questioning the Litany, ed. N. Broude and M. S. Garrard (New York: Harper and Row, 1982), pp. 51–52 [45–61]; and by Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 48. 16. Patrick J. Geary, Phantoms of Remembrance: Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millennium (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 53–54 and 63–68; plates 1–10. NOTES 221

17. Georges Duby, Women of the Twelfth Century, 3 vols; 2: Remembering the Dead, trans. Jean Birrell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), p. 14. 18. DRH 7.36, p. 258. 19. CL 20, pp. 55–56. 20. DRH 7.36, p. 258. 21. Sánchez Ameijeiras, “Monumenta et memoriae,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 282 n7, and pp. 270–71; Del Alamo, “Lament for a lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 52. 22. Vann, “Castilian Queenship,” in Queens, Regents and Potentates, p. 140, citing Alfonso VIII 3: no. 884. 23. Riquer, Los trovadores 2: no. 216, pp. 1085–87. 24. DRH 7.36, p. 258. 25. PCG 1009, p. 688. 26. Much of Alfonso X’s first partida was a Castilian adaptation of canons promulgated at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215. See “Introduction to the First Partida,” in Burns, ed. Partidas 1: p. liii. 27. DRH 8.15, p. 280. The Primera crónica general was less eloquent, perhaps downplaying Berenguela’s unsanctioned behavior. PCG 1024, p. 708. 28. CL 28, p. 69. 29. DRH 8.15, p. 280. 30. DRH 9.1, p. 281. I am grateful to Dr. Lucy Pick for suggesting this line of speculation to me. 31. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 769; CL 31, p. 73; DRH 9.1, p. 281. 32. Escribano García, “La calavera de Enrique I,” 250–64. Enrique’s remains include bones from the skull and upper body, with a partially preserved thorax separated from the lower body, which was intact and more suc- cessfully embalmed. This suggests that the boy’s body was embalmed soon after his death, probably within a day, but not soon enough to stop the natural processes of decomposition, which normally began at the upper part of the body, and would have been accelerated at the site of the wound on the head. CL 32, p. 76, and CL 36, pp. 79–80; DRH 9.4, p. 285, and DRH 9.6, p. 287. 33. CL 36, pp. 79–80; DRH 9.6, p. 287. 34. CL 36, p. 80; also DRH 9.6, p. 287. 35. PCG 1030, pp. 714–15. 36. Crónica del Fernando Cuarto, v.1, ch. 2, p. 132. Italics added. María per- formed a similar act of charity and domination for her enemy Prince Pere of Aragón. Crónica del Fernando Cuarto, v. 2, pp. 103–4. 37. Lupián Zapata, Epitome, p. 105. The Primera crónica general confirms his dire poverty and burial at Uclés, but says nothing about Berenguela. PCG, cap 1033, p. 717. Gonzalo Argote de Molina’s Nobleza de Andalucia was first published in 1588. Argote de Molina himself cited “la general Historia en el cap. 11 del lib. 4.” See Gonzalo Argote de Molina, Nobleza de Andalucia, ed. Manuel Muñoz y Garnica (1866; Repr. Jaén: Instituto de Estudios Giennenses, 1957), p. 124. 38. Traducción gallega 1, p. 778. 222 NOTES

39. Gómez-Moreno asserts that one sepulcher belonged to a daughter Leonor, of whom I can find no record, whereas González assigns the tomb in question to Sancho. Manuel Gómez-Moreno, El real panteón de las Huelgas de Burgos (Madrid: CSIC, 1946), p. 11; Alfonso VIII 1, pp. 200–203. This tomb is carved with a memento mori inscription dated 1194; Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica, p. 187; see also Walker, “Leonor of England,” pp. 366–67. 40. The tomb described as the infante Sancho’s depicts mourners, possibly parents, but does not evoke lamentation or grief; Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica, p. 187. Compare the tomb of Blanca of Navarre; Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, pp. 43–79. 41. Alfonso VIII 3: no. 888; Las Huelgas 1: no. 109; Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica, pp. 187 and 193. 42. See Canivez, Statuta 2: 1222, cap. 9; Statuta 1: 1157, cap. 63. 43. Las Huelgas 1: no. 215. 44. Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica, p. 194. 45. Kathleen Nolan, “The Queen’s Body and Institutional Memory: The tomb of Adelaide of Maurienne,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 249 [249–67]. 46. Nolan, “The Queen’s Body,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 252. 47. Shadis, “Piety, Politics and Power,” in Cultural Patronage, pp. 211–13; Terryl N. Kinder, “Blanche of Castile and the Cistercians,” Commentarii cister- cienses 27.3–4 (1976): 163 and 183 [163–88] and Armande Gronier-Prieur, L’Abbaye Notre-Dame du Lys a Dammarie-les-Lys (Seine-et-Marne: Amis des monuments et des sites de Seine-et-Marne, 1971). 48. Walker’s ideas about Alfonso VIII’s inspiration for the foundation of Las Huelgas should be taken into account as well. Such potential inspiration does not necessarily replace that of the queen, but rather may complement it. Walker, “Leonor of England,” 346–68. 49. There is an apparent absence of artistic or funerary patronage during the turbulent years of Enrique I’s reign and the first few years of Fernando III’s rule. David Raizman has argued, however, that the unnamed patron- ess behind the production of the later Morgan Beatus may have been Berenguela. The manuscript’s unfinished state may certainly be attributed to lack of funds in the early 1220s. On the other hand, the patroness, while probably a royal woman, just as likely was the nun/infanta Constanza, or the infanta Leonor. David Raizman, “Prayer, patronage and piety at Las Huelgas: new observations on the later Morgan Beatus (m. 429),” in Church, State, Vellum and Stone: Essays on Medieval Spain in Honor of John Williams, ed. Therese Martin and Julie Harris (Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 235–74. 50. Francisco Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales de la provincia de Valladolid (Valladolid: Librería Santarén, 1942), p. 173. 51. Luis Fernández Martín, “Colección diplomática del monasterio de Santa María de Matallana,” Hispania Sacra 25.50 (1972): 412 [391–35]; Canivez, Statuta 1: 1217, cap. 33. 52. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 172. Fernández Martín, “Colección diplomatica,” 385. NOTES 223

53. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 172. Beatriz, however, was buried at Las Huelgas. 54. Antón y Casaseca, Monasterios medievales, p. 193. These tombs are cur- rently housed at the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya in Barcelona. 55. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio, p. 268; Flórez, Las reinas católicas, v. 1, pp. 601–602. 56. For a full description of this tomb, see Gómez Barcena, Escultura gótica, pp. 196–97; see also Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, p. 68, n19. 57. Berenguela’s initial tomb prepared at her death in 1246 indeed may have been plain and humble, but the act of translation seems inconsistent with the act of moving the body from one plain tomb to another. 58. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio pp. 141–42; Las Huelgas 2: no. 439. 59. Las Huelgas 3: no. 596. 60. Rodríguez López, El real monasterio, p. 169; Gómez-Moreno states that the simple tomb attributed to Queen Berenguela, opened in this cen- tury for study, contained two bodies; one well preserved (the queen) but the other decapitated. Gómez-Moreno, El real panteón real, p. 30. One wonders how he decided which body belonged to the queen: perhaps he recognized her because she had managed to keep her head. 61. PCG 1030, p. 714. 62. Rodríguez López notes that three Constanzas (Queen Berenguela’s sister, daughter, and granddaughter) and Isabel of Molina (another granddaugh- ter) among others were all interred in tombs without surviving adorn- ment. El real monasterio, p. 264. 63. The literature on the intersection of Christianity, gender, and embodi- ment is vast, and growing: See, to begin, the work of Caroline Walker Bynum, especially, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200–1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995). 64. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, p. 207. 65. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile, pp. 205–206. Division of the body was not entirely unusual: Blanche of Castile, for example, left her heart to Lys while her body was buried in Maubuisson. The division of Blanche’s body between her two favorite foundations adds a new dimension to the prob- lem of these patrons’ affirmation of their lineage and family future, since it seemed to signify a kind of fracturing of one source of that lineage, the mother herself. Yet, the patron’s purpose behind foundation was reiterated by this act of disarticulation, emphasizing the roles of the nuns in caring for the dead and on the patron’s love for a particular convent. That this was effective as part of a greater program to establish lineage was borne out by future generations’ continued use of both monasteries for the same purpose. On the practice of the division of corpses, its origins and signif- icance, especially for the royal family of France, see the work of Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “Death and the Human Body in the Late Middle Ages,” Viator 12 (1981): 221–70; “Burying and Unburying the Kings of France,” in Persons in Groups: Social Behavior as Identity Formation in Medieval and 224 NOTES

Renaissance Europe, ed. Richard C. Trexler (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985), pp. 241–66; and “Authority, the Family and the Dead in late Medieval France,” French Historical Studies 16.4 (1990): 803–32. Brown argues that Blanche divided her body for “personal reasons and not because of family ties,” but I suggest that family ties were at the forefront of Blanche’s mind in establishing Lys and Maubuisson, and that future members of the royal family chose burial in these places because of those ties; Brown, “Authority, the Family, and the Dead,” p. 811. 66. CL 28, pp. 68–69. 67. PCG 1067, p.745. 68. PCG 1073, p.748. 69. Corpus medievale cordubense 1 (1106–1255) ed. Manuel Nieto Cumplido (Córdoba: Publicaciones del Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros de Córdoba, 1979): no. 320. 70. Hernández, Los cartularios de Toledo: no. 450; “La Guardia, Villa del Partido de Lillo, Provincia de Toledo–Datos Históricos,” ed. Fidel Fita, BRAH 11.5 (Nov. 1887): no. 12, p. 408 [373–431]. 71. Sources do not agree on the date of Blanche’s death, but Eudes of Rouen records her burial at Pontoise on November 29, and states that he was present. Odo Rigaldus, The Register of Eudes of Rouen, trans. Sydney M. Brown, ed. Jeremiah F. O’Sullivan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), p. 167. The Norman Chronicle dates her death to November 27, corresponding to Eude’s information about her funeral and burial; E chronico Normanniae RHF t. 23, p. 214. 72. Louis Carolus-Barré, Procès de canonisation de Saint Louis (1272–1297): essai de reconstitution, ed. Henri Platelle (Rome: École Française de Rome, Palais Farnèse, 1994), p. 75; see Del Alamo, “Lament for a Lost Queen,” p. 71, n62, for prayer and citations for liturgy. According to the chronicles of Saint-Denis, however, Blanche had been at Melun when she became so ill that death seemed imminent. Fully aware of this, she packed up and made haste to Paris; only after her death was her body carried to Pointoise. Chroniques de Saint-Denis, RHF, v. 21, pp. 116–117. At Paris, Blanche put her affairs in order and made her will; Guillaume de Saint- Pathus, Vie de Saint Louis, ed. H-François Delaborde (Paris: A. Picard et Fils, 1899), p. 15. 73. Berger, Blanche de Castille, pp. 414–415; Primat, Chronique, trans. Jean du Vignay, RHF, t. 23, p. 10; Canivez, Statuta 2: 1253, cap. 6. 74. Urraca’s will was revised by her husband Afonso II; Figanière, Memorias das rainhas, Appendices 5 and 6, pp. 235–42. 75. If she had been a man, surely she would have been buried with a sword. Later, Sancho IV was buried with his sword, created by Andalusi silver- smiths. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds for Christian Kings?” in Under the Influence, pp. 123–24. 76. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, p. 30, no. 19 [plate 64]. 77. Olivia Remie Constable, Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 180. NOTES 225

78. The Art of Medieval Spain, A.D. 500–1200 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), p. 108; see also Concha Herrero Carretero, Museo de telas medievales: monasterio de Santa María la Real de Huelgas (Madrid: Editorial Patrimonial Nacional, 1988), pp. 102–3. 79. Dorothy G. Shepherd, “A Treasure from a Thirteenth-Century Spanish Tomb,” Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 65 (April, 1978): 111–34. See especially the “technical note” that strongly suggests the clothes recov- ered from Bishop Gurb’s tomb were manufactured in the same workshop as Berenguela’s cushion, “A Treasure,” 130–32. 80. Cruz, Las Huelgas de Burgos, p. 50. Inventario de bienes muebles historico- artisticos (base de datos Goya). Pillow: http://www.patriomonionacional.es/ PRESENTA/servicio/conser.htm. Servicios Culturales y de Investigación. Conservación de Obras de Arte. Documento 4135 (Telas [pillow]. Patrimonio Nacional Collección TE, Inventory No. 00650512 (the pil- low), and Patrimonio Nacional Colección MU, Inventory No. 00652178 (the door). http://www.patromonionacional.es. Accessed: October 15, 2007. 81. The Art of Medieval Spain, pp. 107–8. 82. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, pp. 53–54. 83. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds,” in Under the Influence, p. 118. 84. Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom propose one of several options for inter- preting Christian responses to the sometimes religious and sometimes decidedly secular scripts in items that ended up in church treasuries: Christians were unable, or unwilling to read the texts, or, they simply did not care. “From Secular to Sacred: Islamic Art in Christian Contexts,” Sacred/Secular: 11th–16th Century works from the Boston Public Library and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, ed. N. Netzer (Chestnut Hill, MA: Boston College, 2006): 115–19. 85. Sheila Blair, explains that this text in particular was easy to weave and often abbreviated. Private Correspondence: July 29, 2008. 86. Herrero Carretero, Museo de Telas, pp. 121–24. 87. Feliciano, “Muslim Shrouds,” in Under the Influence, p. 115. 88. Avinoam Shalem, Islam Christianized: Islamic Portable Objects in the Medieval Church Treasuries of the Latin West (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1996), p. 130. 89. George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art (1954; repr. London: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 23; Basilio Pavón Maldonada, Arte toledano islámico y mudéjar (Madrid: Instituto Hispano-arabe de Cultura, 1973), pp. 219–23. 90. Jerrilynn D. Dodds, “Mudejar Tradition and the Synagogues of Medieval Spain: Cultural Identity and Cultural Hegemony,” in Convivencia: Jews, Muslims and Christians in Medieval Spain, ed. Vivian B. Mann, et alia (New York: George Braziller with The Jewish Museum, 1992), p. 124. 91. Dodds, “Mudejar Tradition,” in Convivencia, pp. 126–27. 92. Gómez-Moreno, El panteón real, pp. 23–24, 30. 93. Constable, Trade and Traders, p. 180. 226 NOTES

94. Jerrilyn D. Dodds, “Islam, Christianity and the Problem of Religious Art,” The Art of Medieval Spain: A.D. 500–1200, p. 32 [26–37]. Possibly these goods were sold by Christian merchants who would receive booty as part of their pay for participating in battles. Another source might be the steady stream of Andalusi Christians and Jews who had emigrated to the northern kingdoms under the Almohads; Juan Zozoya, “Material Culture in Medieval Spain,” in Convivencia, p. 165 [157–74]. 95. Shalem, Islam Christianized, p. 79. 96. Pick, Conflict and Coexistence, pp. 127–37; Nirenberg, Communities of Violence, pp. 245–46. 97. Canivez, Statuta 2: 1252, cap. 6. 98. Joinville, Life of Saint Louis, p. 36.

Conclusion A Perfect Friend of God 1. DRH 9:17, p. 300. 2. Linehan, Spanish Church and the Papacy, pp. 330–34. See also Cynthia L. Chamberlin, “Unless the Pen Writes as It Should”; the Proto-Cult of Saint Fernando III in Seville in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,” in Sevilla 1248: congreso internacional conmemorativo del 750 aniversario de la conquista de la ciudad de Sevilla . . . ed. Manuel González Jiménez (Seville: Centro de Estudios Ramón Areces, 2000), pp. 389–18. Carolus-Barré, Procès de canonisation de Saint Louis, p. 75. Daniel Papebroch, Acta vitae S. Ferdinandi III in Acta Sanctorum: Mai: tome VII (1684; repr. Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1969) pp. 280–14, especially pp. 385–86. 3. Jane Tibbetts Schulenberg, “Female Sanctity: Public and Private Roles, ca. 500–1100,” Women and Power, pp. 102–125. Michael Goodich, Vita Perfecta: The Ideal of Sanctity in the Thirteenth Century (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1982), p. 173. 4. Goodich, Vita Perfecta, p. 175, on the “new ideal of sainthood [which] demanded works of social service.” Overall, Goodich found, female saints in the thirteenth century comprised 25 percent of the total; among women, a higher proportion of saints were royal, suggesting that visibility was indeed a factor in identifying sanctity. The majority of these women remained single, took holy orders if separated, maintained chaste mar- riages or resisted marriage. Goodich, Vita Perfecta, Appendix, “Master List of Thirteenth Century Saints,” pp. 213–41. Blanche of Castile’s daughter Isabelle was a good example of such a woman. Field, Isabelle of France, pp. 37–42 and 167–70. 5. Las Huelgas: no. 439. 6. Poulet, “Capetian Women and Regency,” in Medieval Queenship, pp. 93–116. 7. Rodríguez López, Consolidación, p. 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Note: The bibliography which follows represents unprinted materials, those sources most frequently cited in this study, those which refer explicitly to Berenguela, or those sources which contributed most substantially to the formation of my ideas about women and rulership in the Middle Ages. Full bib- liographic information can be found for all works cited in the notes.

Primary Sources: Unprinted Sources Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid Sección Clero Eslonza, San Pedro de Eslonza, Carpeta 967 Palencia, Nuestra Sra. De Benevivere, Carpeta 162 Salamanca, Cathedral, Carpeta 1881 Sección Ordenes Militares Ucles, Carpeta 311 Codices Tumbo de Sobrado L. 976 Becerro mayor del monasterio premonstratenses de Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo L. 944 Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid BN ms 700. Privilegios concedidos por los reyes de Castilla y de León a la iglesia de León. Carta de vencion de ciertas heredades de Villafrontín BN ms 6683, Fueros y privilegios (León) Hispanic Society of America Colección de los primeros fueros y leyes generales de Castilla por el Sr. Rey Sn. Fernando. Manuscript, HC NS4/607. Toledo, Cathedral Archive ACT A.2.G.1.5 ACT Z.9.M.1.2 228 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Select Bibliography: Printed Primary Sources

Alfonso X. Primera crónica general de España que mandó componer Alfonso el Sabio y se continuaba bajo Sancho IV en 1289. Ed. Ramon Menéndez Pidal. 2 vols. Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1955. ———. Las siete partidas. Trans. Samuel Parsons Scott. Ed. Robert I. Burns, S. J. 5 vols. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000. Calvo, Aurelio, ed. San Pedro de Eslonza. Madrid: CSIC, 1957. Canivez, Josephus-Marie, ed. Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis. 8 vols. Louvain: Bibliothèque de la Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique, 1933. Castan Lanaspa, Guillermo, ed. Documentos del monasterio de Villaverde de Sandoval, siglos xii–xv. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 1981. Castigos para celosos, consejos para juglares. Trans. Jesús D. Rodríguez Velasco. Madrid: Gredos, 1999. Cavero Domínguez, Gregoria and Encarnación Martín López, eds. Colección documental de la catedral de Astorga II, 1126–1299. León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación, “San Isidoro,” 2000. Chronica latina regum Castellae. In Chronica Hispana Saeculi XIII, ed. Luis Charlo Brea, Juan A. Estévez Sola, and Rocío Carande Herrero. Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis 73. Turnhout: Brepols, 1997. Domínguez Sánchez, Santiago, ed. Colección documental del monasterio de Santa María de Carbajal, 1093–1461. León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación “San Isidoro,” 2000. Fernández Catón, José María, ed. Catálogo del archivo histórico diocesano de León. León: Centro de Estudios e Investigación San Isidoro, 1978. Fernández Martín, Luis, ed. “Colección diplomática del monasterio de Santa María de Matallana.” Hispania Sacra 25.50 (1972): 391–435. Floriano Llorente, Pedro, ed. Colección diplomática del monasterio de San Vicente de Oviedo, años 781–1200. Oviedo: Diputación de Asturias, CSIC, 1968. Garrido Garrido, José Manuel, ed. Documentación de la catedral de Burgos, 1184–1222. Burgos: Ediciones J. M. Garrido Garrido, 1983. González, Julio. Alfonso IX. 2 vols. Madrid: CSIC, 1944. ———. Regesta de Fernando II. Madrid: CSIC, 1943. ———. Reinado y diplomas de Fernando III. 3 vols. Córdoba: Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros de Córdoba, 1980. ———. El reino de Castile en la época de Alfonso VIII. 3 vols. Madrid: CSIC, 1969. González Palencia, Angel, ed. Los mozarabes de Toledo en los siglos xii y xiii. 3 vols. Madrid: Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan, 1926–28. Hernández, Francisco J., ed. Los cartularios de Toledo. Madrid: Fundación Ramon Areces, 1985. Hernández Segura, Amparo, ed. Crónica de la población de Avila. Valencia: Anubar, 1966. John of Joinville. The Life of Saint Louis. Trans. René Hague. London: Sheed and Ward, 1955. Layettes du trésor des chartes. Ed. Alexandre Teulet, et al. 5 vols. 1863–1909. Reprint, Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1977. BIBLIOGRAPHY 229

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‘Abd Allah. See al-Bayyˉasıˉ relationship with Alfonso VIII, ‘Abu al-Wˉahid b. Yusuf, 134 53–54, 58, 61, 62, 190n11, abdication, 3, 14–15, 17, 21, 98–99, 202n66 136, 163 succession of daughters, 51, 95, Abu Yahya Zakariya, Almohad 110–14, 211nn67, 71 vizier, 134 Alfonso VI of León-Castile, 2, 51, Adelaide of Maurienne, queen of 191n165 France, 161 Alfonso VII, Emperor of Afonso, infante of Portugal, 4, 150 Castile-León, 2, 27, 30, 35, 56, agency, 9, 11, 24, 41, 50 74–75, 111, 126, 178n13, al-Andalus, 17, 81, 116, 124, 133, 135, 211n67 138, 141–45, 169, 170 Alfonso VIII, King of Castile 2, 10, Alarcos, Battle of, 48, 61 24, 27, 33, 35–36, 38, 52–55, Alba de Aliste, 202nn68, 72 57–58, 61, 64, 66–67, 69, Al-Bayyˉasıˉ, 140–41 78–79, 87–88, 96, 107, 109, 143, Alcobaça, 167 185n33, 189n2, 190n11, 191n16, Alexander II, Pope, 126 194n55, 195n74, 202nn66, 68, Alfonso de Molina, 44, 70, 71, 82, 205nn111, 113 83, 99, 109, 145, 162, 201n58, and succession of Berenguela, 2, 33, 210nn61, 62, 211n65 49, 54, 60, 100, 104, 208n33 Alfonso I, King of Aragón, as coruler with Leonor, 38, 42, 50, 51, 197n6 76, 143, 203nn84, 97 Alfonso II of Aragón, 25 claims to Gascony, 31, 184n25 Alfonso IX, King of León, 2, 56, 59, claims to Navarre, 29–30, 59 61, 76–80, 91, 92, 96, 99, 101, crusades, 61, 86, 129–31, 133, 136, 107, 109, 114, 120, 143, 191nn14, 150, 216n27 16, 194n55, 64, 195–96n74, death of, 82, 86, 104, 133, 151, 197nn6, 7, 8, 198n14, 200n36, 155, 165 50, 204n100, 211nn65, 68, 70, marriage to Leonor, 23, 25–26, 29, 213n116 52, 57, 67 marriage to Berenguela, 2, 3, 20, patronage, 8, 36, 37, 40, 46–48, 30, 52, 54, 59, 62, 64, 66–70, 76, 160, 186n60, 187n74, 194n63, 78–79, 83, 106 222n48 relationship to Fernando III, 82, Alfonso X, King of Castile-León 42, 110, 194n55 57, 60, 107, 109, 116, 165 238 INDEX

Alfonso X—Continued Astorga, 76, 112, 195n66, 202n69, and the Primera crónica general, 8, 204n100 40, 48, 139–40. See also Primera Asturias (region), 28, 29, 77, 78, 91, crónica general 195n66 and the Siete partidas, 27, 44, 151, Augustinian Order, 162 184n16, 209n50 Autillo, 94, 95, 98, 205n120 as Infante, 42, 82, 107, 120, Avila, 43, 44, 102–3 139, 145 Avilés, 202n69 Alfonso XI, 158 Alfonso Téllez, 93–94 Baeza, 140–41 Alfonso, Infante of Aragón, 4, 73, Baños de la Encina, 141–42 171, 196n90 barraganas, barraganía, 195–96n74. Algadefe, 81, 200n50 See also Berenguela Alfonso Almanza, 202n68, 72 Barruelo, 77, 80 Almohads, 61, 86, 129, 133, 134, 139, Beatriz of Swabia, Queen of Castile, 143, 216n22, 226n94. See also 57, 81–82 crusades; Muslims death and burial of, 107, 108, 152, Alphonse of Poitiers, 197n91, 166 162, 165, 210n53, 223n53 Álvar Pérez, 118–19 marriage to Fernando III, 108, 116, Álvaro Fernández, tenant of 117, 118–20, 129, 140, 152 Villalpando, 202–3n77 patronage, 201n53, 209n47, Álvaro Núñez de Lara, 91, 98–99, 210n53, 223n53 101–2, 120 tenancy of León, 85, 105–7 as alferez, 87, 199n31 Belorado, 29, 102 as regent for Enrique I 87–95, 119, Benavente, 113–14, 202n69, 156–57, 192n25, 205n125 204n100 conflict with Berenguela, 87–88, Berengaria of Navarre, 31, 59–60 93–94, 98, 101, 102–3, 137, Berenguela Alfonso, 109 204n98, 207nn 31, 32 Berenguela, infanta, Lady of death of, 158–59, 208n35 Las Huelgas (daughter of Álvaro Rodríguez, “queen’s man”, Fernando III), 5, 107, 116, 43, 187n81 163–64, 113n106 Aparicio, “queen’s man”, 43, 187n82 Berenguela, Infanta of León, 70, 72, Ardon, 83, 85 82, 105, 110–12, 117, 201n58, Argote de Molina, Gonzalo, 158, 209n51 221n37 Berenguela, infanta, Lady of Las Argüello, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72 Huelgas, (daughter of arras agreements, 12, 20, 25–32, 38, Alfonso X ), 60 40, 43, 52, 55–56, 61, 63–67, Berenguela, Queen of Castile 70, 74, 76, 78–80, 83–84, 96, and León 109, 113, 176, 183n7, 183–84n11, Alfonso IX of León, and: divorce 194n59. See also Leonor of from, 3, 26, 68–71, 199n30; England Leonor of Castile marriage to, 2–3, 20, 25–26, Berenguela, Queen dower 30, 52, 54, 62–67, 194nn59, 61, dowry 198n17; treaties with, 83–85, INDEX 239

104, 111, 119, 133–34, 202nn65, lordship, 3, 64–66, 74, 78–80, 69, 73, 205n113 81, 83–86, 101, 200nn48, as a grandmother, 116, 120, 163, 50, 201nn52, 53, 56, 202n77, 210n53, 213n106 210n53, 214n124 as Queen of León, 63–66, 74–83, marriage of children, 3, 105–9, 85–86, 96 111–12, 219n61, 210n56 betrothal to Conrad of mourning, 21, 151, 154–56, 157–59 Rothenburg, 2, 20, 27, 38, patronage, 7–8, 12, 19, 20, 40, 41, 51–59, 105, 119, 189n2, 63, 69, 73–76, 80, 83, 87, 91, 96, 190–91n11, 191n16, 192n20. 123, 142, 159–62, 174, 194n63, See also Seligenstadt, Treaty of 197n7, 198n14, 210n61, 222n49 birth of, 32–33, 43, 104, 208n38 relationship with Rodrigo Jiménez burial of, 163–64, 167–70, 174, de Rada, 8, 87–88, 156, 173 223nn57, 60 relationship with sisters, 3–5, 61, childhood, 32–34, 40, 50, 52, 54 63, 94, 108, 129–33, 150 correspondence, 94, 120–21, treaties with Muslims, 133, 134, 129–33, 141, 146, 214n124, 139 216n27 See also mothers, mothers and sons, crusade, and 21, 86, 124–25, co-rule 127–28, 129–33, 135–38, Bernardo, bishop-elect of Segovia, 139–40, 141–42, 144–47, 175 120 death, 145, 149, 165–66, 167 Bertran de Born, troubadour, dispensation of wealth, 74, 79, 102, 184n25 123, 143–44, 154 besamanos, 53 Fernando III, and: corule with, betrothal, 2, 20, 51, 52–54, 60, 14, 82, 98, 104, 123, 124, 129, 63–64, 95, 106, 190n3. See also 138, 147, 150, 159, 161–62, Treaty of Seligenstadt 176, 187n73 (redo this entry); Blanca of Castile. See Blanche of establishment as king of Castile, Castile 14–15, 98–103; establishment as Blanca of Navarre, daughter of king of León, 112–15 Thibault, 109 historiography of, 7–9, 12, 15–20, Blanca of Navarre, wife of Sancho III, 100–1, 138–40, 189n2, 203n83, 29, 31, 35, 57, 222n40 204n98, 206n131, 207n18. See Blanche of Castile, 3, 14, 32, 33, also femininity, masculinity 71–74, 96, 97, 104 image and representation of, 1, 88, crusades, and 124–25, 128–33, 138, 91, 203n94, 204n102 147, 215n7 kingdom of Castile, and: as heir to, death and burial of, 165, 166–67, 2, 20–21, 33, 38, 49, 55, 60, 64, 220n5, 223–24n65, 224n72 95, 97–98, 104, 208n33, 208n38; historiography of, 5, 16–19, 34, as regent of, 3, 20, 44, 73, 86, 104, 174, 181–82n41, 208n38, 87–92, 93, 96, 119, 192n25, 217–18n51 193n43, 203nn86, 90, 91; civil infant of Castile, 54, 61, 108, 110, war in, 92–103, 205n120, 125, 132–33, 146, 150, 170, 174, 207n32, 208n35 182n54, 197n91, 198n15 240 INDEX

Blanche of Castile—Continued treaty of, 80, 83–85, 110, 119, marriage, 3, 13, 31, 48, 70–71, 130, 205n113 183n11, 189n2 burial, 37, 75, 91, 96, 101, 131, 141, patronage, 149–61, 220n2, 194n63 151, 153–63, 165, 167–68, regency, 4, 14, 71, 73, 97, 129, 138, 210n53, 221n37, 223–24n65, 147, 149, 166–67 224nn71, 75. See also mourning, relationship with Louis IX, 9, 18, tombs 107, 120, 217–18n51 widowhood, 71–72 Cabreros, see under Berenguela, castle of 195n66, 202n72 correspondence; relationship treaty of, 80, 83–85, 100, 110, 112, with sisters 119, 142, 195n67 bodies, Calatrava, castle of, 132 division of, 165, 223–24n65 Order of, 111, 142 of the dead, 95, 101, 131, 151–57, Camino de Santiago, 11, 40 165, 167–69, 221n32, 223nn57, Campo de Calatrava (region), 142, 60, 224n72. See also burial 219n79 of the king, 13, 51, 72, 165 Candrei, 195n66, 202n66 of the queen, 13, 47, 164–65, 167, canon law, 54, 58, 60, 64, 67, 71–72, 223n60, 224n72 128–29, 191n14, 191n33, 195n67, reproductive bodies, 13, 44, 164. 196n87, 221n26 See also pregnancy canonization, 36, 166, 174, 226n4 body politic, 10, 61, 72, 137. See Capilla, 140–42 also cortes, kingdom of Castile Carracedo, 199n30, 200n48, 202n77 kingdom of León Carrión, 28–29, 91, 117, 137, 191n14. Bolaños de Campo, 84, 205n113, 142, See also cortes, of Carrión 202n68 Castigos para bien vivir, 48, 208n33 booty, 129, 131–32, 141, 144, 146–47, Castile-León 169–70, 216nn27, 36, 219–20n95, division of, 2, 111 226n94 unification of, 3, 8, 21, 64, 96, breastfeeding as metaphor, 34, 145. 113–15, 123, 124, 199n30 See also nurses, nursing Castillo de Doña Berenguela, 142 Brown, Elizabeth A. R., 223–4n65 Castro Cisneros, 95 Brundage, James, 128, 192n33, Castro family, 36 195n73 Castro Gonzalo, 84, 195n66, Buenafuente, monastery of, 106, 150, 205n113 162, 210nn61–62 Castrojeriz, 28–29, 116 Burgos, Castrotierra, 202n68 bishop of, 70, 99, 117, 137, 156. See Castroverde, 34, 77, 79–80, 195n66, also Mauricio, bishop of Burgos 205n113 cathedral of, 60, 100, 104, 106, Celestine III, Pope, 59, 61, 62, 194n57 162, 209n51, 185–86n52 Charles of Anjou, 166, 197n91 city and region, 4, 25, 28–29, 35, charters 39–41, 43, 63, 93–95, 102, arras charters, 12, 26, 27, 63, 183n7, 116–18, 154, 160, 167–68 190n7. See also arras INDEX 241

as sources: indicating corule, civil war, 93, 96, 102–3, 137, 175. See 34–35, 37–38, 50, 76–78, 85, also rebellion 104, 199n30, 211n71; nonroyal Coca, 98 charters, 35, 43, 74, 77–78, 80, Compostela, archbishop of, 68, 70, 85, 88, 91, 104, 187nn73, 74, 191n14 82, 198n17, 199n30, 211n71; Conrad of Rothenburg, 2, 20, 38, patronage charters, 36, 37, 51–59, 63, 105, 106, 189n2, 40–41, 63, 74–75, 88, 91, 162, 190n5, 190–91n11, 191n16, 194n63, 197n9; royal charters, 192n32. See also Seligenstadt, 7, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40–41, 42, Treaty of 44, 46, 50, 57, 60, 63, 74–77, consanguinity, 3, 20, 60, 62, 75, 95, 80, 82, 86, 88, 91, 100, 104, 111, 106, 191n14, 198n17 114, 117, 162, 187n82, 190n11, as an impediment: 53, 60, 62 191n14, 194n63, 197n9, 201n58, defiance of: 57, 60, 68, 59, 203nn90, 93, 94, 209n51, 211n67 62, 118 confirmation practice in, 35, 42, papal objection to: 68, 95 86, 110, 191n14, 202n71, consent, 202n74, 211n67 regarding crusading: 128–29, intitulation practice in, 33, 35, 80, 135–37 111, 119 regarding marriage: 55, 58, 60, witnessing of, 35, 46, 55, 63, 64, 67, 72 66, 79, 85, 88, 91, 111, 192n20 see under co-rule, charters chastity, 16, 51, 67, 95, 100, 107–9, Constance of Castile, queen of 115, 183n1, 205n125, 226n4 France, 197n236. See also Chronica latina regum Castella, 8–9, Constanza, daughter of 31, 32, 54–55, 98, 102, 113, Alfonso VII 118, 131, 137, 139, 140, 152, Constance of Sicily, 58–59 155, 191n16, 194n55, 201n58, Constanza, daughter of Alfonso VII, 204n98, 205n215, 212n94, 211n67. See also Constance of 219n85. See also Juan of Osma Castile Chronicle of Otto of St. Blaise, 190n5, Constanza, Infanta of Castile, nun 192nn31–32 and Lady of Las Huelgas 3–5, 12, Chronicon de Cardeña, 141 16, 32–33, 61, 94, 116, 150, 163, Chronicon mundi, 7–9, 123, 139, 197n7 167–68, 170, 194n63, 220n6, as source for the Primera crónica 222n49, 223n62 general, 9. See also Lucas of Túy Constanza, Infanta of León, nun and descriptions of Berenguela in Lady Las Huelgas 4–5, 70, 82, Chronicon mundi, 8, 16, 19, 116, 201n58, 223n62 75–76, 83, 85, 87, 100, 114, 123, conveniencia, 11, 181n38. See also 197n7, 207n32 convivencia, tolerance Cistercian Chapter General, 149–50, convivencia, 11, 168, 170, 181n38. See 160, 162 also conveniencia, tolerance Cistercian Order, 4, 5, 12, 37, 39, 40, Córdoba, 11, 19, 126, 141, 143–44, 77, 87, 109, 116, 146, 149–51, 214n122 159–62, 164, 166–67, 171, 220n5 cathedral of, 144, 166 242 INDEX

Córdoba—Continued De altera vita, 7, 214n2 Christian conquest of, 123, 125, De rebus Hispanie, 8–9, 40, 126, 152, 140–44, 219n85 173, 201n58. See also Rodrigo Great Mosque of, 144 Jiménez de Rada Coria, 78 Diego Avas, 78 cortes, 10, 11, 53, 100, 117, 190n7, Dillard, Heath, 35 207n21 divorce, 4, 26, 58, 61, 66, 71, 73, 96, and women, 11, 60–61, 106, 117, 114, 192n33, 194n55 209n51 Dodds, Jerrilyn, 170, 181n38 of 1219, 106–7, 209n51 Doubleday, Simon, 94, 95, 203n86, of 1224, 117, 138, 209n51 n90, 205n120, 208n35 of 1237/39, 117, 213n109 dower, 25–29, 38, 52, 55–56, 63–64, of Carrión, 53–58, 60, 100, 67–69, 72, 83, 183–4n11, 190n14, 207n17 194n59, 209n47. See also arras of San Esteban de Gormaz, 52–53, dowry, 25, 27, 31–32, 55, 64, 67, 112, 190n11 183n11, 184n16, 189n2 corule, corulership, 10, 14, 20, 23, 34, Duby, Georges, 152 42, 50, 82, 97–98, 111, 143, 145, Dueñas, 28, 98 147, 174–76 Dulce, Infanta of León, 110–15, between husbands and wives, 25, 202n67, 211nn70, 71, 212n100 34–35, 38, 76–77, 41, 50, 82, 127 between mothers and sons 38, 85, Earenfight, Theresa, 6, 14, 178n10, 104, 120, 124, 127, 147, 166, 179n17 203n84, 214n122 Echegaray, Esther Pascua 53, 216n22 Council of Clermont, 126, 128 Eleanor of Aquitaine, 23–26, 29, Crónica anónima, 191n18 31, 37, 39, 59, 60, 161, 177n4, Crónica de la población de Avila, 102–3, 189nn103, 105 208n33 Eleanor of Castile, Queen of England, Crónica ocampiana, 49, 177n5 165, 210n58 crusades, Elvira, infanta of León, daughter of Holy Land, 124–27, 141 Alfonso VI, 211n6 Iberian, 86, 117, 124–27, 128, 138, Elvira, nurse to Berenguela, 33–34 141, 167, 215–16nn22, 24, 27. Elvira, queen-regent of León, 178n13 See also Las Navas de Tolosa; embalming, 156, 164, 221n32 Fernando III; kingship Enrique I, 43, 150, 154 indulgence, 61, 124, 126, 136–38, birth, 33 141, 215n12, 216n27 death, 20, 33, 91, 95–96, 98, papal protection, 124, 126, 141, 111, 133, 156, 206nn127–29, 215n12 217n44 preaching, 86, 128–30, 136, 137 reign, 2, 3, 20 41, 44, 60, 71, vow, 124–25, 128, 138–39, 141, 73, 85–96, 104, 119–20, 133, 215n7 156, 175, 192n25, 193n43, women in, 74, 127–29, 131, 137, 203nn90, 91, 93, 204nn98, 142, 174. See also Berenguela, 104, 222n49 and crusades relationship with Berenguela, 44, Cuenca, siege of, 36 60, 73, 86–89, 91–92, 94–95 INDEX 243

Enrique III, 193n45 early rule of Castile, 3, 101–4, 117, Enrique, infante of Castile, 107, 121, 133, 207n15, 222n49 158–59 inheritance of León, 3, 8, 88, 110, Eslonza. See San Pedro de Eslonza 112–15, 194n55 Estefanía (nurse to Berenguela), 33 marriages of, 55, 57, 82, 105–7, Eugenius III, 126 108, 176, 209n51, 210n56, excommunication, 61–62, 68, 81, 93, 213n109. See also Beatriz of 118, 160 Swabia, Jeanne of Ponthieu exogamy, 57, 60, 108 masculinity, 19, 142, 144–45, 147 relationship with mother, 3, 9, Facinger, Marion, 5, 177n5 18–19, 81, 106–9, 115, 119, 120, Fadrique, infante of Castile, 107, 120, 140, 144–45, 165–66, 217n51. See 214n124 also corule; Queen Berenguela fazañas, 117 Fernando IV, 60–61 Feliciano, María Judith, 168–69, Fernando Sánchez, 88 181n38 Fernando, infante of Castile (son of Felipe, infante of Castile, Fernando III), 107 archbishop-elect of Seville, 107, Fernando, Infante of Castile, 33, 34, 116, 212n103 38–39, 40, 50, 57–58, 78, 85, femininity, 16, 19, 44, 46, 106, 121, 96, 101, 150–54, 157, 160, 168, 142, 145, 188n91, 203n92, 190n3, 192n32, 185n33, 194n63 207n18 Fernando, Infante of León (son of Fernando Alfonso, canon of León, 81, Teresa of Portugal), 82, 194n55, 200n50 201n63, 202n70 Fernando García (León), 79 Fernando, son of al-Bayyˉasıˉ, 141 Fernando II, King of León, 2, 36, 80, Flórez, Enrique, 7, 16–17, 163 111, 191n12, 197n6 Florián de Ocampo, 49, 177n5 Fernando III, King of Castile-León. Fontevrault, 37, 39, 160, 161, 171 See also Iberian kingship Franciscan Order, 4, 158, 177n6, 171 accession to Castile, 3, 15, 98–101, Frederick I Barbarossa, German 156–57 Emperor, 38, 52, 55, 57–59, 105, birth and youth, 38, 43, 64, 69–71, 189n2, 190n5 80, 82–85, 91–92, 95, 98, 156, Frederick II, German Emperor, 105, 201nn58, 63, 202n68, 206n132, 212n75 211n65 fueros, 27, 74, 76, 79–80, 117, 211n67 canonization, 174 children, 42, 107, 116, 120, 139, ganancias, 26 140, 210n58 García Fernández de Villamayor, court of, 42, 109, 118–19, 152, 42–43 205n111, 213nn116, 119 García Lorenzo, 89, 91 crusades of, 123–44: initiation of, García Martínez de Contreras, 42, 44 124–25, 126, 128–29, 133–40, Gascony, 31–32, 37, 184n25 217n51; siege of Capilla, 140–42; Geary, Patrick, 152 siege of Córdoba, 125, 142–44; gender 146, 219n85 and authority, 3, 15, 20 death of, 166, 167, 171 and power, 10, 15, 20 244 INDEX gender—Continued arbitration between Castile and and rulership, 56, 82, 106, 139, 157, Navarre, 29–31 207n17 marriage negotiation with Castile, expectations and ideology, 6, 25–29, 31 14–19, 50, 55, 87, 88, 101, 106, Henry III, King of England, 108 113, 120–21, 145, 147, 144, 173, Henry, King of Germany, 55, 58–59 203nn86, 92, 212n100 Herculano, Alexandre, 198n17 limitations, 5, 13, 33, 63, 82, 96, 99 Hernández, Francisco Javier, See also femininity, masculinity, sex 206n131, 217n51 and gender, women and military historiography. See Berenguela, culture Queen of Castile-León Blanche Gil, chancellor, 37, 43 of Castile Giron family, 91, 93, 205n111, Honorius III, Pope, 93, 120, 126–28, 208n35 136, 141, 209n47, 211n65 González, Julio, 57, 58, 62, 63, Hospital de la Regina/del Rey, 184n25, 187nn74, 81, 191nn14, Burgos, 40–41, 50, 154, 16, 194n57, 195–96n74, 201n58, 187nn73, 74 202n73, 204n100, 205nn113, Howden. See Roger Howden 124, 222n39 Hyacinth Bobo. See Celestine III, Gonzalo Núñez de Lara, 92 Pope Gonzalo Pérez Manrique, lord of Molina, 104, 109, 208n38 Ibn Hˉud, 118–19, 143 Gonzalo Rodríguez [Giron], imperial claims and identity, Iberian, majordomo, 86, 93–95, 98, 2, 26, 56–57, 107, 117, 120, 199n33, 208n35 214n124 Gonzalo Rodríguez, tenant of infantado, 186n60 Valencia, 78, 195nn68, 70 infertility, 49 Gonzalo, bishop of Toledo, 58, inheritance, 2, 3, 6, 29, 31, 34, 40, 68, 192n32 72, 107, 115, 120, 174–75, 183n9, Gordón, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72 196n90, 214n124 Gregory IX, Pope, 120, 160, 214n124 Berenguela and, 12, 95, 115, 164 Gregory of Sant’Angelo, papal legate, Fernando and, 38, 83–84, 96, 110, 58, 61 114, 194n55 grief, 34, 50, 150–53, 155–56, 158, See also hereditary queenship 160, 165, 171, 220n15. See also Iñigo de Mendoza, 206n127 mourning, llanto Innocent III, pope, 20, 64, 67–70, Guillem de Burgued, troubadour, 46 83, 95, 127–28, 130–32, 195n67, Guillermo, abbot of Sahagún, 205n124, 211n65, 216n27 117, 121 Innocent IV, Pope, 163, 174 Guiraut de Calansón, 153 intercession, 23, 50, 62, 75, 76, 103, 110, 115, 117–18, 188n92, Henry II, King of England, 23, 37, 194n61 189n103 interdict, 68, 69, 198n17 and Fontevrault, 37, 39 Isabel, infanta, daughter of Sancho IV, and St. Thomas Becket, 35 61, 158 INDEX 245

Isabel, queen of Castile-Aragon, 6, Lady of Las Huelgas, 4, 5, 116. See 19, 173, 203n92 also Constanza, infanta of Castile Isabelle of France, 197n91, 226n4 Constanza, infanta of León, and Isabel of Molina, 223n62 Berenguela, infanta of Castile, daughter of Fernando III Jaume I, King of Aragón, 4, 14, lament, lamentation. See llanto. See 25–26, 52, 60, 70–71, 73, 109, also grief, mourning 150, 171, 178n8, 196n89, Lara family, 35, 36, 87, 104, 109, 218n58. 210n61. See also Álvaro Núñez Jean de Brienne, 111–12, 117, 140, de Lara 209n51, 212n75 Las Huelgas of Burgos, Santa María Jeanne de Ponthieu, 82, 108, 116–17, la Real, 4, 5, 39, 40, 43, 63, 85, 120, 129, 150, 165, 176, 213n109 94, 106, 116, 150, 161–62, 171, Jerusalem, kingdom of, 111–12, 126, 213n106 128, 141, 212n75 and convivencia, 167–68 Jocelyn, Bishop of Sigüenza, 36–37 as a royal mausoleum, 39, 91, 101, John, King of England, 31–32, 37, 69, 154–57, 160, 162–64, 166–67, 183n11 206n128, 223n53 Juan Alfonso, bishop of Palencia, 109, foundation and construction of, 37, 210n60 39–41, 48–50, 61, 161, 186n60, Juan of Osma, author of the Chronica 188n92, 204n102, 210n53, latina, 7, 8, 60, 62, 85, 86, 94–95, 220n2, 222n48 99, 100–2, 104, 105, 112, 118, See also royal mausoleums 135, 139, 143, 155, 165, 191nn14, Las Navas de Tolosa (Battle of), 85, 16, 204n98, 206n131, 209n51 86, 125, 127, 129–33, 146, 169, as bishop, 144 170, 202n66, 216n27, 217n41 as chancellor of Castile, 8, 116, 114, Lateran Council, Fourth, 203n84, 212n94 221n26 See also Chronica latina Le Goulet, Treaty of, 71, 183n11, Juan of Soria. See Juan of Osma 189n2 Le Nain de Tillemont, 181–82n41 Kantorowicz, Ernst, 13 León kingship, Iberian, 1, 20, 10, 14, 27, bishop and see of, 9, 68–69, 191n14 34–35, 44, 76, 87, 98, 107, city of, 7, 62, 75–78, 81–82, 112, 124, 174 114, 143, 176, 201n56, 210n53, kingship, ideal, 108–9, 124, 129, 132, 214n124 133, 155–56, 165 kingdom of, 2–3, 8, 10, 18, 36, 53, kingship and crusades, 74, 124–25, 58, 61, 63–66, 68–70, 71, 73–78, 127, 129–32, 136, 175. See also 80, 83–84, 88, 91–92, 100, 104, Alfonso VIII, Fernando III, 105, 110–15, 123–24, 127, 137, Louis IX, crusades 147, 156, 176, 194n55, 196n87, knighting, 54–56, 58, 88, 106–7, 140, 202n66, 211nn65, 67 191n16, 209n51 Leonor Núñez de Lara, 36 and women, 56, 88, 106, 117, 137 Leonor of Castile, Queen of Aragon, Kristen of Norway, 116, 212n103 3–5, 13–14, 25–26, 33, 43, 52, 246 INDEX

Leonor of Castile—Continued 110, 119, 139, 147, 155, 159, 162, 60, 70–74, 94, 150, 163, 167–68, 167, 223n65 170–71, 178n8, 196n90, 220n6, royal attention to, 2, 12, 24, 35, 88, 222n49 98, 155 Leonor of England, Queen of women and, 2, 12, 13, 44, 49, 55, Castile, 96, 97, 103, 105, 112, 159, 167 birth and childhood, 24 Linehan, Peter, 8–9, 106, 180n24, corule with Alfonso VIII 26, 206n131, 214n124, 216n26, 34–35, 37, 38–39, 50, 76, 77–78, 217–18n51 97, 143 llanto, 151–55, 157–58, 165, 166. See death, 156, 165 also mourning dower, 25, 26–31, 38, 52, 67, Logroño, 28, 31, 204n104 184n19 Lomax, Derek, 191n14, 217n50 Gascony, and, 31–32 Lope Díaz de Haro, 93, 95, 98, 118, household, 24, 41–43, 187nn76, 81, 213n119 82, 199n33 Lope Díaz, tenant of Villalpando, 85, intercession, 61–62, 194nn55, 61 202n77 marriage, 23, 24, 48, 57, 189nn103, Louis IX, King of France, 4, 55, 97, 105, 199n26 108, 145, 165, 166, 171, 174, motherhood, 14, 24, 32–34, 52, 57, 182n54, 197n91 67, 160, 171 and crusade, 125, 127–29, 138, mourning, 151, 152–54 215n7, 217–18n51 patronage, 24, 35–37, 39–41, 47, relationship with mother, 9, 18, 49–50, 154, 160–61, 187n74, 107, 128, 217–18n51 194n63, 222n48 Louis VIII, King of France, Plantagenet relations, and, 23, marriage to Blanche of Castile, 3, 31–32, 37, 39 4, 37, 48, 71, 73, 130 regency, 39, 44, 86, 93, 104, offer of Castilian throne, 104, 108, 203n84 149–50, 182n54, 208n38 representations, 44–48, 50, See also Blanche of Castile; Treaty 187–88n86, of Le Goulet; Philip Augustus Leonor Ruiz de Castro, 212n103 Louis, prince of France (son of Leonor, infanta of Castile. See Eleanor Louis IX), 60 of Castile Lucas of Túy, 7–8, 62, 91, 115, 131, Leonor, Infanta of León, 64, 69, 75, 144, 201n58, 202n66, 205n118, 82, 210n58 207n15 Leonor, infanta, daughter of as deacon of San Isidoro, 7 Fernando IV, 61 as bishop of Túy Liber de miraculis S. Isidori, 7. See Lucas relationship with Jiménez de of Túy Rada, 9 limpieza de sangre, 49 See also Chronicon mundi lineage Luna, 83, 85, 202nn68, 72 elevation of, 7, 125, 154, 173 Lupian Zapata, Antonio, 7, 158, preservation of, 1, 2, 12, 13, 15, 23, 204n104, 205n125, 208n38, 55, 87, 96, 100, 104, 105–6, 108, 213n109 INDEX 247

Mafalda de Molina. See Mafalda 91, 206nn129, 131, 212n100, González de Lara 213n119, 214n124, 217n51 Mafalda González de Lara, 109, 162, Mary, Mother of God. See Virgin 210n61 Mary Mafalda of Portugal, 60, 95, masculinity, 16–20, 50, 106, 142, 205n125 147 Mafalda, Infanta of Castile, 33, 61, Matallana, monastery. See Santa 167, 185n31, 194n64 María de Matallana Mansilla, 113, 195n66, 202n69 Matthew Paris, 17, 215n7 Manuel, infante of Castile, 107 Maubuisson 159, 160, 162, 166, 171, Marguerite de Provence, Queen of 223–24n65 France, 129 Mauricio, bishop of Burgos, 156. See María de Castilla, Queen of Aragón, also Burgos 6, 183n1 Mayor Alfonso de Meneses, 162 María de Luna, Queen of Aragón, 6 Mayorga, 113, 195n66 María de Molina, Queen of Medina del Campo, 28, 113 Castile-León, 158–59, 173, memorialization, 21, 39, 131, 149–51, 209n51, 221n36 153–54, 159, 166–67, 220nn2, 5, María Vélaz, 77, 199n22 10. See also mourning María, infanta of Castile, 107, 210n53 Mencia López, 118–19, 213n116 María, infanta, daughter of Mencia, abbess of San Andrés de Enrique III, 193n45 Arroyo, 86 Mariana, Juan de, 194n61, 208n38 Meneses family, 162, 223n54 Marie, Countess of Ponthieu, 108 mercy, 74, 93, 103, 118, 135, 158–59, marriage 166, 173 and Christianity, 26, 53–54, 58, military orders 87, 142, 146. See also 59–60, 61, 67–70, 95, 105, individual orders 107–9, 191n14, 192n33 Molina, 109, 150 as a source of power for women, 2, Morgan Beatus, 222n49 13, 51–52, 55, 56, 70, 71, 72, 80 Morocco, 4, 130, 133, 134, as a political strategy, 2–3, 10, 151, 177n6 25–26, 51, 53–54, 57–58, 60, mothers, motherhood, 3–4, 14–15, 62–63, 69, 83, 95, 105–6, 32, 80, 96 109–10, 111–12, 210n61 as teachers or models, 19, 23, 32, 50 as a source for women’s history, 12, expectation for queens, 1, 23, 32, 20, 26, 51, 54–55, 70, 189n2 56, 73 Martín González de Contreras, mothers and sons, 18–19, 23, 50, majordomo, 42–43 72, 96, 107. See also Berenguela, Martín López de Pisuerga, archbishop Blanche of Castile; Leonor of of Toledo, 192n32 England; Louis VII; Fernando Martín, abbot of San Isidoro, III; Infante Fernando 1222–47, 81, 200n50 mothers in lineage, 12, 15, 23, 57, Martín, bishop of Zamora, 77, 198n14 96, 107 Martin, Georges, 9, 16–17, 100, practice of, 3, 33–34, 40, 41, 63, 110, 193n43, 201n56, 203nn83, 105–15 248 INDEX mourning, 40, 131, 151–60, 166–67, 171, 176, 181n39, 194n63, 197n7, 171, 175, 222n40. See also grief, 198n14, 210n61, 222n49, 223n65 memorialization literary and scholarly patronage, Muño Mateos, 103 7–8, 12, 46–47, 75, 96, 123, 152 Muño, 28, 101–2, 157 women’s patronage, 4, 7–8, 11–12, Muslims, 35, 37, 39–41, 49–50, 73–76, 80, Christian alliances with, 3, 61, 115, 159–63, 177n6 118–19, 139, 140–41, 146 Pedro Ferrández de Benavides, 79, Christian attitudes towards, 9, 29, 195n68 61, 126–27, 135–36, 144, 146 Pedro González de Lara, 109 Christian familiarity with, 146, Pedro I, 170 167–68, 170, 175, 115n3 Pedro, Infante of Portugal, 113 See also al-Andalus, Morroco, Pedro, infante, son of Sancho IV, 158 crusades, convivencia Peñafiel (Castile), 28–29, 184n19 Peñafiel (León), 202n72 Navarre, Kingdom of, 10, 25, 28–29, Pere, Infante of Aragón, 196n90, 31, 38–39, 57–60, 109, 120, 221n36 193n39 Philip Augustus, King of France, 58, necropolises. See royal mausoleums 132, 133, 150, 183n11 Nelson, Janet, 72, 117 Philip, Duke of Swabia, 58, 105 Nobleza de Andalucia, 221n37 Pick, Lucy, 126, 181n38, 215n22, Northampton, studium generale, 37 216nn 24, 26, 217n41, 221n30 Notre Dame la Royale. See planctus, genre. See llanto Maubuisson plans (troubadour). See llanto Notre-Dame de Lys, 159, 160, 162, planto. See llanto 171, 223–24n65 Poema de mio Cid, 146, 218n95 Nuño Pérez de Lara, count, 35–37 Ponteferro, 202n69 nurses, nursing, 33–34, 43. See also Pontoise, 224nn71, 72 breastfeeding, wetnursing Portella, 195n66, 202n72 Pozuelo, 165 O’Callaghan, Joseph F., 8, 138, pregnancy, 13–14, 32–33, 37, 64, 82, 190n7 160. See also motherhood oblation, 115–16, 213n106 Primera crónica general, 8–9, 40, 49, Ocampo, Florian, 49, 117n5 139–40, 145, 154, 157–58, Oviedo, 77, 191n14, 195n66, 202n69, 164–66, 175, 177n5, 188n92, 191n14, 198n17 192n32, 194n55, 207n31, bishop of, 191n14, 198n17 210n56, 221nn27, 37. See also Alfonso X Palencia, 28, 67, 91, 95, 98, 101 primogeniture, 12, 104, 110 pantheons. See royal mausoleums Procter, Evelyn, 60, 193n45, 209n51 Paredes de Nava, 118 Paris, 116, 212n102, 224n72 queen-lieutenants, 6, 13, 183n1, Parsons, John, 52, 177n4 201n57 patronage, 11–12, 24, 35–37, 63, 69, queens, as anomalies, 5, 17, 19, 97, 87, 91, 123, 159–63, 164, 169, 182–83n60 INDEX 249 queens, hereditary, 5–6, 13, 23, 51, Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, 72, 147, 164, 191n18. See also Archbishop of Toledo, 8–9, Berenguela, Urraca, Isabel 86–88, 91, 109, 113, 116, 117, queens, literary treatment of, 17–18, 140, 154, 156, 162 46–48, 152 author of De rebus Hispanie, 7–9, queens, married. See queens-consort 16, 19, 39–40, 58, 62–63, 83, 89, queens-consort, 5, 13, 23, 50, 73, 93–94, 101, 113, 144, 146, 96, 51, 70, 71–72, 97. See also 153–54, 156, 173, 204n98, individual queens 205n125, 207n31. See also queenship, 3–6, 13, 14, 20, 21, 23–24, De rebus Hispanie 25, 34, 35, 39, 41, 42, 47, 50, 51, as crusader, 8, 86, 126, 129, 134, 70–72, 74, 77, 80, 96, 97, 107, 125, 137, 146, 215–16n22, 216n24 127, 144, 174–75, 177n4, 1278n11 Rodrigo Pérez de Villalobos, 66, 77, and ritual, 21, 97, 98, 100, 158, 158 80, 195n68, 199n22 Iberian, 6, 14, 127, 173 Rodrigo Rodríguez de Giron, 91–93 idealization of, 44, 47, 154 Rodríguez López, Amancio, 163–64, See also individual queens; 187n74 rulership; mothers Rodríguez Lopez, Ana, 124, 139, 176 Roger Howden, 62, 68–69, 194n55 Rachel, 24, 48. See also Raquel royal mausoleums. See Las Huelgas, Fermosa Fontevrault, Alcobaça, Raquel Fermosa, 48–49, 50, 167, Notre-Dame la Royale 189n105. See also Rachel (Maubuisson), Notre-Dame de Rassow, Peter, 57, 59, 190n7, 193n41 Lys, Westminster Abbey, San rebellion, 21, 51, 103–4, 109, 113–14, Isidoro de León 124, 139, 157, 208n37. See also Rueda, 83, 85 civil war rulership, 14, 19, 51, 156, 175 regency, 3, 4, 14, 20, 44, 59, 70, 73, female rulership, 2, 17, 55–56, 87 87–93, 96, 98, 104, 119, 138, See also corule 155–56, 175, 193n43, 203n86, 91. See also individual regents Sahagún, monastery of, 56, 117, 121 remembering. See memorialization Saint-Denis, abbey, 161 Chronicles of, reproduction, 1, 3, 12, 13–14 224n72 repudiation. See divorce St. Isidore of Seville, 7 Rezak, Brigitte Bedos, 44 St. Martín of San Isidoro, 197n7, 75 Richard I, King of England, 31, 37, St. Thomas Becket, altar (Cathedral 59, 150, 153, 184n25 of Toledo) endowment of, 35–37, Robert de Torigny, abbot of 44, 50 Mont-Saint-Michel, 24 St. Thomas Becket, cult of, 35–37, Robert of Artois, 166, 197n91 185–86n52 Rodrigo Díaz de Cameros, 93, 104, Salamanca, 208n38 bishop of, 191n14 Rodrigo Gonzalvo de Valverde, 94 cathedral of, 185nn31, 52 Rodrigo Gutierrez, archdeacon, 81, city of, 64, 78–79, 81, 84, 143, 200n50 200n36 250 INDEX

Salazar y Acha, Jaime, 42, 187n76 Santa María de Aguilar de Campóo, Salvatierra, castle 141, 142 214n122 Salvatierra, Order of, 79 Santa María de la Vega, 91 San Clemente de Toledo, 37 Santa María de Matallana, 150, 162 San Esteban de Gormaz, 52–53, 190n7 Santa María de Tórtoles, 194n63 San Isidoro de León, 7, 75, 76, 80, 81, Santa María la Real. See Las Huelgas 159, 198n12, 200n50, 201n58, Santa María, Valladolid, 100 210n53 Santa Marina, 81, 200n50 San Justo, 207n8 Santiago, Order of, 35, 64, 74, 111, San Pedro de Eslonza, 74, 76, 77, 120, 211n67 80–81 seals, sealing practices: 44–46, 60, San Vicente, Oviedo, 77, 198n17 88–89, 94, 100, 111, 187–88n86, Sancha López, nurse to Infanta 203n94. See also signo rodado Blanca, 33 Segovia, 98, 102, 120 Sancha Ponce, 199n22 Seligenstadt, Treaty of, 27, 28, 29, 33, Sancha, daughter of Alfonso IX, 38, 52–59, 60–61, 64, 67, 100, 95, 110–15, 202n67, 211n71, 114, 120, 189n2 212n100 sepulchers. See tombs Sancha, Infanta of Castile, daughter Seville, 116, 141, 143, 165, 167, 219n85 of Alfonso VIII: d. 1184, 33, 160; sex and gender, 13, 15–18, 55, 102, c. 1199, 33, 61, 194nn63–64 121, 154, 171, 173. See also Sancha, Infanta of León, daughter of gender, masculinity, femininity Alfonso VI, 211n67 sex and sexuality, 6, 14, 19, 47, 49, Sancha, Infanta of León, daughter of 67, 71–72, 33, 105, 107–9, 115, Alfonso VII, 197n6 182n43, 183n1, 196n89. See also Sancha, Infanta of León, daughter of chastity, marriage Urraca I, 74, 178n13, 211n67 Siero de Riaño, 84 Sancha, nurse to Infanta Urraca, 34 Siero, 202n68 Sancho Fernández, alferez of Sierra de Guadarrama, 113 Alfonso IX, 91, 99, 211n68 signo rodado, 44, 46, 91–92. See also Sancho II, King of Portugal, 4 seals sealing practices Sancho III, King of Castile, 2, 35, 57, Sobrado, 91 111, 191n12, 211n65 Sordello, 17–18, 182n54 Sancho IV, King of Castile-León, Stafford, Pauline, 51 9, 48–49, 60–61, 158, 192n19, 208n33 Tariego, 28, 95, 156 Sancho VI, King of Navarre, 25, Tello, Bishop of Palencia, 86–88, 93, 28–31, 59, 224n75 98, 156, 206n129 Sancho VII, King of Navarre, 197n6 Teresa Fernández, countess, queen of Sancho, infante of Castile, 32–33, León: 35–37 160, 222nn39, 40 Teresa of Portugal, queen of León: Sancho, infante of Castile, archbishop 59, 61, 76, 99, 105, 110, 113–15, of Toledo, 107, 116 194n55, 199n30, 202n69 sanctity, sainthood, 164, 166, 171, Thibault of Blazon, 133, 217n39 174–75, 205n125, 226n4 Thibault, King of Navarre and Count Sandoval. See Villaverde de Sandoval of Champagne, 109–10 INDEX 251

Tiedra, 202nn68, 72 Valencia, 78, 80–81, 84–85, 92, 114, Tierra del Campo (region), 64, 79, 195nn66, 70, 200n48, 201n 52, 195n66 205n113 Toledo, Valencia, kingdom of, 218n58 archbishop, 8, 58, 70, 126, 137, 141, Valladolid, 154, 192n32. See also individual city of, 15, 63, 81, 93, 98–102, 142, bishops 158, 201n53 cathedral and see 8, 9, 35, 36, 39, Treaty of 83–85, 110, 119, 195n67 75, 88, 116, 166, 187n82 Vann, Theresa, 36, 44, 130, 216n28, city of, 24, 37, 39, 48, 86–87, 111, Villalugán, 195n66, 202n72 113, 127, 132, 140–42, 144, 165, Villafranca (León), 199n30, 202n69 187n82, 219n85 Villafrechós, 79, 84, 202n68, 205n113 tolerance 146. See also convivencia Villalar, 113 tombs, 7, 47, 152–53, 160–64, Villalobos, 199n22 166–69, 170, 174, 185n31, Villalpando, 79, 83–85, 92, 113, 222nn39, 40, 223n54, 56, 57, 60, 200n48, 202n77 62, 225n79 Villaverde de Sandoval, 77–78, Tordehumos, Treaty of, 61 199n30 Toro, 77, 113–14, 186n52, 210n53 Virgin Mary, images and associations Toroño, 202n69 with: 62, 132, 144, 153, 163–64 Traducción gallega de la primera crónica virility. See masculinity general, 158, 185n31 Visigoths, 2, 6, 34, 127, 195n67, troubadours 17–18, 46–47, 152–53, 196n87 184n25, 189n103. See also individual troubadours Walker, Rose, 186n60, 222n48 Tudela, 31 Weissberger, Barbara, 19, 203n92 Tumbo de Sobrado, 91 Westminster Abbey, 165 wetnursing, 33–34. See also nursing Úbeda, 118, 143, 216n34 widowhood, 25–26, 39, 67, 70–72, Uclés, 158–59, 221n37 114, 192n23, 196n87 Urban II, Pope, 126, 128 women and military culture, 10, 11, Urraca Alfonsez, Queen of León, 77 56, 62, 66, 87–88, 97–98, 101–2, Urraca Alfonso, natural daughter of 106, 123, 128, 131–32, 137, Alfonso IX, 213n116 203n92, 209n50, 212n100 Urraca I of Castile-León, 2, 6, 51, 72, 137, 182n43, 191n18, 193n44, yantar, 83–84 211n67 Yusuf al-Mustansir, 134 Urraca of Castile, Queen of Portugal, 3–5, 31, 33–34, 40, 52, 54, 61, Zafra, 70–71, 73–74, 85, 150, 167, 170, fortress, 104 177n6, 183–84n11, 194n63, treaty of, 104, 109, 210n61 224n74 Zamora, 77, 78, 143 cathedral of, 198n14 Valcárcel, 202n69 Zapata, Antonio Lupián, 7, 158, Valderas, 84, 202n68 179n18, 204n104, 205n125, Valencia de Don Juan. See Valencia 208n38, 213n109