Nabarima: a Warao Sacred Place In

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Nabarima: a Warao Sacred Place In _________________________________________________________________________________ Chapter: NABARIMA: 50 A WARAO SACRED PLACE IN SOUTH TRINIDAD Peter O’B. Harris _________________________________________________________________________________ Few Trinidadians know that Naparima Hill at the centre of San Fernando is a Warao name, and is sacred to this Orinoco Delta people. Two ethnicities are suggested ca. 1600, Chaguanes in the west and Waraowitu in the east. History records IRXUFHQWXULHVRIYLVLWVWR7ULQLGDG(WKQRJHRJUDSK\VXJJHVWVWZRVRFLDOFRQWH[WVRQHXQGLIIHUHQWLDWHGDQGRQHSROLWLFDO$ VXSUHPHVSLULWIURPHDFKUHVLGHVRQ1DEDULPD.H\LQVWLWXWLRQVDUHWKUHHW\SHVRIVKDPDQDQGWKHX[RULORFDOH[WHQGHGIDPLO\ 486 EDVHGRQVRQLQODZVHUYLFH7KHNH\WHFKQRORJ\LVFDQRHPDNLQJ6XEVLVWHQFHLVEDVHGRQ¿VKFUDEVDQGWUDGLWLRQDOO\ VWDUFKH[WUDFWHGIURPZLOGPRULFKHSDOPV%XWWKLVKDVEHHQUHSODFHGE\GDVKHHQFXOWLYDWLRQVLQFH$EVHQFHRI pottery makes this society a good reference for the archeological preceramic series which surround the delta during BC 6000-0. Two pottery sites and a mission village show the continuing importance of Naparima during AD 0-1784. If the :DUDRSHRSOHZLVKZHDUHZLOOLQJWRH[SORUHUHVWRUDWLRQRIWKHDQFLHQWVDFUHGUROHRI1DEDULPD Pocos trinitenses saben que Naparima Hill en el centro de San Fernando es un nombre warao, y es un lugar sagrado para HVWHSXHEORGHO'HOWDGHO2ULQRFR6HSLHQVDHQGRVJUXSRVpWQLFRVHQHODĖRDSUR[LPDGDPHQWHFKDJXDQHVHQHO RHVWH\ZDUDRZLWXHQHOHVWH/DKLVWRULDUHJLVWUDFXDWURVLJORVGHYLVLWDVD7ULQLGDG/DHWQRJHRJUDItDVXJLHUHGRVFRQWH[WRV sociales, uno no diferenciado y uno político. Un espíritu supremo de cada uno reside en Nabarima. Las instituciones claves VRQWUHVWLSRVGH6KDPDQ\ODIDPLOLDH[WHQGLGDEDVDGDHQHOVHUYLFLRGHORV\HUQRV/DWHFQRORJtDFODYHHVODIDEULFDFLyQ GHFDQRDV/DVXEVLVWHQFLDVHEDVDHQSHVFDGRFDQJUHMRV\WUDGLFLRQDOPHQWHIpFXODH[WUDtGDGHODVSDOPHUDVPRULFKHV salvajes. Pero esto ha sido reemplazado por el cultivo de dasheen desde 1970. La ausencia de cerámica hace de esta sociedad una buena referencia para las series precerámicas arqueológicas que rodearon el delta durante 6000-0 A.C. Dos sitios de cerámica y una misión muestran la importancia continuada de Naparima durante 0-1784 D.C. Si el pueblo warao DVtORGHVHDHVWDPRVGLVSXHVWRVDH[SORUDUODUHVWLWXFLyQGHOSDSHOVDJUDGRDQWLJXRGH1DEDULPD Peu de Trinidadiens savent que Naparima Hill, situé au centre de San Fernando est un nom Warao, et est sacré pour le SHXSOHGX'HOWDGHO¶2UpQRTXH2QDPHQWLRQQpGHX[JURXSHVHWKQLTXHVDX[HQYLURQVGHOHV&KDJXDQHVjO¶RXHVW et les Waraowitu à l’est. Il est rapporté dans l’histoire qu’il y a eu quatre siècles de visites à Trinidad L’ethnographie VXJJqUHGHX[FRQWH[WHVVRFLDX[XQQRQGLIIHUHQFLpHWXQSROLWLTXH8QHVSULWVXSUrPHGHVGHX[UpVLGHj1DEDULPD/HV institutions principales se composent de trois types de chamans, et la famille étendue est établie sur les services du beau- ¿OV/DWHFKQRORJLHSULQFLSDOHHVWODIDEULFDWLRQGHFDQRsV/HVPR\HQVGHVXEVLVWDQFHpWDLHQWEDVpVVXUOHSRLVVRQOHV FUDEHVHWWUDGLWLRQQHOOHPHQWODIpFXOHH[WUDLWHGHVSDOPLHUVPRULFKHVVDXYDJHV0DLVFHFLDpWpUHPSODFpSDUODFXOWXUHGX chou de chine depuis 1970. L’absence de poterie fait de cette société, une bonne référence pour les séries archéologiques SUpFpUDPLTXHVTX¶LO\DDXWRXUGXGHOWDDX[HQYLURQVGHDY-&'HX[VLWHVGHSRWHULHHWXQYLOODJHGHPLVVLRQ montrent l’importance continue de Naparima pendant 0-1784 ap.J-C. Si le peuple Warao le désire, nous sommes prêts à H[SORUHUOHUpWDEOLVVHPHQWGXU{OHVDFUpDQFLHQGH1DEDULPD _________________________________________________________________________________ Introduction Few Trinidadians know that Naparima Hill, at the centre of San Fernando, is sacred to the Warao people of the Orinoco Delta (Figures 1, 2). The top is only 179 m above sea level, but its isolation makes it a landmark which can be seen from a great distance by sea or land. Since the 1950s the hill has been much destroyed by quarrying. This was eventually stopped by public outcry from the townspeople. In 1987 it was declared a national landmark, and responsibility was assigned to Forestry Dept. They landscaped part of the hilltop, and built a centre for functions. It has a “roof of the world” feeling, and gives the people of San Fernando an escape from urban hassle, and a place of quiet and space. The Warao Orinoco Delta Our immediate south neighbour (Figure 3) is ca 18,000 km2, about four times the size of Trinidad. Our FORVHVWSRLQWVDUH,FDFRV NP DQG(ULQ NP ,WLVDÀDWZDWHU\ODQGVFDSHZLWKDQHWZRUNRI ULYHUVDQGLVODQGVFRQQHFWLQJDQGGHDGHQGFDxRVDQGFDxLWRVR[ERZODNHVPDQJURYHSDOPDQG KHUEDFHRXVVZDPSVIRUPHUUDLQIRUHVWDQGVKLIWLQJVDQGEDUV :LOEHUW9LOD$QRQ The tides divide the delta into three resource zones. The lower delta is tidal, and brackish ZDWHUH[FHSWIRUWKHDQQXDOKLJKRIWKH2ULQRFR $XJXVW±6HSWHPEHU ,WLVDPDQJURYHDQG³EODFN ZDWHU´]RQHSRRULQ¿VK7KHLQWHUPHGLDWHGHOWDLVWLGDODQGIUHVKZDWHUH[FHSWIRUVRPH\HDUVLQGU\ season (January–April), when the tides may bring brackish water 40–60 km up a caño depending on the strength of its current. These two zones form a coastal belt some 50–60 km wide, and are the SUHIHUUHGKDELWDWRIWKH:DUDRWRGD\7KHXSSHUGHOWDLVDÀXYLDO³EURZQZDWHU´]RQHULFKLQ¿VK,W 487 is not tidal, but is subject to the annual high of the Orinoco. In March the water is low, peaceful and clear. In August it is high, turbulent, and laden with silt. Every ten years or so, there is an abnormal high. Stones are absent from the delta. But key resource palms – manac, moriche, and temiche – are present in each tidal zone. The delta is crosscut by seven major caños, probably former mainstream courses. These are WKH:D\R6DNREDQDDQG$UDZDRLQWKHHDVW0DULXVDLQWKHFHQWUH0DFDUHR.RNXLQDDQG0DQDPR in the west. Each has access to all three zones. For a politically developed canoe people, each major caño offers a potential political unit. (LWKHUVLGHDUHVZDPS\FRDVWDOORZODQGVWKH$PDFXURDQG%DULPDULYHUVWRWKHHDVWWKH GuaQLSDDQG6DQ-XDQ>*XDUDSLFKH@WRWKHZHVW 3RVW&RQWDFW+LVWRU\ This is well reported by Heinen (1988). I have divided it into four cultural periods. 1498–1700. The Tivitives (as many sources call them) are free, and form part of an Indian world which largely continues to be driven by indigenous political dynamics. Ca. 1600, the delta is occupied by two Warao ethnicities of different “castes”, between whom there are “continuall warres” (Ralegh 1596). The Siawani or Chaguanes live in the west delta, probably from the Macareo to the Amana >0DQDPR@7KH\DUHYDOLDQWZDUULRUVDQGKDYHDQH[WHUQDOWUDGHQHWZRUNEXLOGLQJZDUFDQRHVDQG H[FKDQJLQJWKHPIRUJROGLQ*X\DQDDQGWREDFFRLQ7ULQLGDG7KHLUKRXVHVDUHEXLOWRQWKHULYHUEDQN DQGWKH\OLYHRIIPRULFKHEUHDGKXQWLQJDQG¿VKLQJ$OUHDG\LQVRPH6LDZDQLKDYHPRYHGHDVW to the lower Arawao to avoid Spanish interest in their gold.a The Waraowitu (true Warao) or Tivitives or Pallamos (Spanish for birds)b live in the east and central delta, probably from the mainstream to the Mariusa. Their houses are built over water in the interior morichales, with built-in escape hatches. They also make canoes, and live off the moriche palm. Another people, the Waraotu (foot Warao) live in the coastal swamplands west of the Gulf of Paria, and one village is reported in the northwest delta. They are not a canoe people, but houses and subsistence are the same as the Waraowitu. Non-Warao subgroups surround the delta. Arawaks live to the east (Essequibo valley), north (southeast Trinidad), and west (near the upper Amana).c Kariña subgroups live to the east (Amacuro), and northwest (Guanipa and Guarapiche rivers). The 1700–late 1920s is a long history of illegal slave raiding and cheap labour: e.g., by the settlers of Angostura (1770s), by government to establish labour villages (1760s–70s), criollo “kings” with high-priced stores and minimal wages (1850s), and balata labour camps (1880s–1920s). Many Warao retreat for safety to the morichales in the vast swamplands of Isla Mariusa in the central delta. Here they are able to continue their traditional culture. 1920s–1970 is characterized by subsistence change. In the late 1920s migrant workers from the lower Sakobana bring dasheen cultivation from the Essequibo. This rapidly replaces the traditional processing of moriche palm starch. Villages move from the interior morichales to the caños, making people more accessible to wage labour. In 1925 Capuchin missionaries enter the deIta, Some write sympathetically on Warao ethnography, but generally they promote cultural erosion. Study by professional ethnographers starts in 1954. 488 1970–date. Traditional social organization has begun to disintegrate. Government indigenous SURJUDPPHVDUHZHOOLQWHQWLRQHGEXWRIWHQHQGXSEHQH¿WWLQJWKHFULROORSRSXODWLRQ7KHOLQNEHWZHHQ present-day and contact populations is unclear (Heinen and García-Castro nd). The Waraowitu live in the eastern delta, between the mainstream and the caños Arawao and Winikina. There are several subgroups. The Ataisiwari Warao on the lower Wayo and Merehina have atypically large villages, each with its own subtribe leader. They are traditionally minded in an assertive way. They claim to have come from up the Orinoco, where missionaries took them in the 18th century. They have the strongest tradition of the Tivitive (Tringa sandpiper) dance. The Sakobanarao have KHDY\$UDZDNLQÀXHQFHDQGSUDFWLVHKRUWLFXOWXUH7KH\KDYHQRPHPRU\RIPRULFKHSDOPVDJRDQG their social organisation is somewhat different. Siawani descendants may still live near Siguani village. They have master canoe builders, brew kashiri beer, have criollo-type wakes, and introduced the Winikina people to Carib-type mare-mare dances and the Warao-type violin. The Arawabisi-Winikina- Mariusa subtribes all share in the sacred stone cult (see below). In the central
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