DOCSLIB.ORG

Nabarima: a Warao Sacred Place In

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

_________________________________________________________________________________ Chapter: NABARIMA: 50 A WARAO SACRED PLACE IN SOUTH TRINIDAD Peter O’B. Harris _________________________________________________________________________________ Few Trinidadians know that Naparima Hill at the centre of San Fernando is a Warao name, and is sacred to this Orinoco Delta people. Two ethnicities are suggested ca. 1600, Chaguanes in the west and Waraowitu in the east. History records IRXUFHQWXULHVRIYLVLWVWR7ULQLGDG(WKQRJHRJUDSK\VXJJHVWVWZRVRFLDOFRQWH[WVRQHXQGLIIHUHQWLDWHGDQGRQHSROLWLFDO$ VXSUHPHVSLULWIURPHDFKUHVLGHVRQ1DEDULPD.H\LQVWLWXWLRQVDUHWKUHHW\SHVRIVKDPDQDQGWKHX[RULORFDOH[WHQGHGIDPLO\ 486 EDVHGRQVRQLQODZVHUYLFH7KHNH\WHFKQRORJ\LVFDQRHPDNLQJ6XEVLVWHQFHLVEDVHGRQ¿VKFUDEVDQGWUDGLWLRQDOO\ VWDUFKH[WUDFWHGIURPZLOGPRULFKHSDOPV%XWWKLVKDVEHHQUHSODFHGE\GDVKHHQFXOWLYDWLRQVLQFH$EVHQFHRI pottery makes this society a good reference for the archeological preceramic series which surround the delta during BC 6000-0. Two pottery sites and a mission village show the continuing importance of Naparima during AD 0-1784. If the :DUDRSHRSOHZLVKZHDUHZLOOLQJWRH[SORUHUHVWRUDWLRQRIWKHDQFLHQWVDFUHGUROHRI1DEDULPD Pocos trinitenses saben que Naparima Hill en el centro de San Fernando es un nombre warao, y es un lugar sagrado para HVWHSXHEORGHO'HOWDGHO2ULQRFR6HSLHQVDHQGRVJUXSRVpWQLFRVHQHODĖRDSUR[LPDGDPHQWHFKDJXDQHVHQHO RHVWH\ZDUDRZLWXHQHOHVWH/DKLVWRULDUHJLVWUDFXDWURVLJORVGHYLVLWDVD7ULQLGDG/DHWQRJHRJUDItDVXJLHUHGRVFRQWH[WRV sociales, uno no diferenciado y uno político. Un espíritu supremo de cada uno reside en Nabarima. Las instituciones claves VRQWUHVWLSRVGH6KDPDQ\ODIDPLOLDH[WHQGLGDEDVDGDHQHOVHUYLFLRGHORV\HUQRV/DWHFQRORJtDFODYHHVODIDEULFDFLyQ GHFDQRDV/DVXEVLVWHQFLDVHEDVDHQSHVFDGRFDQJUHMRV\WUDGLFLRQDOPHQWHIpFXODH[WUDtGDGHODVSDOPHUDVPRULFKHV salvajes. Pero esto ha sido reemplazado por el cultivo de dasheen desde 1970. La ausencia de cerámica hace de esta sociedad una buena referencia para las series precerámicas arqueológicas que rodearon el delta durante 6000-0 A.C. Dos sitios de cerámica y una misión muestran la importancia continuada de Naparima durante 0-1784 D.C. Si el pueblo warao DVtORGHVHDHVWDPRVGLVSXHVWRVDH[SORUDUODUHVWLWXFLyQGHOSDSHOVDJUDGRDQWLJXRGH1DEDULPD Peu de Trinidadiens savent que Naparima Hill, situé au centre de San Fernando est un nom Warao, et est sacré pour le SHXSOHGX'HOWDGHO¶2UpQRTXH2QDPHQWLRQQpGHX[JURXSHVHWKQLTXHVDX[HQYLURQVGHOHV&KDJXDQHVjO¶RXHVW et les Waraowitu à l’est. Il est rapporté dans l’histoire qu’il y a eu quatre siècles de visites à Trinidad L’ethnographie VXJJqUHGHX[FRQWH[WHVVRFLDX[XQQRQGLIIHUHQFLpHWXQSROLWLTXH8QHVSULWVXSUrPHGHVGHX[UpVLGHj1DEDULPD/HV institutions principales se composent de trois types de chamans, et la famille étendue est établie sur les services du beau- ¿OV/DWHFKQRORJLHSULQFLSDOHHVWODIDEULFDWLRQGHFDQRsV/HVPR\HQVGHVXEVLVWDQFHpWDLHQWEDVpVVXUOHSRLVVRQOHV FUDEHVHWWUDGLWLRQQHOOHPHQWODIpFXOHH[WUDLWHGHVSDOPLHUVPRULFKHVVDXYDJHV0DLVFHFLDpWpUHPSODFpSDUODFXOWXUHGX chou de chine depuis 1970. L’absence de poterie fait de cette société, une bonne référence pour les séries archéologiques SUpFpUDPLTXHVTX¶LO\DDXWRXUGXGHOWDDX[HQYLURQVGHDY-&'HX[VLWHVGHSRWHULHHWXQYLOODJHGHPLVVLRQ montrent l’importance continue de Naparima pendant 0-1784 ap.J-C. Si le peuple Warao le désire, nous sommes prêts à H[SORUHUOHUpWDEOLVVHPHQWGXU{OHVDFUpDQFLHQGH1DEDULPD _________________________________________________________________________________ Introduction Few Trinidadians know that Naparima Hill, at the centre of San Fernando, is sacred to the Warao people of the Orinoco Delta (Figures 1, 2). The top is only 179 m above sea level, but its isolation makes it a landmark which can be seen from a great distance by sea or land. Since the 1950s the hill has been much destroyed by quarrying. This was eventually stopped by public outcry from the townspeople. In 1987 it was declared a national landmark, and responsibility was assigned to Forestry Dept. They landscaped part of the hilltop, and built a centre for functions. It has a “roof of the world” feeling, and gives the people of San Fernando an escape from urban hassle, and a place of quiet and space. The Warao Orinoco Delta Our immediate south neighbour (Figure 3) is ca 18,000 km2, about four times the size of Trinidad. Our FORVHVWSRLQWVDUH,FDFRV NP DQG(ULQ NP ,WLVDÀDWZDWHU\ODQGVFDSHZLWKDQHWZRUNRI ULYHUVDQGLVODQGVFRQQHFWLQJDQGGHDGHQGFDxRVDQGFDxLWRVR[ERZODNHVPDQJURYHSDOPDQG KHUEDFHRXVVZDPSVIRUPHUUDLQIRUHVWDQGVKLIWLQJVDQGEDUV :LOEHUW9LOD$QRQ The tides divide the delta into three resource zones. The lower delta is tidal, and brackish ZDWHUH[FHSWIRUWKHDQQXDOKLJKRIWKH2ULQRFR $XJXVW±6HSWHPEHU ,WLVDPDQJURYHDQG³EODFN ZDWHU´]RQHSRRULQ¿VK7KHLQWHUPHGLDWHGHOWDLVWLGDODQGIUHVKZDWHUH[FHSWIRUVRPH\HDUVLQGU\ season (January–April), when the tides may bring brackish water 40–60 km up a caño depending on the strength of its current. These two zones form a coastal belt some 50–60 km wide, and are the SUHIHUUHGKDELWDWRIWKH:DUDRWRGD\7KHXSSHUGHOWDLVDÀXYLDO³EURZQZDWHU´]RQHULFKLQ¿VK,W 487 is not tidal, but is subject to the annual high of the Orinoco. In March the water is low, peaceful and clear. In August it is high, turbulent, and laden with silt. Every ten years or so, there is an abnormal high. Stones are absent from the delta. But key resource palms – manac, moriche, and temiche – are present in each tidal zone. The delta is crosscut by seven major caños, probably former mainstream courses. These are WKH:D\R6DNREDQDDQG$UDZDRLQWKHHDVW0DULXVDLQWKHFHQWUH0DFDUHR.RNXLQDDQG0DQDPR in the west. Each has access to all three zones. For a politically developed canoe people, each major caño offers a potential political unit. (LWKHUVLGHDUHVZDPS\FRDVWDOORZODQGVWKH$PDFXURDQG%DULPDULYHUVWRWKHHDVWWKH GuaQLSDDQG6DQ-XDQ>*XDUDSLFKH@WRWKHZHVW 3RVW&RQWDFW+LVWRU\ This is well reported by Heinen (1988). I have divided it into four cultural periods. 1498–1700. The Tivitives (as many sources call them) are free, and form part of an Indian world which largely continues to be driven by indigenous political dynamics. Ca. 1600, the delta is occupied by two Warao ethnicities of different “castes”, between whom there are “continuall warres” (Ralegh 1596). The Siawani or Chaguanes live in the west delta, probably from the Macareo to the Amana >0DQDPR@7KH\DUHYDOLDQWZDUULRUVDQGKDYHDQH[WHUQDOWUDGHQHWZRUNEXLOGLQJZDUFDQRHVDQG H[FKDQJLQJWKHPIRUJROGLQ*X\DQDDQGWREDFFRLQ7ULQLGDG7KHLUKRXVHVDUHEXLOWRQWKHULYHUEDQN DQGWKH\OLYHRIIPRULFKHEUHDGKXQWLQJDQG¿VKLQJ$OUHDG\LQVRPH6LDZDQLKDYHPRYHGHDVW to the lower Arawao to avoid Spanish interest in their gold.a The Waraowitu (true Warao) or Tivitives or Pallamos (Spanish for birds)b live in the east and central delta, probably from the mainstream to the Mariusa. Their houses are built over water in the interior morichales, with built-in escape hatches. They also make canoes, and live off the moriche palm. Another people, the Waraotu (foot Warao) live in the coastal swamplands west of the Gulf of Paria, and one village is reported in the northwest delta. They are not a canoe people, but houses and subsistence are the same as the Waraowitu. Non-Warao subgroups surround the delta. Arawaks live to the east (Essequibo valley), north (southeast Trinidad), and west (near the upper Amana).c Kariña subgroups live to the east (Amacuro), and northwest (Guanipa and Guarapiche rivers). The 1700–late 1920s is a long history of illegal slave raiding and cheap labour: e.g., by the settlers of Angostura (1770s), by government to establish labour villages (1760s–70s), criollo “kings” with high-priced stores and minimal wages (1850s), and balata labour camps (1880s–1920s). Many Warao retreat for safety to the morichales in the vast swamplands of Isla Mariusa in the central delta. Here they are able to continue their traditional culture. 1920s–1970 is characterized by subsistence change. In the late 1920s migrant workers from the lower Sakobana bring dasheen cultivation from the Essequibo. This rapidly replaces the traditional processing of moriche palm starch. Villages move from the interior morichales to the caños, making people more accessible to wage labour. In 1925 Capuchin missionaries enter the deIta, Some write sympathetically on Warao ethnography, but generally they promote cultural erosion. Study by professional ethnographers starts in 1954. 488 1970–date. Traditional social organization has begun to disintegrate. Government indigenous SURJUDPPHVDUHZHOOLQWHQWLRQHGEXWRIWHQHQGXSEHQH¿WWLQJWKHFULROORSRSXODWLRQ7KHOLQNEHWZHHQ present-day and contact populations is unclear (Heinen and García-Castro nd). The Waraowitu live in the eastern delta, between the mainstream and the caños Arawao and Winikina. There are several subgroups. The Ataisiwari Warao on the lower Wayo and Merehina have atypically large villages, each with its own subtribe leader. They are traditionally minded in an assertive way. They claim to have come from up the Orinoco, where missionaries took them in the 18th century. They have the strongest tradition of the Tivitive (Tringa sandpiper) dance. The Sakobanarao have KHDY\$UDZDNLQÀXHQFHDQGSUDFWLVHKRUWLFXOWXUH7KH\KDYHQRPHPRU\RIPRULFKHSDOPVDJRDQG their social organisation is somewhat different. Siawani descendants may still live near Siguani village. They have master canoe builders, brew kashiri beer, have criollo-type wakes, and introduced the Winikina people to Carib-type mare-mare dances and the Warao-type violin. The Arawabisi-Winikina- Mariusa subtribes all share in the sacred stone cult (see below). In the central
Recommended publications
  • Venezuela: Indigenous Peoples Face Deteriorating Human Rights Situation Due to Mining, Violence and COVID-19 Pandemic

    Venezuela: Indigenous Peoples Face Deteriorating Human Rights Situation Due to Mining, Violence and COVID-19 Pandemic

    Venezuela: Indigenous peoples face deteriorating human rights situation due to mining, violence and COVID-19 pandemic Venezuela is suffering from an unprecedented human rights and humanitarian crisis that has deepened due to the dereliction by the authoritarian government and the breakdown of the rule of law in the country. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has estimated that some 5.2 million Venezuelans have left the country, most arriving as refugees and migrants in neighbouring countries. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in 2018 had categorized this situation of human rights, as “a downward spiral with no end in sight”. The situation of the right to health in Venezuela and its public health system showed structural problems before the pandemic and was described as a “dramatic health crisis (…) consequence of the collapse of the Venezuelan health care system” by the High Commissioner. Recently, the OHCHR submitted a report to the Human Rights Council, in which it addressed, among other things the attacks on indigenous peoples’ rights in the Arco Minero del Orinoco (Orinoco’s Mining Arc or AMO). Indigenous peoples’ rights and the AMO mining projects before the covid-19 pandemic Indigenous peoples have been traditionally forgotten by government authorities in Venezuela and condemned to live in poverty. During the humanitarian crisis, they have suffered further abuses due to the mining activity and the violence occurring in their territories. In 2016, the Venezuelan government created the Orinoco’s Mining Arc National Strategic Development Zone through presidential Decree No. 2248, as a mega-mining project focused mainly in gold extraction in an area of 111.843,70 square kilometres.
  • 'Culture Collecting': Examples from the Study of South American (Fire)

    'Culture Collecting': Examples from the Study of South American (Fire)

    The Cracks, Bumps, and Dents of ‘Culture Collecting’: Examples from the Study of South American (Fire) Fans As rachaduras, solavancos e amolgadelas da ‘coleta de cultura’: exemplos do estudo dos abanos (para fogo) sul-americanos Konrad Rybka Leiden University, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract: Ethnography, a means of representing the culture of a people graphically and in writing, as well as ethnographic museums, institutions devoted to conserving, contextualizing, and displaying indigenous heritage for wider audiences, strive to portray cultures adequately and on their own terms. However, given that the ethnographic enterprise has virtually always been carried out by and within non-indigenous scientific structures, its products are at a high risk of being tinged by the Western lens, in particular Western scientific theory and practice. This article focuses on the ethnographic record of South American fire fans – defined by ethnographers as tools for fanning cooking fires – to demonstrate how such biases can be removed by taking stock of the entirety of the relevant ethnographic heritage and analyzing it through the prism of the documented practices in which such objects are enmeshed, including the very practice of ethnography. In the light of such practices, the ethnographic record of fire fans deconstructs into a corpus of historical documents revealing the momentary, yet meaningful, technological choices made by the indigenous craftsmen who produced the objects and exposing Western categories, Kulturkreise mentality, and culture-area schemata imposed on them. Keywords: collection; fire fans; Lowland South America. Resumo: A etnografia, enquanto meio de representar a cultura de um povo graficamente e por escrito, bem como os museus etnográficos, instituições dedicadas a conservar, contextua- lizar e exibir o patrimônio indígena para um público mais amplo, se esforçam para retratar as culturas de forma adequada e em seus próprios termos.
  • Gm and Km Allotypes in Wayampi, Wayana and Emerillon Indians from French Guiana

    Gm and Km Allotypes in Wayampi, Wayana and Emerillon Indians from French Guiana

    L ANNALS OF HUMAN BIOLOGY, 1994, VOL.'.21, NO. 4, 335-345 Gm and Km allotypes in Wayampi, Wayana and Emerillon Indians from French Guiana J. M. DUGOUJONP,E. GUITARDP,M. T. SENEGAS?,P. GRENANDSand E. BOIS* TCentre de Recherches sur le Polymorphisme Génétique des populations humaines, Toulouse, France $Département Société, Urbanisme, Développement, Paris, France *Unité de Recherches d'Epidémiologie Génétique, Paris, France Received 16 April 1993; revised II November 1993 Summary. We have studied 506 Amerindians from three French Guiana groups: 194 Wayampi, living in Trois-Sauts, and 100 in the Camopi area; 47 Emerillon also living in the Camopi area and 165 Wayana on the Litani and Maroni rivers. All samples were tested for Glm(1,2,3,17), G3m(5,6,10,11,13,14,15,16,21,24,28) and Km(1) by the classical method of hemaglutination inhibition. The phenotype and haplotype distributions are presented and have been subjected to factorial correspondence analysis. Two Gm haplotypes are common: Gm1*37;21,28,and Gm1,2,17;21,28,but with an important variation in frequency. A rare haplotype, probably the result of a genetic anomaly: Gm1,17;21R>28,is frequent in the Emerillon (17%). These populations show no evidence of Black or Caucasian admixtures. 1. Introduction The allotypic markers of human immunoglobulins (Ig) are inherited differences located on the heavy chains of IgG (Gm), IgA (Am), IgE (Em) and light chain Kappa (Km). Each epitope is restricted to one of the IgG (IgGl, IgG2 and IgG3) or IgA (IgA2) subclasses and found on the constant regions (CHI, CH2, or CH3 domains).
  • 57Th DIRECTING COUNCIL 71St SESSION of the REGIONAL COMMITTEE of WHO for the AMERICAS Washington, D.C., USA, 30 September-4 October 2019

    57Th DIRECTING COUNCIL 71St SESSION of the REGIONAL COMMITTEE of WHO for the AMERICAS Washington, D.C., USA, 30 September-4 October 2019

    57th DIRECTING COUNCIL 71st SESSION OF THE REGIONAL COMMITTEE OF WHO FOR THE AMERICAS Washington, D.C., USA, 30 September-4 October 2019 Provisional Agenda Item 7.7 CD57/INF/7 30 August 2019 Original: English PAHO’S RESPONSE TO MAINTAINING AN EFFECTIVE TECHNICAL COOPERATION AGENDA IN VENEZUELA AND NEIGHBORING MEMBER STATES Background 1. The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, a federal republic with more than 30 million inhabitants, has been facing a sociopolitical and economic situation that has negatively impacted social and health indicators. 2. Outbreaks of diphtheria, measles, and malaria have spread rapidly, affecting many of the country’s 23 states and the Capital District simultaneously. Other public health concerns include increases in tuberculosis cases and in maternal and infant mortality (1), as well as issues around mental health and violence prevention.1 A further concern is the limited access to medicines, adequate nutrition, and adequate care for people with life- threatening acute and chronic conditions, including people living with HIV. 3. There have been intensified population movements both within the country and to other countries, particularly Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru, and Trinidad and Tobago. Since 2017, an estimated 4 million Venezuelans have migrated to other countries, including an estimated 3.3 million who have gone to other Latin America and Caribbean countries: 1.3 million to Colombia, 806,900 to Peru, 288,200 to Chile, 263,000 to Ecuador, 168,400 to Brazil, 145,000 to Argentina, 94,400 to Panama, 40,000 to Trinidad and Tobago, 39,500 to Mexico, and 36,400 to Guyana, among others (figures as of July 2019) (2).
  • Deconstructing the Amerindian Kaleidoscope

    Deconstructing the Amerindian Kaleidoscope

    CHAPTER 4 Movement through Time in the Southern Guianas: Deconstructing the Amerindian Kaleidoscope Eithne B. Carlin and Jimmy Mans The life of a person is the sum of his tracks. The total inscription of his movements, something that can be traced out along the ground. And the life course of a people, the totality of their ways, conventions, and con- ventionally encountered situations, is the sum of its ‘tracks’, the trails over its country along which experience is measured out. (Wagner 1986: 21) 1 Introduction The immense linguistic diversity in Suriname had already existed for thousands of years before the European outthrust to the Americas. Different Amerindian groups had been present and moving around vast areas of Suriname and in and out of the neighbouring countries at a time when the borders of these present- day states did not exist as we know them today.1 After, or despite, colonisation by successive groups of Europeans, the fluidity of the frontiers remained for the Amerindians and led at any given moment in time to shifting constella- tions of population make-up within each of the three modern nation-states Guyana, Suriname, and French Guiana, and the contiguous areas of Venezuela and Brazil. In his influential ‘Individual and Society’ from 1984, Peter Rivière describes how Amerindian settlements in the Guianas seem to disintegrate and re-assemble in another location in like fashion, a process to which he cau- tiously ascribes the metaphor of a kaleidoscope. The key concept behind this Amerindian kaleidoscope appears to be the mechanism of residential mobil- ity. Mobility here is defined as the sum of all movements (see Wagner 1986: 21; Ingold 2009: 36–37) and movement is regarded as any shifting from one location to another, as an interaction with the landscape, whether this be inci- dental, repetitive, or stable.
  • Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region

    Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region

    OAS/Ser.L/V/II. Doc. 176 29 September 2019 Original: Spanish INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Situation of Human Rights of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples of the Pan-Amazon Region 2019 iachr.org OAS Cataloging-in-Publication Data Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Situation of human rights of the indigenous and tribal peoples of the Pan-Amazon region : Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019. p. ; cm. (OAS. Official records ; OEA/Ser.L/V/II) ISBN 978-0-8270-6931-2 1. Indigenous peoples--Civil rights--Amazon River Region. 2. Indigenous peoples-- Legal status, laws, etc.--Amazon River Region. 3. Human rights--Amazon River Region. I. Title. II. Series. OEA/Ser.L/V/II. Doc.176/19 INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS Members Esmeralda Arosemena de Troitiño Joel Hernández García Antonia Urrejola Margarette May Macaulay Francisco José Eguiguren Praeli Luis Ernesto Vargas Silva Flávia Piovesan Executive Secretary Paulo Abrão Assistant Executive Secretary for Monitoring, Promotion and Technical Cooperation María Claudia Pulido Assistant Executive Secretary for the Case, Petition and Precautionary Measure System Marisol Blanchard a.i. Chief of Staff of the Executive Secretariat of the IACHR Fernanda Dos Anjos In collaboration with: Soledad García Muñoz, Special Rapporteurship on Economic, Social, Cultural, and Environmental Rights (ESCER) Approved by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on September 29, 2019 INDEX EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 INTRODUCTION 19 CHAPTER 1 | INTER-AMERICAN STANDARDS ON INDIGENOUS AND TRIBAL PEOPLES APPLICABLE TO THE PAN-AMAZON REGION 27 A. Inter-American Standards Applicable to Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in the Pan-Amazon Region 29 1.
  • On the Historicity of Carib Migrations in the Lesser Antilles

    On the Historicity of Carib Migrations in the Lesser Antilles

    ON THE IISTORICITYOF CARIB MIGRATIONS IN THE LESSER ANTILLES Louis Allaire This paper questions the historicity of Caribmigrations in northeastern SouthAmerica, especially from the Guianas to the West Indies, on the basis of (1) recent chronologicalwork on the late prehistory of the Lesser Antilles, and (2) a critical reexamination of ethnohistorical data on the Island Caribs (migrationmyths, linguistic dimorphism, distribution, early European contacts). A new interpretation of the previously elusive Island Carib pottery complex allows for a reevaluation of cultural continuities and affiliations. The question is further approachedthrough a more precise definitionof the Island Caribas an ethnic groupin relation to other groups in the Guianas. THERESEEMS TO BE A GENERALAGREEMENT among culture historians of South America that the Spaniards' arrival in the New World interrupted the expansion of a people known as Caribs, the speakers of a Cariban language. The theory holds that these Caribs originated in the tropical lowlands of the Amazonianbasin, and that by the late fifteenth century they had reached the eastern part of the West Indies where they were in the process of conquering the Arawaks, the original inhabitants. Because of the association of this populationmovement with the coming of the Europeans, it is also generally believed that this migration constitutes a historical event, one documentedby historical evidence. Even recent summaries of Tropical Lowlands prehistory still contain such statements as, "the last major expansion in the tropical forest was that of the Cariban peoples, which was vigorously carried out when the Europeans arrived in the area" (Lan- ning 1974:100), and refer to the "known facts of the Carib expansion" (Lathrap 1970:170).
  • Columbus and the Arawak Indians When Christopher Columbus Landed in the Islands of the Caribbean, About 40 Million People Lived in North and South America

    Columbus and the Arawak Indians When Christopher Columbus Landed in the Islands of the Caribbean, About 40 Million People Lived in North and South America

    5 BBBBBSSS S S S S S S S S = 5555555 515515 BS• IISSSSSSS S SI ISSSSSN = 5555 tSS5SBS•S BBS S S•5S5 Columbus and the Arawak Indians when Christopher Columbus landed in the islands of the Caribbean, about 40 million people lived in North and South America. But Columbus did not know that he had discovered a new land. Indeed, he thought he had landed in India, so upon seeing the natives, he called them “Indians.” Today they are known as Native Americans. One of the many tribes that lived on these islands was the Arawaks. The Arawaks were quite different from any people that Columbus had ever seen—and indeed, Columbus and his men, arriving on the huge ship wearing their outlandish clothing, were quite unlike anything the Arawak had ever seen. But despite the language barriers, the Arawak and Columbus were able to communicate in a friendly way. Columbus learned that they could take the poison out of a root called manioc (MAN-ee-ock). They then ground this up and combined it with other ingredi ents to make bread. The Arawak also ate fish, sharks, turtles, and yams. The Arawaks were impressed by Columbus’ ships, the Nina, the Pinta and the Santa Maria, on which Columbus sailed. The Arawak had never even envisioned such crafts, but they did have giant canoes that could hold up to 100 people. (There were about 40 people on the Pinta.) They made these canoes by chopping down huge trees and then lighting small fires in the logs. After burning out the middle, they used stone tools to scoop out the ashes.
  • Indigenous People's Engagement

    Indigenous People's Engagement

    Appendix INDIGENOUS PEOPLE’S ENGAGEMENT/MAINSTREAMING PLAN INDIGENOUS PEOPLE’S ENGAGEMENT/MAINSTREAMING PLAN A supply chain approach to eliminating mercury in Guyana’s ASGM sector: El Dorado Gold Jewelry – Made in Guyana (Approved by CI-GEF Project Agency 2017-10-20) Contents 1.0 Background ...................................................................................................................3 2.0 Indigenous Peoples – National Situation ..................................................................9 3.0 Safeguards related to the Implementation of the Project..................................... 11 Risks to Indigenous Peoples........................................................................................ 11 Project Requirements ....................................................................................................12 4.0 Consultation and Consent .........................................................................................12 5.0 Stakeholder Map.........................................................................................................13 5.1 Indigenous Associations and Organizations in Guyana .......................................13 Ministry of Indigenous Peoples’ Affairs .......................................................................13 The Amerindian Peoples Association .........................................................................13 National Toshaos’ Council ............................................................................................14 Amerindian
  • Lokono (Locono, Arawak, Arowak) the Language Is Arawak and It Is the Arawak Language Family (1)

    Lokono (Locono, Arawak, Arowak) the Language Is Arawak and It Is the Arawak Language Family (1)

    1. Description 1.1 Name of society, language, and language family: Lokono (Locono, Arawak, Arowak) The language is Arawak and it is the Arawak language family (1). 1.2 ISO code: arw (1). 1.3 Location (latitude/longitude): Most of the Lokono are scattered throughout the northern parts of Suriname, also in Guyana, French Guiana, and Venezuela. Latitude: 5.5; Longitude: -55.17 (1). 1.4 Brief history: “Arawak people migrated from the northern coast of South American and populated the majority of the Caribbean in Pre-Columbian times. Their language gave rise to Taino, Karifuna and Garifuna” (3). “Early sixteenth century Spanish accounts describe fairly dense occupations relating to the ancestors of the Lokono (Arawak) peoples across the coastal hinterland areas, who still occupy the region. In the 1530s, Spanish from Margarita Island first registered the Berbice- Corentyn River area as the Provincia de los Aruacas, referring to the people with whom they traded manioc (arua) as “arua-cas”. Lokono trade canoes were recorded by the vecinos of Margarita as capable of carrying thousands of tons of manioc flour” (4, pg: 21). 1.5 Influence of missionaries/schools/governments/powerful neighbors: “Lokono history and culture as far as it is currently known perfectly evinces such processes and shows an intimate connection between ethnic identity, landscape and an active engagement with the past. In the history of the Berbice River under colonial rule, first by the Dutch and later by the British, it became an important sugar planting colony from the 1630s on. Although often subject to depredation by both sea-borne pirates and the vagaries of inter-colonial wars, the longevity of plantation society here is notable.
  • Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey Isabelle Léglise, Bettina Migge

    Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey Isabelle Léglise, Bettina Migge

    Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey Isabelle Léglise, Bettina Migge To cite this version: Isabelle Léglise, Bettina Migge. Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Re- sults from a School Survey. In and Out of Suriname. Language, mobility, Identity., Brill, 2015, 9789004280113. hal-01134998 HAL Id: hal-01134998 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01134998 Submitted on 24 Mar 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. In and Out of Suriname Language, Mobility and Identity Edited by Eithne B. Carlin, Isabelle Léglise, Bettina Migge, and Paul B. Tjon Sie Fat LEIDEN | BOSTON Contents Acknowledgments vii List of Tables and Figures viii List of Contributors x 1 Looking at Language, Identity, and Mobility in Suriname 1 Eithne B. Carlin, Isabelle Léglise, Bettina Migge and Paul B. Tjon Sie Fat 2 Language Practices and Linguistic Ideologies in Suriname: Results from a School Survey 13 Isabelle Léglise and Bettina Migge 3 Small-scale Gold Mining and Trans-frontier Commerce on the Lawa River 58 Marjo de Theije 4 Movement through Time in the Southern Guianas: Deconstructing the Amerindian Kaleidoscope 76 Eithne B.
  • In and out of Suriname Caribbean Series

    In and out of Suriname Caribbean Series

    In and Out of Suriname Caribbean Series Series Editors Rosemarijn Hoefte (Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies) Gert Oostindie (Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies) Editorial Board J. Michael Dash (New York University) Ada Ferrer (New York University) Richard Price (em. College of William & Mary) Kate Ramsey (University of Miami) VOLUME 34 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cs In and Out of Suriname Language, Mobility and Identity Edited by Eithne B. Carlin, Isabelle Léglise, Bettina Migge, and Paul B. Tjon Sie Fat LEIDEN | BOSTON This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 3.0) License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The realization of this publication was made possible by the support of KITLV (Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies). Cover illustration: On the road. Photo by Isabelle Léglise. This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface issn 0921-9781 isbn 978-90-04-28011-3 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-28012-0 (e-book) Copyright 2015 by the Editors and Authors. This work is published by Koninklijke Brill NV. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff and Hotei Publishing. Koninklijke Brill NV reserves the right to protect the publication against unauthorized use and to authorize dissemination by means of offprints, legitimate photocopies, microform editions, reprints, translations, and secondary information sources, such as abstracting and indexing services including databases.