Communists and the Great Depression in Tasmania 1930
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The Workingman's Paradise": Pioneering Socialist Realism
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The University of Sydney: Sydney eScholarship Journals online William Lane's "The Workingman's Paradise": Pioneering Socialist Realism Michael Wilding For their part in the 1891 Australian shearers' strike, some 80 to 100 unionists were convicted in Queensland with sentences ranging from three months for 'intimidation' to three years for 'conspiracy'. It was to aid the families of the gaoled unionists that William Lane wrote The Workingman's Paradise (1892). 'The first part is laid during the summer of 1888-9 and covers two days; the second at the commencement of the Queensland bush excitement in 1891, covering a somewhat shorter time.' (iii) The materials of the shearers' strike and the maritime strike that preceded it in 1890 are not, then, the explicit materials of Lane's novel. But these political confrontations are the off-stage reference of the novel's main characters. They are a major unwritten, but present, component of the novel. The second chapter of part II alludes both to the defeat of the maritime strike and the beginnings ofthe shearers' strike, forthcoming in the novel's time, already defeated in the reader's time. Those voices preaching moderation in the maritime strike, are introduced into the discussion only to be discounted. The unionists who went round 'talking law and order to the chaps on strike and rounding on every man who even boo'd as though he were a blackleg' have realised the way they were co-opted and used by the 'authorities'. 'The man who told me vowed it would be a long time before he'd do policeman's work again. -
Socialism and the ALP Left
John Sendy Socialism and the ALP Left THE FEDERAL TAKE-OVER of the Victorian Labor Party, inspired by rightwing policies, ruling class desires and the ambi tions of attaining electoral victory at any cost, has proved a grand failure, irrespective of what occurs in the next weeks. The interventionists had a completely unreal estimate of the situation in Victoria and have proved quite unequal to the job undertaken. They in no way realised the depth of support for Hartley, Hogg and their colleagues. Estimating that Hartley, Hogg & Co. would have only a handful of supporters faced with strong-arm tactics, they to a large degree were paralysed by the strength and full-blooded nature of the opposition and defiance which they confronted from a membership sickened by the traditional parliamentary antics of a Whitlam and the hare brained, opportunist, power-game manoeuvrings of a Cameron. The idea of reforming the ALP to enhance its 1972 electoral prospects by eliminating “the madmen of Victoria” in exchange for some curbing of the rightwing dominance in NSW was swal lowed readily by sundry opportunistic, unprincipled “left wingers" in NSW and Victoria obsessed with positions and “power” and with achieving the “advance” of electing a Labor Government under Whitlam. The “Mad Hatters tea party” of Broken Hill was fol lowed by the circus-style orgy of the Travel Lodge Motel in the John Sendy is Victorian Secretary of the Communist Party. This article was written in mid-January. 2 AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW— MARCH, 1971 full glare of television cameras and the shoddy backroom dealings of the dimly lit Chinese cafes of Sydney. -
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism By Xiaoxiao Xie Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Studies School of Social Science Faculty of Arts University of Adelaide October 2016 Table of Contents Declaration II Abstract III Acknowledgments V Glossary XV Chapter One Introduction 01 Chapter Two Powell’s Flowing ‘Rivers of Blood’ and the Rise of the ‘Dark Nations’ 22 Chapter Three The ‘Wind from the East’ and the Birth of the ‘First’ Australian Maoists 66 Chapter Four ‘Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party’ 130 Chapter Five ‘Things Are Beginning to Change’: Struggles Against the turning Tide in Australia 178 Chapter Six ‘Continuous Revolution’ in the name of ‘Mango Mao’ and the ‘death’ of the last Australian Maoist 220 Conclusion 260 Bibliography 265 I Declaration I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name, in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name, for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint-award of this degree. I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the University Library, being made available for loan and photocopying, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. -
Dreaming of a National Socialist World: the World Union of National Socialists (Wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism
fascism 8 (2019) 275-306 brill.com/fasc Dreaming of a National Socialist World: The World Union of National Socialists (wuns) and the Recurring Vision of Transnational Neo-Nazism Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton [email protected] Abstract This article will survey the transnational dynamics of the World Union of National Socialists (wuns), from its foundation in 1962 to the present day. It will examine a wide range of materials generated by the organisation, including its foundational docu- ment, the Cotswolds Declaration, as well as membership application details, wuns bulletins, related magazines such as Stormtrooper, and its intellectual journals, Nation- al Socialist World and The National Socialist. By analysing material from affiliated organisations, it will also consider how the network was able to foster contrasting rela- tionships with sympathetic groups in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Europe, al- lowing other leading neo-Nazis, such as Colin Jordan, to develop a wider role interna- tionally. The author argues that the neo-Nazi network reached its height in the mid to late 1960s, and also highlights how, in more recent times, the wuns has taken on a new role as an evocative ‘story’ in neo-Nazi history. This process of ‘accumulative extrem- ism’, inventing a new tradition within the neo-Nazi movement, is important to recog- nise, as it helps us understand the self-mythologizing nature of neo-Nazi and wider neo-fascist cultures. Therefore, despite failing in its ambitions of creating a Nazi- inspired new global order, the lasting significance of the wuns has been its ability to inspire newer transnational aspirations among neo-Nazis and neo-fascists. -
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY and the "FAILURE" of the ACCORD Tom
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD Tom Bramble School of Business University of Queensland Brisbane Q 4072 AUSTRALIA [email protected] Published in K. Wilson, J. Bradford, and M. Fitzpatrick (eds) (2000): Australia in Accord: An Evaluation of the Prices and Incomes Accord in the Hawke-Keating Years, South Pacific Publishing, Melbourne, pp.243-64. 2 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD1 INTRODUCTION Most sections of the industrial relations academic community (broadly defined) started with favourable impressions of the ALP-ACTU Prices and Incomes Accord. Amongst its keenest and most articulate supporters were academics and unionists writing from an explicitly social democratic perspective. Frequently drawing on the German and Scandinavian experiences, writers such as Hughes (1981), Hartnett (1981), Higgins (1978, 1980, 1985), Stilwell (1982), Burford (1983), Ogden (1984), Mathews (1986), and Clegg et al (1986) argued that the Accord would enable the union movement to break out of its labourist straitjacket to encompass broader political concerns and to develop a social role well beyond the ranks of organised labour.2 Similarly it was the left unions such as the Building Workers Industrial Union (BWIU) and Metal Workers Union (AMWU) who were most successful in developing an ideological underpinning for the Accord within the labour movement and who were most influential in winning support for it amongst workers who had the capacity to render it impotent. Opponents of the Accord at the time were almost entirely limited to Left organisations outside the Labor and Communist Parties (below) and a minority of right-wing commentators (for example Terry McCrann in The Age), the former on the basis that it represented an attack on wages and workers' rights under the rubric of social justice, the latter that it did not attack unions hard enough. -
Vagrancy and the Victorians : the Social Construction of the Vagrant In
VAGRANCY AND THE VICTORIANS: THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE VAGRANT IN MELBOURNE, 1880-1907 SUSANNE ELIZABETH DAVIES RID THESiS, HISTORY DEPARTMENT, UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE, 1990 (This thesis does not exceed 100,000 words,) In Memory of my Father CONTENTS Page List of Figures 4 List of Illustrations 6 List of Abbreviations 9 Acknowledgements 10 Abstract 12 Introduction 15 Chapter One: A World of Difference 42 Chapter Two: The Evolution of the Vagrancy Laws 115 Chapter Three: Policing the Victorian Vagrancy Law 145 Chapter Four: Trial and Error 216 Chapter Five: Punishing and Reforming 274 Chapter Six: A System in Crisis $43 Chapter Seven: New Solutions for an Old Problem 397 Conclusion 450 Appendix One: Statistical Method 455 Appendix Two: Statistics relating to the Arrest and Imprisonment of Vagrants in Victoria, 1888-1907. 461 Appendix Three: Statistics relating to Vagrancy Cases heard by the Melbourne Court of Petty Sessions, 1 May 1888 - 30 April 1901. 468 Bibliography 478 4 FIGURES Page Figure 3.1: Vagrancy Arrests in Victoria, 1880-1907 161 Figure 3.2: Most Common Types of Arrests in Victoria, 1880-1905 162 Figure 3.3: Vagrancy Arrests as a Percentage of Total Arrests in Victoria, 1880-1907 163 Figure 3.4: '1 in 10' Sample - Vagrancy Cases heard by the MCPS, 1888-1901 167 Figure 3.5: '1 In 10' Sample - NVLMS/ILMS Cases as a Percentage of Total Vagrancy Cases, MCPS, 1888-1901 170 Figure 3.6: '1 in 10' Sample - Sex of Defendants in Vagrancy Cases, MCPS, 1888-1901 173 Figure 3.7: '1 in 10' Sample - Sex of Defendants in NVLMS/ILMS -
Rethinking Socialism
Eric Aarons Rethinking Socialism Socialists have not sufficiently appreciated the magnitude and quality of changes which have taken place in the last twenty or thirty years, says Eric Aarons. The way we look at the world, the connections we see (or fail to see) between politics and other aspects of society, and the absence of a philosophy which can make more cohesive the diversity of radical and leftwing thought, are some of the things we need to address, he argues. In the following extract from the book Moving Left: the future of socialism in Australia, he looks at some of the long-term questions confronting socialists in Australia. Has socialism got a future in Australia? Although I cannot take this contention further in a short essay, and will concentrate on our conditions, 1 stress my t better have! Because we face many problems which belief that socialists seeking renewal of their cause in can only intensify if capitalism continues to dictate the Australia should look deeper than the formulation of direction in which we go. This has been given added suitable sets of demands and their vigorous propagation by point by the rise of John Howard to the leadership of the a regrouped left, essential though those things are ... Liberal Party, /right. Socialist assumptions he long post-war boom had It is also highlighted by the direction taken by the Labor he long post-war boom undoubtedly had political government under Hawke and Keating. To say this is not and ideological consequences which adversely to equate Labor and Liberal, but to recognise that John affected socialist achievements in that period, Valder, Liberal Party president, did more than crack a l arge numbers of socialists, however (certainly those in political whip when he said that the best scenario was for the C P A ), expected severe depression after the war and Labor to continue implementing^ some of the main r conducted much of their activity on that assumption, even (unpopular) Liberal policies, then be thrown from office. -
The Australian Communist, October
Australian Communist Journal of the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist - Leninist) October – December 2010 Contents Introduction page 3 1. Challenging The Ideology Of Social Democracy page 5 2. State Of Global And Australian Economies page 15 3. Finance Capital And The Australian Economy page 27 4. Climate Change And Sustainable Development page 35 5. – Some Questions The Role Of Class Analysis In Australia’s Revolution page 39 6. The State Of Small Business In 2009 page 49 7. The Signifi cance Of Revisionism page 53 8. 1 2 put an end to the exploitative, repressive and outmoded system of capitalism and Introduction imperialism. It is the most resolute, disciplined and decisive class, and when informed by the science of Marxism, is capable of changing the entire society towards socialism, and ultimately the classless society of communism. The bourgeois ruling class possesses The world today is in economic, powerful means to enforce and spreads political, environmental and social its own capitalist class ideology upheaval. Capitalism and imperialism of the supremacy and permanency stagger from one economic crisis to of capitalism with its archaic and another, created by their own internal and exploitative relations of production, inherently irreconcilable contradictions. where surplus value and profi ts are Nonetheless, the system of capitalism socially created by the labour power of and imperialism will not collapse on exploited workers, but privately owned its own, but needs politically class by a tiny minority. conscious determination and organised mass struggle by the working class and Marxism-Leninism fi rst and foremost its allies. is a science fi rmly based in the material conditions of society and class struggle. -
DON EDUARDO IS SLEEPING a Return to New Australia, Paraguay
essay | MICHAEL LEACH DON EDUARDO IS SLEEPING A return to New Australia, Paraguay CLERMONT, QUEENSLAND, 1891: Following a drop Barcaldine, too young to be considered a leader, in the wool price, the United Pastoralists Associa- escapes the indictment before trial. tion demands new contracts for shearers—cutting He is a young horsebreaker from Muttaburra wages by one third, and insisting upon ‘freedom of called Ted Murray. contract’. In response, an Amalgamated Shearers’ Union strike camp is formed at Clermont. By Feb- CORONEL OVIEDOS, PARAGUAY, 2001: It’s a warm, ruary strike camps have formed throughout rural sticky day in central Paraguay. I wait by the dusty Queensland, to defend the right to collective bar- intersection just south of a highway town called gaining won in the wool sheds in 1890. The colonial Coronel Oviedos, and hail a taxi. Here, the two government of Griffith and McIlwraith responds with major national thoroughfares—the East-West ruta repressive measures, deputising 1100 special con- one and the North-South ruta two—meet in a stables and dispatching military forces to Clermont.1 cacaphony of buses, ticket touts and Guarani women Hugh Blackwell, a member of the Barcaldine strike selling refreshments. It is Paraguay’s major cross- committee writes to Alec Forrester—“Things are roads, and there is no shortage of cheap public trans- quiet at Clermont. First shot fired there may be the port. But I am close to my destination, so I negotiate cause of the Australian revolution”.2 a taxi fare and head west along the ruta one. Five By March, much of the country between Emer- miles from the main intersection of the nation, we ald and Clermont is on fire, as woolsheds are torched turn north. -
AN Being a Thesis Presented Fer History, At
COMMUNISM AND PUBLIC OPINION IN QUEENSLAND 1939 - 1951 : AN EXPLANATION OF QUEENSLAND S VOTE 1 IN THE 1951 ANTI-COMMUNIST REFERENDUM. Being a thesis presented fer the Degree ef Bachelor of Arts with Henours in History, at the University of Queensland , by James Beatson, 1974. Contents Page No. l=Teface Introduction Section 1 Overall Themes 1 Section 2 : Communism during the �Tar 1939-1 945 . Popularity and Cooper&tion Economic and Soci�l Background 11 A.C.P. Popularity in North Queensland 14 Impact of \var 20 The Growth and Influence of Catholic Anti-Communism 30 A New Order? 35 Section 3 Communism in the Post-w"ar Period. Phase 1 : 1946-1 949 The A.C.P. on the Offensive. Communist Party Nilitancy 46 A.G.P. Activity 51 Communism Attacked 67 Overt· 'NcCarthyism 1 and Harassment in Queensland 82 Communist Party Numerical Strength 85 A.C.P. Popularity in North Quemsland 86 A.C.P. Popularity in Queensland 91 Section 4 : Communism in the Post-1�ar Period. Phase 2:19 50-1 951 . The A.C.P. in Retreat. 105 Anti-Communism Institutionalized Communist Party Activity 11 4 The Referendum 124 The Referendum Results 133 Conclusion. 145 endices. App Bi bliographl• (i ) Preface. When researching for this thesis I found I had considerable trouble in obtaining access to some Right-wing sources. Not only were many of them reluctant to discuss their past activities but invariably no files of source material, records, correspond ence, minutes etc. were kept. Fortunately Leftist sources ranging from the Labor Party and the trade unions to the Communist Party, were more confident of their historical import ance, but the fire bombing of the Communist Party headquarters some years ago destroyed all of their remaining past office files containing correspondence, records etc. -
The Utopian Diaspora: Australians in Paraguay Andrew Harvey
The Utopian Diaspora: Australians in Paraguay Andrew Harvey Abstract This chapter argues that the experiment of the Australians’ diaspora in Paraguay forms an important but neglected chapter in Australian history. Only two books, an occasional play, and no significant films have represented the ‘New Australia’ experiment, a paucity of coverage which is the result of both a deliberate forgetting and an underinvestment in national cultural institutions. The contrast with the Welsh government’s continuing support of Welsh settlements in Patagonia is striking, and the chapter examines the reasons behind these contrasting approaches and the cultural significance of Paraguayan collective amnesia. Key Words: Nationalism, identity, Australia, Paraguay, utopia, diaspora. ***** Class war was manifest in Australia in the 1890s. The shearers’ strikes had divided the nation: pastoralists wanted the ability to hire labour at will on free contracts, while the shearers and associated workers wanted guaranteed employment, wages and hours. Governments were close to the pastoralist interests, while the shearers ‘were armed and mobile’.1 One of the loudest advocates for the shearers’ interests was William Lane, a fiery wellread journalist with a knowledge of Das Kapital and a vision for the future. The shearers lost most of the battles, and Lane decided to exit the war stage left - far left. As the strikes were broken and workers suffered through drought and rising unemployment, the Australian Labour Party was born. Lane, though, wanted a more radical solution to the struggle than mere political franchise. Inspired by Edward Bellamy’s utopian vision outlined in his popular novel of the time, Looking Backwards, Lane led an expedition of two hundred ambitious souls to the shores of Paraguay in the Royal Tar in 1893. -
An Inquiry Into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right
THE OTHER RADICALISM: AN INQUIRY INTO CONTEMPORARY AUSTRALIAN EXTREME RIGHT IDEOLOGY, POLITICS AND ORGANIZATION 1975-1995 JAMES SALEAM A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor Of Philosophy Department Of Government And Public Administration University of Sydney Australia December 1999 INTRODUCTION Nothing, except being understood by intelligent people, gives greater pleasure, than being misunderstood by blunderheads. Georges Sorel. _______________________ This Thesis was conceived under singular circumstances. The author was in custody, convicted of offences arising from a 1989 shotgun attack upon the home of Eddie Funde, Representative to Australia of the African National Congress. On October 6 1994, I appeared for Sentence on another charge in the District Court at Parramatta. I had been convicted of participation in an unsuccessful attempt to damage a vehicle belonging to a neo-nazi informer. My Thesis -proposal was tendered as evidence of my prospects for rehabilitation and I was cross-examined about that document. The Judge (whose Sentence was inconsequential) said: … Mr Saleam said in evidence that his doctorate [sic] of philosophy will engage his attention for the foreseeable future; that he has no intention of using these exertions to incite violence.1 I pondered how it was possible to use a Thesis to incite violence. This exercise in courtroom dialectics suggested that my thoughts, a product of my experiences in right-wing politics, were considered acts of subversion. I concluded that the Extreme Right was ‘The Other Radicalism’, understood by State agents as odorous as yesteryear’s Communist Party. My interest in Extreme Right politics derived from a quarter-century involvement therein, at different levels of participation.