A JOURNAL OF COMPOSITION THEORY ISSN : 0731-6755

SASAI: CUSTOMARY MEAT SHARING PRACTICES AMONG THE TANGKHUL NAGA

Dr. Ningreishim Kashung Shimray Post Doctoral Research Scholar Department of History, University Email ID;[email protected]

Abstract:150 The Tangkhul Naga tribe occupies the northern hilly terrain of Manipur. Shifting/jhum cultivation undertaken on the hill slopes were unproductive and could hardly suffice the needs of many families thereby necessitating them to look for other life sustaining alternative economic activities. The vast expanse of land covered with deciduous forest provides them an opportunity to take up hunting as an alternative life sustaining economic activities besides pastoral farming. Meat thus became a staple food for the Tangkhul Nagas tribal. Laws were regulated for hunting, meat cutting and sharing either of game and domestic animals for strict adhering by all. Meats were required to be cut up into different part according to custom as each part indicates position or ownership and responsibilities. Meats were share in different level of the social set up and it also acts as agent for cementing the relationship within the community social set up such as families, lineage, clan and village.

Keywords:5-8 Tangkhul, jhuming, alternative economic activities, hunting, custom, sasai,

Introduction

The Tangkhul Nagas are one of the major tribes of North-East . They are found predominantly settled in district (now bifurcated into Ukhrul and Kamjong district) and sporadically scattered in Senapati, Kangpokpi and Thoubal district of Manipur state. Altogether there are 220 Tangkhul villages with a total population of about two lakhs. In the past they occupied a compact region in the east and north east of the valley of Manipur but gradually expanded to the low lying area/ foothills.

The land of Tangkhul is mountainous, uneven and covered by dense forest. Climatically the area is categorized under sub- tropical monsoon highland temperate climate.1Although the entire landmass is hills, there are also several high peaks rising from an altitude of 6500-10,000 feet above the sea level, Shiroi Kashong and Chingjui Matha rise above 8600 feet, Kachouphung rises beyond 10,000 feet. Topographically the northern and middle regions are higher in altitude than the southern portion yet the later more rugged.2 There are numbers of small winding valley in central, western and northern region. Along the small valley, many rivers and stream run

1 MT Laiba, The Geography of Manipur,,1992 p.112. 2 Luikham,R. Tankhul Traditional Land use system and related Custom, Community Resources Management society, ukhrul, 2006,p.2

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enabling the small valley suitable for wet paddy cultivation. As the land is covered by dense forest, it is rich in biodiversity abound with varieties of flora and fauna.

Economy Environment especially, the natural environment plays a determining role in the evolution and development of human culture. A group of people which inhabited a particular region has to either tame the hazardous environment or adjust to its surrounding with some modification. The Tangkhul Naga tribe who occupied the hilly terrain of Manipur in the process of their migration and settlement took up different economic activities (to sustain their life). Shifting or jhum cultivation is taken up extensively on the slope of the hills as the main production activities (as this practice is the best option). The yield from shifting cultivation is however not always bountiful/bounties and are usually insufficient to sustain the whole family throughout the year.

The produces from jhum cultivation fluctuate every year as the jhum area varies annually resulting in the variation of the fertility of the land (sometimes falling on fertile land and sometime on less fertile land). Thus when the jhum cultivation fall on less fertile region, the produce from such farming are often insufficient to sustain the family members throughout the year. Another factor is the system of primogeniture which is well established in the Tangkhul society; the eldest son will always get choicest area and the younger sibling, in the family are left to cultivate the less fertile region.3 The younger sibling of a family often suffers as the yields from these types of cultivation are often insufficient to sustain their family. So it necessitates them to migrate to new areas or to look for other alternative to support their family. In due course of time, they learnt other method of cultivation on the slope of their village; wet and dry terraced cultivation. Terrace cultivation could not be practiced everywhere as proper supply of water is required for irrigation so such practice is confined only those villages occupying the low land areas. In places where terrace farming is possible, the size of the village increases, which clearly indicate that terrace farming supplement food grain requirement of the village. Mc. Culloch comments on the advantage of terrace cultivation, the system of cultivation amongst them (Tangkhul) is superior to that of the other tribes, being on terraces, which are watered by streams issuing from the side of the hill above them.4 But in villages where terrace cultivation is impossible villagers face economic hardship so they take up cattle rearing and other activities for sustenance.

3 In an interview Shiluba Konghay, an old man from Kabwongram lamented. It must noted here that though they have vast stretch of land in the village, an individual had no freedom take up cultivation in other region other than the particular region as decided by the village council. 4 Mc. Culloch, Account of the valley of Manipur, Gian Publication, Delhi, Reprinted 1980, p.68

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Deciduous forest which surrounds the habitat provides the people to take up hunting extensively to supplement the shortage of food grain. Meat thus became a staple diet for the Tangkhul Nagas. Various kinds of meats, both domesticated and wild animals are taken as delicacies in daily life and on different festive occasion. Various types of animals and fowls were domesticated by the Tangkhuls to supplement their food requirement and for use in agricultural activities in region where terrace farming was adopted and also for festive and ritualistic purposes. Among the cattle, Shilui (Buffalo) and Fa or dogs may be perhaps the oldest animal to be domesticated as inferred from the folksong. 5 Besides they also domesticated seizang (mithun), seimuk (cows), hok (pig), lami (cat) and har (chicken). Meh (goats) were not rear in the past as eating of goat meat was forbidden, for the Tangkhul feared that by eating its meat one becomes a gossiper without doing useful works. 6 Buffalo and Mithun are considered important as they are used for rituals. According to Stephen Angkang, Buffalo is the most important domesticated animal as it is used in major ritual and in compensating for the highest crime committed.7

Sasai; Customary division/sharing of meat

Meats are however consumed not only for the sake of consumption as food but its consumption has social implication too. Sharing of meat bonds the partaker as a unit and thus sharing of meat from the same slaughtered animal is the symbolic expression of the solidarity and cohesiveness among the members of the family, lineage, clan or village. So sharing of meat was a necessary practice to maintain the cohesiveness of the families, lineages, clans or among the villagers. Therefore a close examination of Tangkhul sasai is necessary to understand the social fabric of society.

In the Tangkhul society any kind of animal which was killed either for household consumption or festive purpose has to abide by their custom. This custom of meat sharing also applies to the game killed in the hunting expedition. The animal either game of a hunting expedition or a domestic animal had to be cut up in such a way that each part was cut out separately as mandated by custom. The parts as mandated by customs are Akui (head), agahung (neck), yaphei ( right hind leg), uiphei (left hind leg), yapang (right front leg), uipang (left front leg),

5 Folk song of Kabvongmi (Tangkhul Hundung) tell us that while migrating from Hakwang valley to the present habitat, they brought shillui (Baffulo) with them. Similarly the folksongs of Hunphun (Ukhrul) tell us that they brought Fa (dog) while migrating from Samsok to the present habitat. 6 Luikham R., Tangkhul Traditional land use system and related custom, Ukhrul District Community Resource Management Society, Ukhrul, 2006,p.74. 7 Angkang Stephen, Hau (Tangkhul) Customary Law, Ukhrul, 2000,p.29

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khaishang (thigh), arapthing (ribs), Khamkor wui ashuk (back bone), and ameikung (tail bone). Each part of the animal so divided signifies position in the social set up either of the lineage, clan, village council and Long (assembly of all Tangkhul villages). According to Stephen Angkang cutting into different parts was a necessity as it indicates position in the social relation of the Tangkhul. It indicates the chief of the village or clan or lineage and as the chief they have responsibilities to shoulder.8 Sasai (meat share) indicates position, honour and responsibilities in the family, lineage, clan, village and social organisation. The share of meats for the individual is a hereditary right and one could not sell or transfer it to another. And along with the right come numerous responsibilities that each recipient had to discharge. Whatever share they got from animal slaughter for different purpose on different occasions, the recipient was obliged to share with his relative. Sharing of meat symbolises a strong bond among the partaker of the meat. As long as they share the meat their relationship remains intact.

So from the smallest social unit to the largest body-family, lineage, clan or village, meat sharing remains the most important factor in maintaining solidarity among/within that group.

Hanga Sasai; Village Council division of meat

Hanga or village council is the highest administrative body of the village. Its existence was based on age old customs and tradition of the Tangkhul people. Each Village is administered by Hanga which is a council of elders of the village. Hanga is not only a council of elders but also the collective supreme body representing all the heads of the village clans. Normally piba/head of the clan is inducted as Hangva/councilor. Hanga consist of the village chief and all the head/piba of the clans in the village. Traditionally hanga have eight members as seven different clans are pre requisite for establishing a new standard Naga village.9 However the number of hangva differs from village to village as there are many villages which have less than seven clans and there are also many villages which have more than seven clans. There are many instances where two or three small villages merged to form bigger village. In such case, chief of the village with larger population became the chief of the newly merged village and chief of the village with lesser population are either inducted as Hangva (councilor) or as wungleng, a position higher than councilor.

As the highest body responsible for preserving or protecting the customary law of the village, sasai practice was strictly adhered to /observed in the council. Village council was set in a

8 Ibid, p.137. 9 Puyiba Kashung of Kabongram (Tangkhul Hundung); Stefen Angkang, Hau shiyen chikan,p.89.

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hierarchical order and every position in the hierarchical set up so established received its own share of meat accordingly.

In the village Council or Hanga Sasai, the share of each councilor indicates the position he occupied. The animal so killed has to be cut up part wise as each part signifies a particular position and responsibility. The animals parts arrange in hierarchical order are akui or head, agahung or neck, yaphei or right hind leg, ui phei or left hind leg, yapang or right front leg, ui pang or left front leg and ameikung or tail bone. The head of the animal so slaughtered is always reserved for Awunga (village chief), symbolizing that he is the chief of the Village, Council and Administrative Head of the village. The right hind leg for wungaleng, there are instances where Wungaleng share head of the animal slaughtered with the village chief indicating that they are equal in status. Wungaleng was also a village chief but had merged his village with bigger village for security reason. The portion of neck is the share of Awunga mathun or person who acts on behalf of the chief. The left hind leg is the share of the senior most councilor (senior most here refers to the person who accompanied the chief when he founded the new settlement), right front leg for the next senior councilor, left front leg next senior councilor.10 Each part is given to councilor base on their seniority in the village council. In southern Tangkhul region, Ameikung or the tail bone is given to that councilor who held the portfolio of publicity. This councilor who held portfolio of publicity had many tasks- it was his duty to inform all the councilors personally about any meeting of the village council, and if there is anything to announce to the whole village about decision of the village council, he had to do so. After giving away the mandated portion, the other parts were equally shared among all the members of the village council. The entrails of the animal so killed were shared by the councilor after it was cooked.

In a Tangkhul village every clan has their representatives in the Hanga or village council, represented by their clan chief, piba. Every clan participated in the discussion and in reaching/arriving the decision in the council through their representative clan chief. The decision which is collectively taken by the councillor is binding for every villager as they participate indirectly in arriving/taking the decision. Likewise through the partaking of meat by their representative along with other Hangva or councillors, the solidarity of every clan with other members of the village is maintained through their representatives.

10 Stephen Angkang, op.cit, p.164.

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The meat share which each clan representative received from Hanga sasai is not his own. He has to share it with his clan members in either ways, before it was cooked or after it has been cooked. The former practiced was operational when the clan members are few and the later become the usual practice with increasing population. But in some clan where the number had grown too numerous, if he cannot share with all the household of his clan, it is mandatory that the hangva of that clan share with the elderly person of his clan. Sharing is necessary as it symbolically maintained solidarity with other members of the village through partaking of the meat.

The village councillor or hangva received this customary share of meat of animals killed because of their duties in the village and council affairs. As the chief court for dispensing justice the village council also received its due share of fine imposed on culprits who violate customary laws. These fines were paid in kind such rice beer or animals such as buffalo, mithun, cows and pigs (due to the absence of token currency). In the later period with the introduction of token currency in the Meitei kingdom the Tangkhul also began using currency of the Meitei king as a medium of exchange though not in large scale. The culprits have to pay the fine in kind based on the quantum of the crime involved. Baffulo was considered the most priceless animal and was used for paying gravest crime such as mithit or murdered. Considering its importance, slaughtering of Buffalo for normal consumption was prohibited, (salai sasharra).11 Buffalo was used for compensating for the gravest crime, used in feast of merit festival, and for other ritualistic purposes. Baffulo cannot be killed in the same manner as other animals, as it required a shaman to perform certain ritual, and he had to strike the animal first.

Marriage custom: bonding through meat

Marriage is a very important social institution all over the world. It is a fundamental institution of every individual life for the progressive sustenance of the society. The term marriage is known as lakhot in Tangkhul( la means girl or female and khot means to cohabit or settle down). Therefore, lakhot means an act of solemnization between an adult boy and adult girl as husband and wife. Marriage in the Tangkhul society is marked by ceremonial rites and feast besides dance and songs. Marriage in Tangkhul societies is an important occasion/event not only for celebration/festival but an occasion which brings families closer and strengthens families and clans bondage/relationship. It is an occasion where the married sisters (Yorla) of the bride and grooms parents could associate with their parent’s family and also contribute for the marriage in

11 Ibid,p.29.

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kind and cash. All the clan members of both the marriage party took their share as mandated by custom to make the marriage a grand success. Union of man and woman must however take place within the recognized rules of the society concerned and have children of their own as legitimate off springs of the partners.

Marriage was held in two process viz, Vashum rasa (elopement) and shakaza (marriage by engagement). Elopement was illegal although given public recognition after the consent of the parents. Among the Tangkhul, there is a ceremonial feast given after elopement. This feast called vashum, is held at bride’s parent’s residence, hosted as a sort of compromise to girl’s family for taking their daughter without their consent, whereby the major expense is born by the boy’s family. shakaza is the popular form of marriage practice in the Tangkhul society. In the case of shakaza, it is generally an affair settled by whims of parents although girls and boys are given considerable freedom in choosing their lifelong partner. When a family has a boy of marriageable age, a suitable partner is on the hunt by the parent or close relative of the family, though freedom of choosing is not denied to their son. Whatever be the proposal, it should be acceptable to the parent and their children. While selecting their life’s partner, the rule of clan exogamy is strictly observed as marriage within the same clan is prohibited. So also parallel cousin marriage i.e. mother’s sister’s daughter marriage should be avoided by a male.12 There are various regulations and provisions which one should follow and avoid while entering into marriage. The following are the types of relationship that is prohibited in the Tankghul Naga. They are as follows;

(i)Shokhala (in Tangkhul dialect); A person cannot marry a girl if she is (a) His sister from his own parents, (b) Sister of the same clan (c) A person cannot marry his brother’s daughter. (ii)Vakhalat (in Tangkhul dialect) A person cannot marry a girl if she is his father’s sister’s daughter. (iii) Chinaora (in Tangkhul dialect) (a) Marriages between the children of the sisters of same parents are prohibited. Marriages of the children of same mother but of different father are prohibited.13

12 Khushim Ruivah, The Tangkhul Naga ,N Sanajaoba (ed) Manipur: past and present,Vol.iii,p.351 13 M Premila, Tangkhul Naga custom, N Sanajaobo (ed) Manipur; Past and present vol.iii,pp.364,365 see also Makangwo, Hangva wungnaobingwui Khamshui,p.26.

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(b) Children of parallel cousin sister cannot enter into wedlock. Such marriage is considered the union of blood relation as their mothers were from one clan. Such restriction is called Chinaora Kashar. However after a lapse of three generation, such marriage can be interacted.14 (iv) Shimshang (in Tangkhul dialect);

Children of the same phratry also cannot enter into marriage. Phratry is a collection of two or more clans. It is an expansion of the clan with a common ancestor. They may have different clan names but as they are expansion of one clan or children of brothers, marriage between the children of phratry are prohibited.15

Violation of such rule is punishable by expelling from the village to a place called Kharao (in Tangkhul dialect). 16 Matrilateral cross-cousin marriage i.e. mother’s brother’s daughter’s marriage known as “Pam” (in Tangkhul dialect), is considered to be the most preferred type.17 Among the Meitei such marriage is referred to as “manem matung inba” meaning to follow one’s father’s sister. The rules of clan exogamy necessitated inter marriage between different clans, tribes and community from other villages. If a suitable girl is not found in their village, they look for it in other village.

In the Tangkhul society detailed enquiry is a necessity prior to the marriage proposal. After proper enquiry, Harkho khayang (in Tangkhul dialect meaning observing spreading of hen/rooster leg) omens is taken before betrothal proposal by holding up a fowl and observing how it cross its legs, if its right foot cross over the left, the omen is good; the opposite bad.18 If the omen is good, a pot full of yu (rice beer) is taken by the elders and guardian of the boy to the girl’s parent (house) for the betrothal purpose. Acceptance of yu by the girl’s parent indicates their consent to the marriage proposal.19 The girl’s parent also offer yu and the two parties drink and discuss about the bride price and fixed the date for marriage ceremony. Drinking on such occasion is called Neira khamang which mean unifying drink.20

14 Soothing W.A Shimray, The Tangkhuls, Imphal,2000,p.41. 15 Ibid,p.40. 16 L.B Devi, Lois of Manipur,Mittal Publication, New Delhi,2002,p.37. 17 Khushim Ruivah, The Tangkhul Nagas in N Sanajaoba (ed) Manipur ;past and present, vol.iii,pp.351,352. R Brown, Statiscal Accountof the Native state of Manipur and the hill territory under its rule, Mittal Publication, Delhi, 1874, p.40 also see Malungchang Longvah, Hao awo ayi manglarin, phanit phanao kala shiyan chikan,p.39. 19 Ningyon, Kabongram thotchan,p.27,28. see also N Pramodini, Kwatha,p.21,22. 20 N. Pramodini, Kwatha;Socio-Economic and Religious system, People Museum, Kakching,1995, pp.22,23. also see Khashim Ruivah,social change among the Naga(Tangkhul),p.114,115.

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On the day of engagement the groom family are required to give a blameless male pig ( without defect) to the bride’s family for purpose of bonding the two families by partaking together the slaughtered animal. An interesting aspect of meat sharing in the engagement ceremonies is that the animal is divided into different share according to customs. Akui (Head), agahung (neck), pheimareng and pangmareng (limbs of front and hind leg) are set apart for the groom’s family. After setting apart the portion for the groom family, the rest of the meat are cooked and partaken by the members of the two families. Partaking of the cooked meat marks the completion of the rituals of engagement, all the members of the two families who partake are witness to the such events and the bonding of the two families has been initiated. The portion which given to the groom family are again distributed according to custom. Ears are cut out and distributed to the maternal aunt of the groom. After removing the ears, the other portion of the head is then cooked and distributed among his relatives, given mainly to those members who could not take part in the ceremonies. Pheimareng and pangmareng (limbs of the front and hind leg) are distributed to the paternal aunts of the groom. Thus through sharing of meat, the relationship between the parent’s family and yorla is constantly maintained.

On the day of marriage, numbers of animals-buffalo, pigs, mithun and cows are slaughtered depending on the number of guest expected on the day of marriage. The gender of all the animals which are slaughtered for the purposed has to be sterilized male (akha sakahai saa), there was a taboo on killing of female animals. Among them one blameless buffalo is slaughtered for ritualistic purpose of bonding by distributing the portion as mandated by custom. The head of the buffalo is reserved for the groom family. Awovashi (maternal uncle) has his share of meat on such big occasion; neck of the buffalo is given as the share of awovashi. Even from the bride side, they have to give agahung or the neck of the animal to awovashi. Relationship with groom maternal aunt is maintained by distributing the ears of the slaughtered buffalo. A large share of meat called yorla saa is reserved for yorla (sisters) of the groom father. Gradation of yorla is visible by the share of meat they received. Yorkhokka or the senior most Yorla (sister) received the right hind leg indicating that she occupies the highest position in the Yorla hierarchy. Besides the right hind leg, Yorkhokka will also receive her share of the meat from the slaughter animal which is equally divided among the rest of the groom paternal aunt and groom sister’s.

The southern and eastern side of Tangkhul have a practice different from Tangkhul of other region. On this day the bride is required to bring an animal usually pig called Hok-Lwong or Saa-Lwong as registration fee in the clans of the grooms family. The entrails of the animal so

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slaughter for the purpose is remove and eaten by the bride family before giving to the grooms clan. After removing the head for the groom family, the animal so brought by the bride are cut and equally shared by all the household of the groom clan to mark her registration/enrolment/entrance. Thus the new bride is bonded with other members of the clan through blood.

Custom related to sharing game of hunting/hunted animals-

The natural environment of each Tangkhul Naga village abounds with varieties of flora and fauna as villages have dense forests. Each village has well defined boundaries mark by mountains and ridges. All the resources found within the boundary of each village are the exclusive property of that particular village; Trespassing, even while hunting or gathering forest resources in the territory of another village is prohibited.

As the Tangkhuls have been associated with surrounding forest, they have rich reservoir of knowledge about surrounding nature which is conceptualized as indigenous knowledge. The traditional knowledge of the Tangkhul stems mainly from the experiences accumulated over centuries and transmitted from generation to generation. The experiences are shared socially by the members of the group in the household or the domestic group to which the individual belongs.21

The Tangkhuls largely depend on forest resources for their livelihood. People maintain various types of forest for different purposes. Conservation of forest is maintained near the settlement areas mainly on the western side as the winds from western side are stronger and tend to blow the fire during jhum towards the settlement areas. Maintaining forest on the western sides of their villages, act as a barrier to the wind flow from the west. In addition to the fire line, maintaining good forest serves as a safety belt around the settlement areas.

All types of animals, birds, fishes, woods, medicinal herbs or plants, fruits and rocks are the resources of the village. Therefore, protected and preserved by the villagers by enforcing certain regulation. Tangkhuls have certain laws related to its surrounding environments, its flora and fauna. Hunting and fishing are the exclusive rights of the village within. It is either taken up collectively or by an individual. The Nagas are well aware of the food-chains and give due importance in maintaining the ecological balance. According to Stephen Angkang, Tangkhul are

21 Franky Vara, Indeginous Forest Management: Trends in Tangkhul Naga in R.Vashum (ed) Ecountering Modernity, Chicken neck, New Delhi,2014,p.271.

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aware that man alone has the highest wisdom, thus the responsibility of maintaining and preserving the flora and fauna rests on him. Thus seasons are set aside for certain activities which could hamper the ecological balance.

Humans need forest products- trees, bamboo and hay for building, construction of houses and for fuel. Cutting of trees are prohibited during spring and rainy seasons. This is the season where plants and herbs sprouted new branches and grew taller and stronger. Cutting of trees for household needs are generally done during November to January ( during dry season), when the trees has dried but avoided during March and April. In the Tangkhul traditional practice, while cutting trees it is never cut and uprooted completely. They are cut just at or above the breast height and also just above trees node and the trunks are usually left. When the coppices are about one year old, only six or seven of them are left on the main trunk and the rest are cut. The remaining coppices grow fast and in four to five years, provided a large quantity of firewood. The local people also inform that cutting trees during March to April make the wood more prone to insect attack. Trees and plant or herbs which are used in ritualistic purposes/ in performing rituals or as medicine are grown in their surrounding areas. Beside, seasonal trees and plants are also given due care as their flower indicates the approach of new seasons.

Hunting and gathering of wild animals has always been and continues to be an important aspect of life in the Tangkhul society. According to T. Luikham, one-tenth of the population depended on hunting for their livelihood.22 Hunting is not only a means of securing food resources, but is also a social event (rite of passage) in which young men proved their manhood. The importance of hunting in the Tangkhul society can be gauged from the fact that a person/ an elderly person is appointed as Saroi from councillors to look into this matter. Saroi is a military head as well as a person who was capable of trapping the spirit of animals. Thus villagers made sacrifices through the Saroi to appease animal gods so that they can be successful in their military and hunting expedition. 23 Awungshi Ningyon gave an interesting account about the sacrifices conducted by Saroi for successful military raids and hunting expeditions. For the purpose of sacrifice every household contributed a Nako (small basket made of bamboo) of rice and a cock or fowl, but the cock or fowl needed for the purpose was chosen by the Saroi at will. The Saroi would parade the village and he could kill any cock and fowl needed for such purpose and no one dared to show any sign of unhappiness, for such an act were believed to cause failure in the expedition. Such sacrifices were conducted by Saroi who owned Salung, (sa=animal,

22 T Luikham, Wung (Tangkhul) Okthot Mayonza,Ukhrul, Manipur, 1961, p.132. 23 Awungshi Ningyon, Kabongram(T Hundung) Thotchan, Kabongram Mitun Long, Imphal,1995 pp.13,14.

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lung=stone), stone which is believed to bears the spirit of animals twice in a year.24 After the sacrifice had been offered, the villager can carry out hunting expeditions. But for the Saroi, in return for his act of sacrificial offering, a portion was reserved, whenever the villager brought game from the hunt; the portion generally reserved for the Saroi was akung/tail bone.

In the early Tangkhul society, hunting and exploitation of wild animals were regulated by traditional rules and every good hunter was expected to respect the traditional code of conduct that existed in the community. Hunting activities can be taken up only in specific seasons. As birds and animals had season for mating, hunting is strictly prohibited during the mating season, so that ecological balance was not disturbed. Hunting was taken up after the planting was over and before the harvest began. Hunting with bow and arrows and spears was predominantly a male activity, but women and children also set traps for small animals and birds, and also collect snails.

Hunting methods can be categorised into several category numbers based on numbers of hunters involved, time of day and the implements used.25 Thus there was individual hunting or Indwong saka (Indwong saka= individual hunting) and group hunting, hunting with bows and arrow (in the later days gun was predominantly used), setting of traps, night hunting and day hunting. The weapons of Tangkhul consisted of a light metal tipped arrow, the quiver which is made of bamboo, a short but sturdy bow, spear, dao and a hunting club. Hunters daub their arrows with poisons extracted from roots, barks and venoms of toads.

Hunters either hunt individually, often assisted by a helper or in groups. Individual hunting may take place during the day or at night in the forest or in the farms. Often farms attracted wild animals, especially when crops which are grown in the farm ripen. In such cases an individual or two hunters usually went out before the sunset and waited (ambush) for animals near the farms. The introduction of flash lights in the region has made night hunting very common and very popular among the professional hunters since the success rate is much higher. The night hunter leaves his home after dark for the forest and normally hunts until day break before returning home. Night hunting is mostly a solitary affair although some hunters would use an assistant. Most hunters normally restricted their nights hunting activities to familiar ground.

A single hunter or four to five hunters forming a group may also camp out in the forest to hunt and would remain in the forest for periods ranging from a few days to a couple of weeks. This

24 Ibid,p.13-15. 25 Yaa Ntiamoa-Baidu, Wildlife and Food Security in Africa, FAO Conservation Guide,33,1997, chap.4.

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type of hunting is usually done seasonally when forest bears certain flowers and fruits usually like haochakwon, muingdaie, Paitaodei (Hok fruits) and Shekshithei (goose berries) which attracted the animal to feed on. The hunter constructed a hunting camp which is used as a base and hunting is done both day and night. The hunter would indentify such places where they find plenty of such trees which bears the fruits and they would ambush (wait) for the animals. The hunters remain in the camp until the end of their hunt.

As regards group hunting, there are three main form of communal hunting; seasonal group hunting, combing of vegetation to drive out animals which are then killed, and the use of fire to smoke out animals26. Traditionally, the seasonal group hunt was carried out at specific times of the year and would commonly involve most of the able-bodied males in the community. The seasonal group hunting is a highly organised event. Before they embarked on the task, a meeting is held to decide on the hunting ground and also divide into groups and share out responsibilities. Many people are involved in the hunting, comprising professional hunters and helpers as well as a number of saa-fa (dog trained for hunting game). In group hunting all the members are divided into two parties; one group inclusive of the saa-fa will chase out the animals from their hideout and the other party will be placed in the probable path where the game is likely to rush out. If the hunters are lucky and could kill a game or two, the game is divided amongst the group. Whenever they get a game, Saa laa (game song) is to be sung on the spot where the animal is killed; Saa maing eeh, Saa ho maing eeh oh maing eeh saa ho maing eeh (free translation- game is caught, oh big/fat game is caught) This song is sing repeatedly depending upon the sex of the game, it is sung twice if the game is female and is repeated thrice if it is male. Sakui kakui or yelling is also repeated in the same manner. Sakui kakui or yelling and saa laa or animal/game song are usually sung in two places- one at the spot where the game is killed and the other at the entrance of the village.

Hunting by combing of vegetation involves fewer people perhaps ten to fifteen. Professional hunters tract the presence of animal in certain vegetation by trekking the foot prints. Saa Fa or the dogs (called Chow=dear which resemble the dear) were also used in trekking and driving out the game from their enclosure.27 They encircle a patch of vegetation known to harbour animals and move towards the centre beating and slashing the bushes. Animal emerging from the

26 Yaa Ntiamoa-Baidu, wildlife and food Security in Africa, FAO Conservation Guide, 33,199, chap.4. 27 T.C Hodson, The Naga tribes of Manipur, Low Price Publication, Delhi,1911,p.56

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vegetation are either chased and caught by dogs or killed with spears and clubs. With the introduction of modern fire arms, the animals which are chased could be killed easily.

The use of fire in group hunting is also a common practice usually for hunting monkeys. Members of the group will first spread out and chase all the monkeys in a chosen patch of vegetation. Members would encircle the patch and after positioning the members strategically; the area is set on fire. Animals are killed with spears and clubs and daos as they run out of the area to escape the fire. Fire is also regularly used to smoke out rodents from their burrows. A group of beaver hunters would search for beaver holes and set fire at the entrance using dry leaves. The smoke penetrates the burrow and forces the beaver to come out. In the meantime, members of the group would be waiting at strategic points around the burrows, ready to kill the beaver as soon as it comes out. Often the animals die in the burrow out of suffocation from the smoke, in which case, it is dug out. Rickra (Porcupine) and Sa-ham (Pangolin) are also smoked out when they run into a hole while hunting.

Traps and snares are other technique employed for catching animals. It is used not only by professional hunters but non professional hunters, women as well as children to catch animals. Traps are set in the areas frequent by wild animals or along animals’ trails and at feeding grounds. Bird traps are either set on ground or placed on the top branches of trees known to be regularly used for feeding or roosting by birds. There are popularly five kinds of traps for catching especially wild animals. These are (i) Deep pits are dug on the main track of the wild animals and on the bottom of the pits bamboo spikes are laid to cause injuries when the animals fall into the pit. (ii) Sharp bamboo spike are prepared, and placed standing vertically on two directions to injure the animal as it crosses the path. (iii) a strong and hard pole is erected and on the top of the pock is fastened a strong rope and lay baits on the path of the animals passing on the route. (iv) Hong kakhang; hong is made of cut log of at least a foot circumference in size and 18 feet long. Six or seven of such log are bound in line one after another in three or four rows and with baits. One end of the logs (hong) is lifted 5 to 6 feet high and suspends the hong with baits. As the animal pulled the baits the logs which had been bound loosely fall upon the animals. (v) Nei; adhesive substance prepared after extracting from a parasite plant is used for trapping fowls and birds.28

Pit-falls, trenches and gin-traps were set in an isolated forest in the early past by hunters. Such dangerous traps pose serious threats to people and are now prohibited. Often a fence is

28 P.Peter, Wung Hau Tangkhul customary law, Ukhrul, 2004, p.41,42.

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constructed around a farm and traps are set at intervals along the fence. This system is primarily a crop protection measure and the primary objective is to reduce damage of crops by wild animals particularly rodents.

Snares may be designed as neck-traps, waist traps and foot traps depending on which part of the animal the noose is aimed at29. The most common material for making the snare or noose is natural fibres called Kenthang in Kabwongmi (Tangkhul Hundung) dialect, while stems are used to make the triggers and spring devices, and also to anchor the snare. Foodstuffs are used as baits and are normally placed at the entrances of the traps to entice the animals. Traps which are set in potential area including those sets on farm are inspected daily or as often as the farmer or his family visit the farm. Those set in distant area within the forest are normally inspected every other day. It is considered a serious offence and a taboo for one person to tamper with, or remove an animal from another person’s traps.

Another important feature of hunting is the share of the game. Sharing operates on three successive levels as in the Aka hunting –gatherer society of Africa. First is within the task groups, second within the family groups, and third with the neighbouring groups. Economic organization is more important at the first and third levels, while the second is mostly concerned with social structure.30

When an animal has been taken, it is butchered and distributed among the hunters according to their role during the hunt. The types of animals and the technique employed to kill it determines the way that the meat is cut up. The custom of sharing is not applicable to small animals such as birds, rodents and squirrel; it is applied only to the bigger animal. “The notion of sharing brought the question of ownership of the game. In the eighteenth century, philosophers believed that ownership came to existence when man invented agriculture. It was thought that people without agriculture had few needs and great freedoms, making sharing unnecessary. Property is a pre-requisite of sharing. Concurrently, equality was attributed to pre-agricultural humanity. However the field observation made among the real hunter-gatherer destroyed this notion and established the existence of property (ownership) without agriculture.” 31 This perhaps also applies to the tribal society, where ownership is not clearly defined. The Tangkhul traditional

29 Yaa Ntiamoa-Baidu, Wildlife and Food Security in Africa, FAO Conservation Guide 33,1997,chap.4. 30 Serge Bahuchet, Food sharing among the Pygmies of Central Africa, African Study Monograph, 11(1) June,1990.p.31 31 Ibid,p.28

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regulation regarding the share of the game, clearly indicates who the owner of the game hunted is.

Regarding the custom of share of each individual who took part in the hunting expedition, a difference is observed between people settling in the northern and western side on one hand and the people settling in the southern and eastern on the other. Tangkhul in northern and Western gave due importance to role of Saa-fa or dog in the expedition, the owner of the dog always gets the head of the game, the one who killed the game get hind leg.32 Tangkhul settling in the southern and eastern side follow different practices. The head is given to the one who killed the game signifying the ownership of the game. If the game is not killed by a single person, the head always goes to the hunter whose spear struck first and who is therefore the acquirer. The other portions go the one who struck second and then to those who encircle the animals. Thirumpa and the dog will get external reproductive organs. Setting apart akung (tail bone) for the saroi, the game is the equally divided among the groups. Another important aspect of the sharing is, if by any chance a stranger passes by while butchering the hunted game, a small share is given to this stranger.

A different custom is followed if the game is acquire through net or traps. The entire animal is ascribed to the owner of the net or traps, after setting aside some portion for the one who accompanied him or who assisted him in carrying home the game. Unlike the earlier custom of share applied in the spear hunting, where the acquirer is entitled to only a limited number of parts, with most of the meat going to the group who participated in the hunting expedition. The acquirer of animal through traps and net get the whole animls except for the portion which he shares with the Saroi and the one who accompanied him to carry home the game. The whole game is of course not consumed by his family alone as the custom mandated to share with his meiphung (lineage) or clan member. Here, it is important to reemphasize that the animal is ascribed not only to the man but also to the weapon (spear or net) that immobilized it. So, if a game is acquire using lent weapon either a net/traps or net, its absent owner of the weapon is the acquirer and as such is entitled a shared, usually right front leg including the thigh is set aside as share of weapon owner.

The introduction of fire arms in the Tangkhul region after the Second World War brought about some changes in the hunting system. Instead of bow and arrows, guns were preferably used in

32 Angkang Stephen, Hau (Tangkhul) Customary Law, Ukhrul Development of Hao Ancient Custom and Research Organization,2000,p.142.

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the hunting expedition. Acknowledging the instrumental role of guns in immobilizing the game, a share usually a hind leg is given to the owner of the gun. Advent of Christianity in the Tangkhul region has implication on their custom of meat sharing. The role of Saroi was considered no longer important; it ritualistic ceremonies were considered a pagan practices. The principles of Christian became the basis of their everyday life. Thus the share which was earlier reserved Saroi is now given to the Church as tithe. Here instead of ameikung or tail (the usual share of Saroi), the share of the Church is the right front leg of the game.33

The second level of sharing took place within the family group. Each hunter who has participated in a hunt and received a portion of meat must obey rules of sharing based on kinship and divided up his raw meat among certain of his relatives.34 In the southern Tangkhul region, a share which one brought home from such hunting expedition is shared with his relatives in either ways, before the meat is cooked if the share he brought is in large quantity, or after the meat is cooked if the quantity is small. Awovashi or maternal uncle (Father-in-law family) enjoyed a large chunk of share in sasai custom. The custom mandated portion of neck either of game or domestic animal for Awovashi. In this way through sharing of meats among his blood relatives, solidarity and cohesiveness is constantly maintained. And if food/meat is not share it indicates that there is a snap in their relationship.

In case of individuals hunting (known as indwong Saka in Kabwongmi Tangkhul dialect) the individual hunter is sole owner of the game after setting apart the share of Saroi. But in any case if the hunter gets the help of his relatives or friends circle, he has to part with some portion of the game with those who assisted him in bringing it home. According to Shiluba Konghay, there is no such rule fixing the share of those who assisted him. The hunter who killed the game will get the head along with the neck, right hind leg and front leg. The relatives of the hunter also have their share; if the number of his clan household is not numerous, the game is share with the clan but if the household is too numerous, sharing is take place within his meiphung or lineage. The piba either of clan or lineage is entitled one hind leg, the remaining portion is equally divided among member of the clan or lineage including the person who assisted the hunter in bringing home the game. In such distribution, if a neighbour happens to visit their home, the neighbour who visited at that point of time is also entitled to a share.35

33 Interviewed with Kaphungkui Awungshi Rimai, a professional hunter. 34 Serge Bahuchet, Food sharing among the Pygmies of African, African Study Monograph, 11 (I) June,p.33 35 The author himself has experienced such thing in the past, where he happened to visit a neighbor unaware of the fact that they were dividing a game (deer), the author received a share.

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The third level of sharing happens within the neighbouring household. As the meat reaches the women, who are in charge of cooking exercise her rights in distribution of the food items, certain amount are set aside and prepared for storing. Usually most meat is prepared for consuming immediately and also for sharing with their neighbourhood. Sharing with the neighbours has two purposes, one reciprocity from their neighbourhood and the other, to strengthen the bonds. The custom does not mandate a neighbour to share his/her food with neighbour, but this practice is born out from the spirit of sharing, concern and love which sustain mutual co-existence.

Conlusion

The Tangkhul tribal economy is dependent on the natural vegetative surrounding for their sustenance. Deficiency in food production from jhum cultivation is supplemented by taking up pastoral farming and hunting on an extensive scale. Meat thus became a staple food and fill up shortage of food grain. Laws were regulated for judicious use of forest resources including hunting. Custom of meat cutting and sharing or sasai was formulated and this custom was strictly adhered. Customary meat share indicates ones position in the hierarchical social set up and also makes one realize his responsibilities towards the society.

Meat is not only a staple food but an agents/ adhesive for bonding the society. Consumption of meat has social implication. Sharing of meat bonds the partaker as a unit and thus sharing of meat from the same slaughtered animal is the symbolic expression of the solidarity and cohesiveness among the members of the families, lineage, clan or village. Sharing of meat either of domesticate animals or game hunted was done in different level to maintain the cohesiveness in different social set.

Many changes had taken place in the social-economy of the Tangkhul over the centuries. The agent of changes are the introduction of modern education, extension of administrative (Government) welfare scheme to the rural areas, farming of cash crops, commercialization of forest resources (led to depletion of forest area) besides employment opportunities in the newly established administrative centres/ town for educated, skilled and unskilled labourer. Deficiency is being gradually replaced by sufficiency of basic necessity. Changes in socio-economic scenario exert a strong pressure for modification of their custom. Wild Meat products are no longer share in the same manner as was in the past, it can fetched handful of sum in the markets. Engagement in different occupation in a distant place from village became an obstacle for the solidarity of family, lineage or clan. Slaughtering of Shilui/buffalo, a necessary item in marriage

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is gradually replaced by pork in the name convenience and easy unavailability of the item. Thus the change in socio-economy calls for modification in their custom, the custom of meat cutting and sharing is one such area.

Reference

1. Angkang Stephen, Hau (Tangkhul) Customary Law, Ukhrul Development of Hao Ancient Custom and Research Organization, 2000. 2. Awungshi Ningyon,Kabongram (T Hundung) Thotchan,Kabongram Mitung Long, Imphal,1995. 3. Devi L B, Lois of Manipur, Mittal Publication, New Delhi, 2001. 4. Longvah Malungchang, Hao awo ayi manglarin phanit phanao kala shiyan chikan, 5. Luikham R, Tangkhul Traditional land use system and related custom, Ukhrul District Community Resource Management Society, Ukhrul, 2006. 6. Longvah Malungchang (ed) Hao (Tangkhul) and Awo Ayi manglarin phanit phanao kala Shiyan Chikan, Ukhrul, Manipur,2000. 7. Makangwo, Hangva wungnaobing Khamshui, Imphal,2006. 8. Mc Culloch, Account of the valley of Manipur, Gian publication, Delhi, Reprinted 1980. 9. M Premila, Tangkhul Naga Custom in N. Sanajaoba (ed) Manipur; Past and Present Vol III, Mital Publication, New Delhi, 1995. 10. M T Laiba, The Geography of Manipur, Published by N. Priyokumar Singh, Imphal,1992. 11. N Pramodini, Kwatha: Socio-Economic and Religious System, People Museum, Kakching. 12. P Peter, Wung Hau Tangkhul Customary Law, Ukhrul,2004. 13. R. Brown, Statistical Account of the Native State of Manipur and the hill territory under its rule, Mittal Publication, Delhi, 1874. 14. Ruivah Khashim, The Tankhul Naga in N. Sanajaoba (ed) Manipur; Past and Present Vol III, Mital Publication, New Delhi, 1995. 15. Serge Bahuchet, Food sharing among the Pygmies of Central Africa, African Study Monograph, 11 (I), June, 1990. 16. T.C Hodson, The Meitheis, Low Price Publication, New Delhi, 1908. 17. T.C Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur, Low Price Publication, Delhi,1911. 18. Varah Franky, Indigenous Forest Management in R. Vashum (ed) Encountering Modernity, Chicken neck, New Delhi, 2014. 19. W A Shimray Sothing, The Tangkhul, Imphal, 2000.

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