Nixon Presidential Returned Materials Collection White House Special Files: Contested Materials
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1996 Republican Party Primary Election March 12, 1996
Texas Secretary of State Antonio O. Garza, Jr. Race Summary Report Unofficial Election Tabulation 1996 Republican Party Primary Election March 12, 1996 President/Vice President Precincts Reporting 8,179 Total Precincts 8,179 Percent Reporting100.0% Vote Total % of Vote Early Voting % of Early Vote Delegates Lamar Alexander 18,615 1.8% 11,432 5.0% Patrick J. 'Pat' Buchanan 217,778 21.4% 45,954 20.2% Charles E. Collins 628 0.1% 153 0.1% Bob Dole 566,658 55.6% 126,645 55.8% Susan Ducey 1,123 0.1% 295 0.1% Steve Forbes 130,787 12.8% 27,206 12.0% Phil Gramm 19,176 1.9% 4,094 1.8% Alan L. Keyes 41,697 4.1% 5,192 2.3% Mary 'France' LeTulle 651 0.1% 196 0.1% Richard G. Lugar 2,219 0.2% 866 0.4% Morry Taylor 454 0.0% 124 0.1% Uncommitted 18,903 1.9% 4,963 2.2% Vote Total 1,018,689 227,120 Voter Registration 9,698,506 % VR Voting 10.5 % % Voting Early 2.3 % U. S. Senator Precincts Reporting 8,179 Total Precincts 8,179 Percent Reporting100.0% Vote Total % of Vote Early Voting % of Early Vote Phil Gramm - Incumbent 837,417 85.0% 185,875 83.9% Henry C. (Hank) Grover 71,780 7.3% 17,312 7.8% David Young 75,976 7.7% 18,392 8.3% Vote Total 985,173 221,579 Voter Registration 9,698,506 % VR Voting 10.2 % % Voting Early 2.3 % 02/03/1998 04:16 pm Page 1 of 45 Texas Secretary of State Antonio O. -
Transcript of a Recording of a Meeting Between the President and John Dean on February 27, 1973, from 3:55 to 4:20 P.M
TRANSCRIPT OF A RECORDING OF A MEETING BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND JOHN DEAN ON FEBRUARY 27, 1973, FROM 3:55 TO 4:20 P.M. TRANSCRIPT OF A RECORDTNG OF A MEETING BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND JOHN DEAN ON FEBRUARY 27, 1973, FROM 3:55 TO 4:20 P.M. PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, John, how are you? DEAN: Pretty good. PRESIDENT: I, uh, discarded some (unintelligible) won't interrupt us (unintelligible) uh, uh, did you get your talk with Kleindienst yet? DEAN: I just had a good talk with him. PRESIDENT: Yeah, fine. Have you got him, uh, positioned properly, the uh-- DEAN: I think, I think he is. PRESIDENT: (Unintelligible) properly--ah, has he talked yet to Baker? DEAN: No, he hasn't, he, uh, he called Sam Ervin and offered to come visit with both he and Baker. And, uh, that was done last week. PRESIDENT: Uh, huh. DEAN: But he thought that timing would be bad to call Baker prior to the joint meeting. So he says after I have that joint meeting, I'll start working my relationship with Baker. PRESIDENT: Well, Baker left with me that he was going to, going to set up a joint meeting well, anyway (unintelligible). I see. So Kleindienst has talked to, uh, uh, he has talked to Ervin and Ervin said-- (unintelligible). DEAN: Ervin has left it dangling and said, "I'll be back in touch with you.” Uh, I think-, what, what disturbs Me a little bit about Baker was his move to put his own man in as minority counsel, so quickly, without any consultation as he had promised consultation. -
The Watergate Story (Washingtonpost.Com)
The Watergate Story (washingtonpost.com) Hello corderoric | Change Preferences | Sign Out TODAY'S NEWSPAPER Subscribe | PostPoints NEWS POLITICS OPINIONS BUSINESS LOCAL SPORTS ARTS & GOING OUT JOBS CARS REAL RENTALS CLASSIFIEDS LIVING GUIDE ESTATE SEARCH: washingtonpost.com Web | Search Archives washingtonpost.com > Politics> Special Reports 'Deep Throat' Mark Felt Dies at 95 The most famous anonymous source in American history died Dec. 18 at his home in Santa Rosa, Calif. "Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now before Congress and ultimately the American people." A curious crime, two young The courts, the Congress and President Nixon refuses to After 30 years, one of reporters, and a secret source a special prosecutor probe release the tapes and fires the Washington's best-kept known as "Deep Throat" ... the burglars' connections to special prosecutor. A secrets is exposed. —Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox after his Washington would be the White House and decisive Supreme Court firing, Oct. 20, 1973 changed forever. discover a secret taping ruling is a victory for system. investigators. • Q&A Transcript: John Dean's new book "Pure Goldwater" (May 6, 2008) • Obituary: Nixon Aide DeVan L. Shumway, 77 (April 26, 2008) Wg:1 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/special/watergate/index.html#chapters[6/14/2009 6:06:08 PM] The Watergate Story (washingtonpost.com) • Does the News Matter To Anyone Anymore? (Jan. 20, 2008) • Why I Believe Bush Must Go (Jan. 6, 2008) Key Players | Timeline | Herblock -
Die Presse: Watergate Und Die Zeiten Trumps – Ein Déjà-Vu?»
«DIE PRESSE: WATERGATE UND DIE ZEITEN TRUMPS – EIN DÉJÀ-VU?» Maturarbeit Jann Stäbler Ueblistrasse 2 8330 Pfäffi kon ZH Betreut durch Herrn Adrian Schläpfer Eingereicht am 8. Januar 2019 Kantonale Maturitätsschule für Erwachsene Zürich Abb. 1: Bildkomposition: Donald Trump im Oval Office im Mai 2018 und Richard Nixon, «Official Presidential Photograph» im Juli 1971 Einleitung | I Demokratie bedeutet nicht nur, dass man Wahlen « abhält, Demokratie bedeutet auch Institutionen, Demokratie ist etwas sehr Fragiles. Es geht auch um Vertrauen, um Kompromisse, die man bereit ist, einzugehen. Respekt vor den Gegnern, vor der Gewaltentrennung. Und auch der Respekt vor den Medien, der Pressefreiheit. Isabelle Jacobi, SRF-Korrespondentin 13. Oktober 2018, Washington DC » Einleitung | II EINLEITUNG Vorwort Vorwurf der Obstruktion der Justiz, Medien als Feindbild, politische Intrigen – die Parallelen, die auf den ersten Blick zwischen der Watergate-Affäre damals und der Russland-Affäre heute existieren, scheinen frappierend. Aber sind die beiden Fälle wirklich vergleichbar, trotz der zeitlichen Differenz und der verschiedenen Umstän- de? Seit April dieses Jahres beschäftigte ich mich intensiv mit dem politischen System der USA, Präsident Nixon und der Watergate-Affäre, sowie Präsident Trump und der Russland-Affäre. Während meiner Recherchen habe ich den Fokus, neben anderen Aspekten, speziell auch auf die Rolle der Medien gelegt. Für meine Recher- chearbeit habe ich mehrere Bücher und diverse Zeitungsartikel gelesen sowie zwei Interviews geführt. Relativ überraschend hat sich im Herbst die Gelegenheit ergeben, mit meinem Vater in die USA fliegen zu kön- nen, wo wir für ein paar Tage bei einem ehemaligen amerikanischen Arbeitskollegen meines Vaters in Raleigh, North Carolina, gewohnt haben und anschliessend noch einige Tage in Washington D.C. -
Transcript Prepared by the Impeachment Inquiry Staff for the House Judiciary Committee of a Recording of a Meeting Amongthe President, John Dean, John Ehrlichman, H.R
TRANSCRIPT PREPARED BY THE IMPEACHMENT INQUIRY STAFF FOR THE HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE OF A RECORDING OF A MEETING AMONGTHE PRESIDENT, JOHN DEAN, JOHN EHRLICHMAN, H.R. HALDEMAN AND JOHN MITCHELL ON MARCH 22, 1973, FROM 1:57 TO 3:43 P.M. July 3, 1974 TRANSCRIPT PREPARED BY THE IMPEACHMENT INQUIRY STAFF FOR THE HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE OF A RECORDING OF A MEETING AMONG THE PRESIDENT, JOHN DEAN, JOHN EHRLICHMAN, H.R. HALDEMAN AND JOHN MITCHELL ON MARCH 22, 1973, FROM 1:57 TO 3:43 P.M.* PRESIDENT: Hello John, how are you? [Unintelligible] MITCHELL: Mr. President [unintelligible] Nixon. Mr. President, I'm just great. How are you? PRESIDENT: You Wall Street lawyer -- MITCHELL: Yeah. I would hope that would be okay. UNIDENTIFIED: I think so. Yeah. You have to admit it, have to admit you're rich. MITCHELL: Not in front of all these people that help to collect taxes. PRESIDENT: Well, we'll spend them for what you want. [Unintelligible] MITCHELL: But I, I can report, incidentally, that the firm is doing quite well. PRESIDENT: Are they? EHRLICHMAN: Can't think of any reason why it shouldn't. MITCHELL: I don't either. ________________ *The quotation marks used in this transcript are for convenience and do not indicate verbatim quotation by the speaker. EHRLICHMAN: I assigned the log [unintelligible] on Saturday. PRESIDENT: Yes, we know. EHRLICHMAN: Eastland is going to postpone any further hearings on Gray for two weeks. Try and let things cool off a little bit. He thinks Gray is dead on the floor. PRESIDENT: [Unintelligible] HALDEMAN: Gray's the symbol of wisdom, today, he accused your Counsel of being a liar. -
John Mitchell and the Crimes of Watergate Reconsidered Gerald Caplan Pacific Cgem Orge School of Law
University of the Pacific Scholarly Commons McGeorge School of Law Scholarly Articles McGeorge School of Law Faculty Scholarship 2010 The akM ing of the Attorney General: John Mitchell and the Crimes of Watergate Reconsidered Gerald Caplan Pacific cGeM orge School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/facultyarticles Part of the Legal Biography Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation 41 McGeorge L. Rev. 311 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the McGeorge School of Law Faculty Scholarship at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in McGeorge School of Law Scholarly Articles by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Book Review Essay The Making of the Attorney General: John Mitchell and the Crimes of Watergate Reconsidered Gerald Caplan* I. INTRODUCTION Shortly after I resigned my position as General Counsel of the District of Columbia Metropolitan Police Department in 1971, I was startled to receive a two-page letter from Attorney General John Mitchell. I was not a Department of Justice employee, and Mitchell's acquaintance with me was largely second-hand. The contents were surprising. Mitchell generously lauded my rather modest role "in developing an effective and professional law enforcement program for the District of Columbia." Beyond this, he added, "Your thoughtful suggestions have been of considerable help to me and my colleagues at the Department of Justice." The salutation was, "Dear Jerry," and the signature, "John." I was elated. I framed the letter and hung it in my office. -
(Pdf) Download
NATIONAL & LOCAL NEWS MEDIA TV, RADIO, PRINT & ONLINE SOURCES Master List - Updated 04/2019 Pain Warriors Unite Washington Post: Website: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/submit-an-op-ed/?utm_term=.d1efbe184dbb What are the guidelines for letter submissions? Email: [email protected] We prefer letters that are fewer than 200 words and take as their starting point an article or other item appearing in The Post. They may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name; anonymous letters and letters written under pseudonyms will not be considered. For verification purposes, they must also include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers, including a daytime telephone number. Writers should disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject matter of their letters. If sending email, please put the text of the letter in the body and do not send attachments; attachments will not be read. What are the guidelines for op-ed submissions? Submissions should be limited to 800 words. We consider only completed articles and cannot commit to, or provide guidance on, article proposals. Op-eds may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name — anonymous op-eds or op-eds written under pseudonyms will not be considered. They also must include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers. Additionally, we ask that writers disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject at hand. Please use our op-ed submission form L.A. -
2007-04-04-PRIC Raymond Price Interview Transcription Page 1 of 117 April 4, 2007 Timothy Naftali Hello, My Name Is Timothy Naft
2007-04-04-PRIC Raymond Price Interview Transcription Page 1 of 117 April 4, 2007 Timothy Naftali Hello, my name is Timothy Naftali, and I'm Director-Designate of the Richard Nixon Presidential Library Museum. It's April 4th, 2007, and we are in New York City. And I'm pleased to be interviewing Raymond Price for the Richard Nixon Oral History Program. Mr. Price, thank you for joining us. Raymond Price Thank you. Timothy Naftali Vice President Nixon is now President-elect Nixon. He's just been elected. It's 1968. What are you doing in the transition? What job do you have? Raymond Price I had been his principal writer in the campaign, and he had asked me to do the same or to join the staff in the White House so I was in general, just generally helping with the transition. It was understood that I would be his collaborator on his inaugural address, and that would be the first Presidential thing I would be working on. But meanwhile, I was headquartered in his -- we had our headquarters in what had been the campaign headquarters in the old Bible Society building on 57th Street in Manhattan. And generally, I think preparing to deal with whatever we were going to have to deal with, and glad that the campaign was over. Timothy Naftali I'm sure. I mean, it must have been exhausting. Raymond Price It was, mm-hmm. Timothy Naftali And so your very first Presidential task was the inaugural address? Raymond Price It was, mm-hmm. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
JUNE 10, 2019 Chairman Nadler, Ranking Member Collins, the Last
STATEMENT OF JOHN W. DEAN U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY HEARINGS: “LESSONS FROM THE MUELLER REPORT: PRESIDENTIAL OBSTRUCTION AND OTHER CRIMES.” JUNE 10, 2019 Chairman Nadler, Ranking Member Collins, the last time I appeared before your committee was July 11, 1974, during the impeachment inquiry of President Richard Nixon. Clearly, I am not here as a fact witness. Rather I accepted the invitation to appear today because I hope I can give a bit of historical context to the Mueller Report. In many ways the Mueller Report is to President Trump what the so-called Watergate “Road Map” (officially titled “Grand Jury Report and Recommendation Concerning Transmission of Evidence to the House of Representatives”) was to President Richard Nixon. Stated a bit differently, Special Counsel Mueller has provided this committee a road map. The Mueller Report, like the Watergate Road Map, conveys findings, with supporting evidence, of potential criminal activity based on the work of federal prosecutors, FBI investigators, and witness testimony before a federal grand jury. The Mueller Report explains – in Vol. II, p. 1 – that one of the reasons the Special Counsel did not make charging decisions relating to obstruction of justice was because he did not want to “potentially preempt [the] constitutional processes for addressing presidential misconduct.” The report then cites at footnote 2: “See U.S. CONST. ART. I § 2, cl. 5; § 3, cl. 6; cf. OLC Op. at 257-258 (discussing relationship between impeachment and criminal prosecution of a sitting President).” Today, you are focusing on Volume II of the report. -
Patrick Joseph Buchanan, “Culture War Speech: Address to the Republican National Convention” (17 August 1992)
Voices of Democracy 7 (2012): 47‐59 Miller 47 PATRICK JOSEPH BUCHANAN, “CULTURE WAR SPEECH: ADDRESS TO THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION” (17 AUGUST 1992) Eric C. Miller Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania Abstract: Patrick Buchanan's speech from the 1992 Republican National Convention is frequently cited as a definitive artifact of the culture wars of the late twentieth century. After challenging President George H.W. Bush in the Republican Primary, Buchanan agreed to endorse Bush in exchange for a primetime speaking slot at the RNC in Houston. Having attacked Bush over tax policy, Buchanan drew on social issues to stir passions and unite the GOP behind Bush's candidacy. Keywords: Buchanan, Bush, culture war, family values, Republican National Convention On August 17, 1992, conservative commentator Patrick J. Buchanan addressed the Republican National Convention, delivering a speech that would long be remembered as the definitive statement of the American "culture war." Diagnosing the national condition as one of spiritual decline, Buchanan neatly divided the American populace into two competing camps— one that was traditional, patriotic, and conservative, and another that was radical, deviant, and fiercely liberal. A vote for George H. W. Bush, Buchanan declared, was a vote for the former; a vote for William Jefferson Clinton was a vote for the latter. If Americans were to emerge from their spiritual descent and return to the "Judeo‐Christian" values upon which the nation was founded, it was vital that they support of the Republican ticket. Couched in the language of warfare, the stakes of Buchanan's vision were unmistakably high. But in order to understand Buchanan's argument—indeed, to understand why he was afforded a speaking slot at the RNC in the first place—one must first understand a few things about his life, career, politics, and the context in which these events unfolded. -
The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia
The American State – symposium Michael Minkenberg The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia Abstract This article takes a closer look at the Tea Party by adding a transatlantic perspective. Its aim is to show that the Tea Party is a genuine right-wing movement with strong affinities to the Republican Party which revives par- ticular American traditions of conservatism and the radical right. Its support base is not ‘the mainstream’ but a particular cross section of the white middle classes. In this, it is the American mirror image of many European parties and movements of the populist radical right which share the Tea Party’s anti-establishment message, its ultra-patriotism and ethnocentrism. It also shares some of its characteristics with the Christian Right with which it competes and cooperates when aiming at influencing the Republican Party and Washington while marking the merger of the Christian Right with Southern conservatism. Key words: Populism, American conservatism, radical right, Christian Right, Republican Party 1. Introduction “Keep your government hands off my Medicare!” (at a town hall meeting in South Carolina, quoted in Zernike 2011a, p. 135) After more than one and a half years of its existence and unmistakable presence in American politics, and of its accompanying scrutiny, the Tea Party movement remains a deeply ambivalent phenomenon. Ambivalent in terms of its independence as a movement or and its relationship to the Republican party, conservative business elites, or right-wing media; ambivalent in terms of its message, the kind of change it advocates in explicit de- marcation from the change its adherents attribute to President Obama; ambivalent about its social base as a true grass-roots or an elite-driven network of organizations and activ- ists, a middle class or cross-class movement (see Rahe 2011; Rasmussen/Schoen 2010; Williamson et al.