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1996 Republican Party Primary Election March 12, 1996
Texas Secretary of State Antonio O. Garza, Jr. Race Summary Report Unofficial Election Tabulation 1996 Republican Party Primary Election March 12, 1996 President/Vice President Precincts Reporting 8,179 Total Precincts 8,179 Percent Reporting100.0% Vote Total % of Vote Early Voting % of Early Vote Delegates Lamar Alexander 18,615 1.8% 11,432 5.0% Patrick J. 'Pat' Buchanan 217,778 21.4% 45,954 20.2% Charles E. Collins 628 0.1% 153 0.1% Bob Dole 566,658 55.6% 126,645 55.8% Susan Ducey 1,123 0.1% 295 0.1% Steve Forbes 130,787 12.8% 27,206 12.0% Phil Gramm 19,176 1.9% 4,094 1.8% Alan L. Keyes 41,697 4.1% 5,192 2.3% Mary 'France' LeTulle 651 0.1% 196 0.1% Richard G. Lugar 2,219 0.2% 866 0.4% Morry Taylor 454 0.0% 124 0.1% Uncommitted 18,903 1.9% 4,963 2.2% Vote Total 1,018,689 227,120 Voter Registration 9,698,506 % VR Voting 10.5 % % Voting Early 2.3 % U. S. Senator Precincts Reporting 8,179 Total Precincts 8,179 Percent Reporting100.0% Vote Total % of Vote Early Voting % of Early Vote Phil Gramm - Incumbent 837,417 85.0% 185,875 83.9% Henry C. (Hank) Grover 71,780 7.3% 17,312 7.8% David Young 75,976 7.7% 18,392 8.3% Vote Total 985,173 221,579 Voter Registration 9,698,506 % VR Voting 10.2 % % Voting Early 2.3 % 02/03/1998 04:16 pm Page 1 of 45 Texas Secretary of State Antonio O. -
Congressional Directory TEXAS
252 Congressional Directory TEXAS TEXAS (Population 2000, 20,851,820) SENATORS PHIL GRAMM, Republican, of College Station, TX; born in Fort Benning, GA, July 8, 1942, son of Sergeant and Mrs. Kenneth M. Gramm; education: B.B.A. and Ph.D., economics, Univer- sity of Georgia, Athens, 1961–67; professor of economics, Texas A&M University, College Sta- tion, 1967–78; author of several books including: ‘‘The Evolution of Modern Demand Theory’’ and ‘‘The Economics of Mineral Extraction’’; Episcopalian; married Dr. Wendy Lee Gramm, of Waialua, HI, 1970; two sons: Marshall and Jeff; coauthor of the Gramm-Latta I Budget, the Gramm-Latta II Omnibus Reconciliation Act, the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings balanced budget bill and the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Financial Services Act; committees: ranking member, Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs; Budget; Finance; elected to the U.S. House of Representatives as a Democrat in 1978, 1980 and 1982; resigned from the House on January 5, 1983, upon being denied a seat on the House Budget Committee; reelected as a Republican in a special election on February 12, 1983; chairman, Republican Senate Steering Committee, 1997–2001; elected chairman, National Republican Senatorial Committee for the 1991–92 term, and reelected for the 1993–94 term; elected to the U.S. Senate on November 6, 1984; reelected to each suc- ceeding Senate term. Office Listings http://www.senate.gov/senator/gramm.html 370 Russell Senate Office Building, Washington, DC 20510–4302 .......................... (202) 224–2934 Chief of Staff.—Ruth Cymber. Legislative Director.—Steve McMillin. Press Secretary.—Lawrence A. Neal. State Director.—Phil Wilson. Suite 1500, 2323 Bryan, Dallas, TX 75201 ................................................................ -
("DSCC") Files This Complaint Seeking an Immediate Investigation by the 7
COMPLAINT BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION CBHMISSIOAl INTRODUCTXON - 1 The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee ("DSCC") 7-_. J _j. c files this complaint seeking an immediate investigation by the 7 c; a > Federal Election Commission into the illegal spending A* practices of the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee (WRSCIt). As the public record shows, and an investigation will confirm, the NRSC and a series of ostensibly nonprofit, nonpartisan groups have undertaken a significant and sustained effort to funnel "soft money101 into federal elections in violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended or "the Act"), 2 U.S.C. 5s 431 et seq., and the Federal Election Commission (peFECt)Regulations, 11 C.F.R. 85 100.1 & sea. 'The term "aoft money" as ueed in this Complaint means funds,that would not be lawful for use in connection with any federal election (e.g., corporate or labor organization treasury funds, contributions in excess of the relevant contribution limit for federal elections). THE FACTS IN TBIS CABE On November 24, 1992, the state of Georgia held a unique runoff election for the office of United States Senator. Georgia law provided for a runoff if no candidate in the regularly scheduled November 3 general election received in excess of 50 percent of the vote. The 1992 runoff in Georg a was a hotly contested race between the Democratic incumbent Wyche Fowler, and his Republican opponent, Paul Coverdell. The Republicans presented this election as a %ust-win81 election. Exhibit 1. The Republicans were so intent on victory that Senator Dole announced he was willing to give up his seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee for Coverdell, if necessary. -
President Richard Nixon's Daily Diary, November 1-15, 1973
RICHARD NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY DOCUMENT WITHDRAWAL RECORD DOCUMENT DOCUMENT SUBJECT/TITLE OR CORRESPONDENTS DATE RESTRICTION NUMBER TYPE 1 Manifest Air Force One – Appendix “C” 11/1/1973 A 2 Manifest Air Force One – Appendix “B” 11/5/1973 A 3 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 11/1/1973 A Appendix “B” 4 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 11/5/1973 A Appendix “A” 5 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 11/9/1973 A Appendix “D” 6 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 11/11/1973 A Appendix “A” COLLECTION TITLE BOX NUMBER WHCF: SMOF: Office of Presidential Papers and Archives RC-13 FOLDER TITLE President Richard Nixon’s Daily Diary November 1, 1973 – November 15, 1973 PRMPA RESTRICTION CODES: A. Release would violate a Federal statute or Agency Policy. E. Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or B. National security classified information. financial information. C. Pending or approved claim that release would violate an individual’s F. Release would disclose investigatory information compiled for law rights. enforcement purposes. D. Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of privacy G. Withdrawn and return private and personal material. or a libel of a living person. H. Withdrawn and returned non-historical material. DEED OF GIFT RESTRICTION CODES: D-DOG Personal privacy under deed of gift -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION *U.S. GPO; 1989-235-084/00024 NA 14021 (4-85) THE WHITE HOUSE PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON'S DAILY DIARY (Sce Travel Record for Travel Activity) ~t-p"'I.A~CE~DA':"'Y~BE"'G~AN~--------------------------D-A-TE-(M-o-.,-D-a-y,-Y-r.-)----- NOVEMBER 1, 1973 THE WHITE HOUSE TIME DAY WASHINGTON, D.C. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 104 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 104 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 141 WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1995 No. 154 Senate (Legislative day of Monday, September 25, 1995) The Senate met at 9 a.m., on the ex- DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, JUS- Mr. President, I intend to be brief, piration of the recess, and was called to TICE, AND STATE, THE JUDICI- and I note the presence of the Senator order by the President pro tempore ARY, AND RELATED AGENCIES from North Dakota here on the floor. I [Mr. THURMOND]. APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 1996 know that he needs at least 10 minutes The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The of the 30 minutes for this side. I just want to recap the situation as PRAYER clerk will report the pending bill. The assistant legislative clerk read I see this amendment. First of all, Mr. The Chaplain, Dr. Lloyd John as follows: President, the choice is clear here what Ogilvie, offered the following prayer: A bill (H.R. 2076) making appropriations we are talking about. The question is Let us pray: for the Department of Commerce, Justice, whether we will auction this spectrum off, which, according to experts, the Lord of history, God of Abraham and and State, the Judiciary and related agen- value is between $300 and $700 million, Israel, we praise You for answered cies for the fiscal year ending September 30, 1996, and for other purposes. or it will be granted to a very large and prayer for peace in the Middle East very powerful corporation in America manifested in the historic peace treaty The Senate resumed consideration of for considerably less money. -
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NATIONAL & LOCAL NEWS MEDIA TV, RADIO, PRINT & ONLINE SOURCES Master List - Updated 04/2019 Pain Warriors Unite Washington Post: Website: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/submit-an-op-ed/?utm_term=.d1efbe184dbb What are the guidelines for letter submissions? Email: [email protected] We prefer letters that are fewer than 200 words and take as their starting point an article or other item appearing in The Post. They may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name; anonymous letters and letters written under pseudonyms will not be considered. For verification purposes, they must also include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers, including a daytime telephone number. Writers should disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject matter of their letters. If sending email, please put the text of the letter in the body and do not send attachments; attachments will not be read. What are the guidelines for op-ed submissions? Submissions should be limited to 800 words. We consider only completed articles and cannot commit to, or provide guidance on, article proposals. Op-eds may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name — anonymous op-eds or op-eds written under pseudonyms will not be considered. They also must include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers. Additionally, we ask that writers disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject at hand. Please use our op-ed submission form L.A. -
The Evolution of the Senate Arms Control Observer Group
The Evolution of the Senate Arms Control Observer Group The Evolution of the Senate Arms Control Observer Group By Nickolas Roth In March 2013, the Senate voted down an amendment offered by Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) to cut $700,000 from their budget that was set-aside for the National Security Working Group (NSWG). What many did not realize at the time was that this relatively small and obscure proposed cut would have eliminated one of the last traces of the bipartisan Congressional approach to debating arms control. The NSWG first began as the Arms Control Observer Group, which helped to build support for arms control in the Senate. In recent years, there have been calls from both Democrats and Republicans to revive the Observer Group, but very little analysis of the role it played. Its history illustrates the stark contrast in the Senate’s attitude and approach to arms control issues during the mid- to late 1980s compared with the divide that exists today between the two parties. The Arms Control Observer Group The Arms Control Observer Group was first formed in 1985. At the time, the United States was engaged in talks with the Soviet Union on the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty. To generate support for ongoing negotiations, Majority Leader Senator Bob Dole (R-KS), and Minority Leader Senator Robert Byrd (D-WV), with the endorsement of President Ronald Reagan, created the bipartisan Arms Control Observer Group. The Observer Group consisted of twelve senators, with four senators, two from each party, serving as co-chairs1 and created an official role for senators to join U.S. -
Indianapolisindianapolis Usedused Sportssports Toto Growgrow Itsits Economyeconomy Andand Buildbuild Betterbetter Neighborhoodsneighborhoods
Winter 2011 SuperSuper City HowHow IndianapolisIndianapolis UsedUsed SportsSports toto GrowGrow ItsIts EconomyEconomy andand BuildBuild BetterBetter NeighborhoodsNeighborhoods AlsoAlso Inside:Inside: TheThe JerseyJersey EffectEffect HunterHunter SmithSmith HowHow TeddyTeddy RooseveltRoosevelt SavedSaved FootballFootball JohnJohn J.J. MillerMiller Winter 2011 AMERICAN OUTLOOK | 1 Rooting the Future in History Susan Stinn Please Visit Us at The Levey Mansion –Where Indianapolis’ Rich History Meets Today’s Most Important Conversations Perched at the corner of Meridian and 29th Streets in downtown Indianapolis, the historic Louis H. Levey Mansion serves as an ideal vantage point for Sagamore Institute to conduct its work as a think tank in America’s Heartland. Originally built in the early 20th century by Indianapolis businessman Louis H. Levey, the mansion remains an integral part of what is today known as Historic Square. The legacy began when Mr. Levey joined his illustrious neighbor, Charles W. Fairbanks, in hosting such luminaries as Fairbanks’ former boss, President Teddy Roosevelt. President Theodore “Teddy” Roosevelt Louis H. Levey Charles W. Fairbanks Table of Contents 8 28 32 Cover Features 8 A Lasting Legacy—Indianapolis Style By Mark D. Miles and James Taylor 11 Q&A: Indianapolis Sports Strategy 14 Indianapolis- A Championship City The Playbook 17 Visionary Community Development Plan Earns Legacy Project By Bill Taft 20 Indianapolis’ R for Building a Better Community: Volunteers By Wesley Cate 24 From L.A. to Indy: NFL Charities Leaves a Lasting Legacy By Zoe Sandvig Erler Sports & Character 28 The Jersey Effect: Beyond the World Championship Ring By Hunter Smith 31 Uncommon: Finding Your Path to Significance By Tony Dungy 32 Passing Tradition 34 Tim Tebow’s Role Model By MicheaI Flaherty and Nathan Whitaker 4 | AMERICAN OUTLOOK www.americanoutlook.org OAmericanutlook Winter 2011 Vol. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
Patrick Joseph Buchanan, “Culture War Speech: Address to the Republican National Convention” (17 August 1992)
Voices of Democracy 7 (2012): 47‐59 Miller 47 PATRICK JOSEPH BUCHANAN, “CULTURE WAR SPEECH: ADDRESS TO THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION” (17 AUGUST 1992) Eric C. Miller Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania Abstract: Patrick Buchanan's speech from the 1992 Republican National Convention is frequently cited as a definitive artifact of the culture wars of the late twentieth century. After challenging President George H.W. Bush in the Republican Primary, Buchanan agreed to endorse Bush in exchange for a primetime speaking slot at the RNC in Houston. Having attacked Bush over tax policy, Buchanan drew on social issues to stir passions and unite the GOP behind Bush's candidacy. Keywords: Buchanan, Bush, culture war, family values, Republican National Convention On August 17, 1992, conservative commentator Patrick J. Buchanan addressed the Republican National Convention, delivering a speech that would long be remembered as the definitive statement of the American "culture war." Diagnosing the national condition as one of spiritual decline, Buchanan neatly divided the American populace into two competing camps— one that was traditional, patriotic, and conservative, and another that was radical, deviant, and fiercely liberal. A vote for George H. W. Bush, Buchanan declared, was a vote for the former; a vote for William Jefferson Clinton was a vote for the latter. If Americans were to emerge from their spiritual descent and return to the "Judeo‐Christian" values upon which the nation was founded, it was vital that they support of the Republican ticket. Couched in the language of warfare, the stakes of Buchanan's vision were unmistakably high. But in order to understand Buchanan's argument—indeed, to understand why he was afforded a speaking slot at the RNC in the first place—one must first understand a few things about his life, career, politics, and the context in which these events unfolded. -
The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia
The American State – symposium Michael Minkenberg The Tea Party and American Populism Today: Between Protest, Patriotism and Paranoia Abstract This article takes a closer look at the Tea Party by adding a transatlantic perspective. Its aim is to show that the Tea Party is a genuine right-wing movement with strong affinities to the Republican Party which revives par- ticular American traditions of conservatism and the radical right. Its support base is not ‘the mainstream’ but a particular cross section of the white middle classes. In this, it is the American mirror image of many European parties and movements of the populist radical right which share the Tea Party’s anti-establishment message, its ultra-patriotism and ethnocentrism. It also shares some of its characteristics with the Christian Right with which it competes and cooperates when aiming at influencing the Republican Party and Washington while marking the merger of the Christian Right with Southern conservatism. Key words: Populism, American conservatism, radical right, Christian Right, Republican Party 1. Introduction “Keep your government hands off my Medicare!” (at a town hall meeting in South Carolina, quoted in Zernike 2011a, p. 135) After more than one and a half years of its existence and unmistakable presence in American politics, and of its accompanying scrutiny, the Tea Party movement remains a deeply ambivalent phenomenon. Ambivalent in terms of its independence as a movement or and its relationship to the Republican party, conservative business elites, or right-wing media; ambivalent in terms of its message, the kind of change it advocates in explicit de- marcation from the change its adherents attribute to President Obama; ambivalent about its social base as a true grass-roots or an elite-driven network of organizations and activ- ists, a middle class or cross-class movement (see Rahe 2011; Rasmussen/Schoen 2010; Williamson et al. -
CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy.