Governing Climate Change: the Politics of Risk Society?
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Governing climate change: the politics of risk society? Harriet Bulkeley This paper examines how the politics of climate change have taken shape within Australia through the construction and contestation of concepts of obligation and responsibility. Beck’s risk society thesis offers a conceptual starting point from which to address questions concerning the nature of contemporary risk politics, and the paper examines its relevance and applicability in this case. While Beck’s theory provides insight into the nature of risk and directs attention to the ways in which notions of obligation and responsibility structure risk politics, it fails to engage with why, and how, particular definitions of risk and responsibility come to dominate the political arena. It is argued that in Australia the novel challenges climate change poses to the institutions of modernity have been negated through ensuing policy responses which have reinforced links between industry and government, and have defined climate responsibilities within existing relations of production and the spatio-temporal frameworks of modernity. key words environmental governance risk society climate change Australia scale environmental justice St Catharine’s College and Department of Geography, University of Cambridge, Downing Place, Cambridge CB2 3EN email: [email protected] revised manuscript received 5 July 2001 Introduction paper focuses on whether, and with what effects, new forms and discourses of governance have Contemporary environmental risks, from radio- been created in the context of climate change, active waste to genetic modification, air pollution and the extent to which this has engendered the to soil degradation, attract the sustained attention redefinition of environmental obligations and of geographers interested in how such issues can responsibilities within the nation-state. be managed and mitigated, how they are socially The risks posed by the onset of climate change constructed and the political conflicts they pro- have been widely debated. Sceptics suggest that voke. Developments within social theory, in par- there is insufficient evidence to demonstrate that ticular related to the work of Ulrich Beck, have changes to the climate outside the scope of natural added food for thought to these geographical con- variability have taken, or will take, place. The cerns (Beck 1992; Bennett 1999; Blowers 1997; Eden influential Intergovernmental Panel on Climate 1996; Gandy 1997 1999; Hinchliffe 1997; Lash et al Change (IPCC) argue in contrast that ‘the balance 1996). This paper examines the relevance of Beck’s of evidence suggests that there is a discernible risk society thesis for understanding the nature of human influence on the global climate’ (Houghton climate change1 risks and politics. Beck argues that et al 1996, 5). In 1999, the Chairman of IPCC central to the politics of risk society are ‘conflicts of suggested that it is no longer a ‘question of accountability’ over how the consequences of risk whether the Earth’s climate will change, but rather can be attributed, controlled and legitimated. This when, where and by how much’ (Watson 1999).On Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 26 430–447 2001 ISSN 0020-2754 © Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2001 Governing climate change 431 Figure 1 The novelty of contemporary risk (after Beck 1992) the one hand, some hold the belief that, changes argued that climate change is a paradigmatic will be gradual, incremental and within societal example of the types of risk which are central to control. On the other hand, the IPCC suggest that Beck’s thesis. To examine whether or not Beck’s significant changes in global average temperatures work provides insight into the ensuing politics of and regional climatic conditions are to be expected, risk, the second section examines how obligations and that there are possibilities for unpredictable and responsibilities for climate change were alterations to the climate system (Grubb 1999; defined internationally, while the third focuses on Houghton et al 1996). The issue of how to address how these conflicts were played out domestically. the risks posed by climate change has been another The conclusion offers some thoughts on the impli- area of contention, and has spawned international cations of these findings for governing climate negotiations, domestic strategies and public con- change, and for the analysis of the politics of risk. cern throughout the 1990s. The challenges of gov- erning climate change have been apparent as nation-states struggle to come to international Climate change and risk society agreement and take domestic action. These struggles have been particularly evident in con- Beck’s thesis concerning ‘risk society’ ranges far texts where environmental and economic interests and wide: from the workplace, to family, class and are seen to be in conflict, such as the USA and community, and on to scientific laboratories, social Australia, as the recent withdrawal of support by movements and the corridors of power. At the the Bush administration for the Kyoto Protocol heart of his explanation concerning the dynamic of illustrates all too clearly. change from industrial modernity to an emergent This paper focuses on Australian climate change risk society are the new, primarily environmental, policy as a case-study through which to analyse risks created as the unintended consequence of how the politics of risk take shape. It draws enlightenment rationality (Goldblatt 1996, 155). In on research conducted during 1996–98, which placing rationality at the centre of his thesis Beck involved semi-structured interviews with policy- draws on the heritage of critical theory and its makers and interest groups, as well as the analysis concerns with the dialectics of the enlightenment, of policy material (Bulkeley 1999). Although the the role of science and technology in modernity, ‘the structure and style of Beck’s work do not lend and the need to create a renewed civil society themselves easily to systematic or analytical exami- (Gandy 1997; Harvey 1996; Vogel 1996). nation’ (Goldblatt 1996, 156), his thesis provides an entry point for examining the novelty of Risks contemporary risk, and its social and political Several features of the issue of climate change consequences. Whether contemporary environ- epitomize Beck’sdefinition of the experience of mental risks engender new social and political risk in risk society (Figure 1). First, the causes processes, as Beck argues, is debatable and of climate change lie deep within modernity.2 demands consideration in specific risk contexts. Apparently innocuous and invisible gases, such as The first section of the paper considers the methane and carbon dioxide, released as novelty of climate risks, and describes the by-products of development (the industrialization dynamics of reflexive modernization through of agriculture, increased energy consumption and which Beck suggests such risks are created. It is economic growth) change the composition of the 432 Harriet Bulkeley Figure 2 The progression of reflexive modernization (after Beck 1992) atmosphere with untold consequences. This knowledge about them’ (Beck 1992, 23). Although accords with Beck’s supposition that in risk society, climate change may be sensed by individuals, our risks arise not from a lack of modernity, as hazards understanding of the processes through which associated with poverty and underdevelopment greenhouse gases affect climate systems, the mod- might be conceived, but rather as the side-effects of elling of future changes, and the monitoring and modernization (1992, 21). In his later work, Beck recording of global climate trends is dependent on argues that the ‘world risk society’ is beset by scientific understanding. This reliance on scientific different categories of risk, those created through mediation of risk, Eden explains, leads to the development, those which arise from a lack of ‘scientization of environmental problems: they are development, and those which ensue from conflict identified and primarily constructed through the situations (Beck 1999, 34–7). Despite this acknowl- application of scientific techniques and reasoning’ edgement, it is the appearance of risks as ‘unin- (1996, 189). Simultaneously, the reciprocal process tended consequences of modernity’ created by, and occurs so that ‘science becomes politicized and providing the dynamic for, reflexive modernization drawn into policy formulation’ (Eden 1996, 189). (Figure 2) that forms the core of his thesis. Second, As science, in the form of the IPCC, was drawn the sources and experiences of climate change risk into the policy arena concerning potential courses are indeterminately distanciated over space and of action about climate change, the demonopoliz- time, stretching social and natural relations of ation of expertise occurred and debates over cause, effect and responsibility, and transcending whether the evidence warranted action dominated ‘the spatial, social and temporal limits of industrial policy arenas (Beck 1992, 155–6). This accords with risks of the past’ (Gandy 1999, 60–1). While devel- Beck’s proposition that, given the nature of con- oped countries are responsible for the vast amount temporary risks, ‘political conflicts are increasingly of emissions of greenhouse gases to date, the turning on the possession and articulation of impacts of climate change will be felt across the knowledge’ (Goldblatt 1996, 176). Given these globe and by future generations. However, as characteristics,