2021 Resurrection Tacitus on Christ
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Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept of Kingship
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Jacob Douglas Feeley University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Jewish Studies Commons Recommended Citation Feeley, Jacob Douglas, "Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2276. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2276 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Josephus As Political Philosopher: His Concept Of Kingship Abstract Scholars who have discussed Josephus’ political philosophy have largely focused on his concepts of aristokratia or theokratia. In general, they have ignored his concept of kingship. Those that have commented on it tend to dismiss Josephus as anti-monarchical and ascribe this to the biblical anti- monarchical tradition. To date, Josephus’ concept of kingship has not been treated as a significant component of his political philosophy. Through a close reading of Josephus’ longest text, the Jewish Antiquities, a historical work that provides extensive accounts of kings and kingship, I show that Josephus had a fully developed theory of monarchical government that drew on biblical and Greco- Roman models of kingship. Josephus held that ideal kingship was the responsible use of the personal power of one individual to advance the interests of the governed and maintain his and his subjects’ loyalty to Yahweh. The king relied primarily on a standard array of classical virtues to preserve social order in the kingdom, protect it from external threats, maintain his subjects’ quality of life, and provide them with a model for proper moral conduct. -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Rebellious Legions and Senatorial Delegations: Tacitus’ Histories 1.19 and 1.74
Rebellious Legions and Senatorial Delegations: Tacitus’ Histories 1.19 and 1.74 Reports of the revolt of the Fourth and Twenty-Second Legions in Upper Germany during the first days of 69 prompted the Roman Senate to vote to send out a delegation. Tacitus discusses the make-up of this delegation in Histories 1.19.2. Members of the senate obviously were to participate, but there was also discussion secreto (Heubner 57; Sage ANRW II.33.2 899) as to whether Piso, newly adopted by Galba, should go “in order to add the prestige of a Caesar to the senate’s authority” (illi auctoritatem senatus, hic dignationem Caesaris laturus). The senate further resolved (placebat) to send Laco, the praetorian prefect, with the legati. Laco, however, refused (is consilio intercessit). At the end of Tacitus’ account we learn that the senate left the selection of the actual members of the delegation to Galba. The emperor consequently exposed the political nature of the delegation and the power struggles among the Romans by incompetently naming and then revising his list of envoys as they either begged to go or to stay in Rome, ut quemque metus uel spes impulerat. Otho recalled this delegation (1.74.2) after Galba’s murder and his own accession to power, only to send out another specie senatus (cf. Talbert 1984, 410), after adding praetorian guards per simulationem officii. In addition to being sent to the two legions in Upper Germany, Otho sent the delegation to the Italic Legion and an urban cohort stationed in Lugdunum. According to Tacitus, the praetorians were sent back without being granted the opportunity to “mix” (Damon 164) with the legions, although the senatorial envoys got to Vitellius and stayed with him longer than was justifiable (Chilver 137). -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
The Supernatural in Tacitus When Compared with His Predecessor Livy, Tacitus Has Been Said to Be Less Interested in the “Super
The Supernatural in Tacitus When compared with his predecessor Livy, Tacitus has been said to be less interested in the “supernatural,” a rubric under which we include the prodigies and omens of traditional Roman religion; characters’ participation in forms of religious expression, both traditional and non-normative; and nebulous superhuman forces such as fate and fortune. In this panel, we seek to modify this perception by investigating aspects of the superhuman, religious, and/or inexplicable in Tacitus’ works that contribute in important ways to his historiographical project and to our view of Tacitus as an historian. As the most recent contribution on this topic shows (K. Shannon-Henderson, Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals. Oxford, 2019), religion and its related fields are extremely important to Tacitus’ narrative technique, and ‘irrational’ elements such as fatum and fortuna are constantly at play in Tacitus’ works, particularly, but not exclusively, in his historical narratives. Each of the five papers that we have gathered for this panel addresses these topics from different angles, whether focusing more on the literary, historical, or linguistic elements of the Tacitean narrative under examination. Two papers focus on omens and other ways of predicting the future; two examine religious experiences of Tacitus’ characters; and one considers the role of fortuna in the world of the Dialogus. In the first paper, Contributor #1 examines the value of observing supernatural signs for decision-making in the Histories. In particular, s/he looks at the practical value of observing and interpreting supernatural signs as predictors of the future success or failure of military leaders. -
Fathers of the World. Essay in Rabbinic and Patristic Literatures
Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Herausgegeben von Martin Hengel und Otfried Hofius 80 Fathers of the World Essays in Rabbinic and Patristric Literatures by Burton L. Visotzky J. C. B. Möhr (Paul Siebeck) Tübingen Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Visotzky, Burton L.: Fathers of the world: essays in rabbinic and patristic literatures / by Burton L. Visotzky. - Tübingen: Mohr, 1995 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament; 80) ISBN 3-16-146338-2 NE: GT © 1995 by J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), P.O. Box 2040, D-72010 Tübingen. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was typeset by ScreenArt in Wannweil using Times typeface, printed by Guide- Druck in Tübingen on non-aging paper from Papierfabrik Buhl in Ettlingen and bound by Heinr. Koch in Tübingen. Printed in Germany. ISSN 0512-1604 Acknowledgements It is my pleasure to acknowledge the many scholars and institutions that have assisted me in writing this book. The essays in this volume were written during the last decade. For all those years and more I have had the privilege of being on the faculty of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. It is truly the residence of a host of disciples of the sages who love the Torah. Daily I give thanks to God that I am among those who dwell at the Seminary. One could not ask for better teachers, colleagues or students. -
Fantasy As History in Annals Book 4
Histos Working Papers 2015.05 FANTASY AS HISTORY IN ANNALS BOOK 4 Aujourd’hui, je ne suis pas sûre que ce que j’ai écrit soit vrai. Je suis sûre que c’est véridique. —Today I am not sure that what I wrote is true. I am certain it is truthful. —This is why I say today that while knowing perfectly well that it corresponds to the facts, I no longer know if it is real.1 efore I begin to talk specifically about Annals Book 4, I should like to address the larger question of what we are talking about in the disci- Bplines of Classical history and historiography when we talk about truth, as it is one that has been for some time well-examined in other genres of his- torical inquiry.2 The theories and debates that have marked these other dis- cussions will be useful in opening up what has become repetitious in the querelle between historians and historiography scholars of antiquity; namely whether the literary interest of an ancient historian’s work has much or anything to do with uncovering the past events it relays. In particular Holocaust studies finds it urgent to discover a satisfactory way of thinking about this problem that does justice to the testimony of survivors. This testimony is not always congruent with what historians have discovered to be the ‘facts’ of the testimony, and the debate over the ‘truth’ of the testimony has much in common with the divide between Classical historians and we who take a more ‘literary’ approach. -
Pliny's "Vesuvius" Narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20)
Edinburgh Research Explorer Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20) Citation for published version: Berry, D 2008, Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). in F Cairns (ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . vol. 13, Francis Cairns Publications Ltd, pp. 297-313. Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Early version, also known as pre-print Published In: Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar Publisher Rights Statement: ©Berry, D. (2008). Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). In F. Cairns (Ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . (pp. 297-313). Francis Cairns Publications Ltd. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 29. Sep. 2021 LETTERS FROM AN ADVOCATE: Pliny’s ‘Vesuvius’ Narratives (Epp. 6.16, 6.20)* D.H. BERRY University of Edinburgh To us in the modern era, the most memorable letters of Pliny the Younger are Epp. 6.16 and 6.20, addressed to Cornelius Tacitus. -
Vespasian's Apotheosis
VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E. -
Frontinus and Domitian: the Politics of the Strategemata
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham ePrints Malloch, S.J.V. (2015) Frontinus and Domitian: the politics of the Strategemata. Chiron, 45 . pp. 77-100. ISSN 0069-3715 Access from the University of Nottingham repository: http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/32812/1/Chiron45_003_Malloch_final.pdf Copyright and reuse: The Nottingham ePrints service makes this work by researchers of the University of Nottingham available open access under the following conditions. This article is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial No Derivatives licence and may be reused according to the conditions of the licence. For more details see: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ A note on versions: The version presented here may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the repository url above for details on accessing the published version and note that access may require a subscription. For more information, please contact [email protected] CHIRON MITTEILUNGEN DER KOMMISSION FÜR ALTE GESCHICHTE UND EPIGRAPHIK DES DEUTSCHEN ARCHÄOLOGISCHEN INSTITUTS Sonderdruck aus Band 45 · 2015 DE GRUYTER INHALT DES 45. BANDES (2015) Rodney Ast – Roger S. Bagnall, The Receivers of Berenike. New Inscriptions from the 2015 Season Denis Feissel – Michael Wörrle, Eine Ehrung des Älteren Theodosius und ein spätantikes Edikt zur Steuererhebung in Limyra Christopher P. Jones, The Earthquake of 26 BCE in Decrees of Mytilene and Chios J. E. Lendon, Rhetoric and Nymphaea in the Roman Empire Andrew Lepke – Christof Schuler – Klaus Zimmermann, Neue Inschriften aus Patara III: Elitenrepräsentation und Politik in Hellenismus und Kaiserzeit Peter Londey, Making up Delphic history – the 1st Sacred War revisited S. -
Josephus and Domitian
chapter 5 Josephus and Domitian One of the longest standing conceptions of the circumstances of Josephus’ life in the city of Rome has been that the advent of Domitian to the imperial throne marked a watershed in the life of the Judaean historian. A lynchpin of this hypothesis was the characterization of Josephus as the favoured propagandist of the Flavian regime during the reigns of Vespasian and Titus, which was revealed in the official presentation of the War and by the supposed salarium he had received. Since Domitian, however, failed to present Josephus with any monetary encouragement for his writing activities, and Josephus’ new literary project, the Antiquities, did not remotely meet the demands of imperial propa- ganda, it has been suggested that with the accession of Domitian, Josephus lost imperial favour. Moreover, the traditional understanding of Domitian as the ‘enemy of literature’ prevented any thoughts of a possible relationship between Josephus and the last of the Flavians. In conjunction with this supposed altera- tion in Josephus’ social circumstances, it was proposed that his outlook and aims changed, or perhaps that his true feelings, suppressed in the interests of the Flavians while writing the War, were finally revealed in the Antiquities, Life, and the Apion. Removed from the security of the imperial court, Josephus was freed also from the constraints of writing under the emperors and so became more religious and nationalistic.1 1 The most vocal and extreme proponent of this view was Laqueur 1920: 259, “bei dem ganzen Gegensatz des Domitian gegen die Tätigkeit seines Vaters und Bruders verstand es sich schließlich von selbst, daß Josephus am kaiserlichen Hofe die Stütze verlor (vgl. -
Histories and Annals
Durham E-Theses Excursio per Orientem: eastern subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals Miravalles, Ana Cecilia How to cite: Miravalles, Ana Cecilia (2004) Excursio per Orientem: eastern subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2985/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk Ana Cecilia Miravalles Excursio per Orientem Eastern Subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals A copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Master ofArts by Research University of Durham -2004- ~ 3 JUN 2005 Ana Cecilia Miravalles Excursio per Orientem. Eastern Subjects in Tacitus' Histories and Annals Abstract TI1is study examines Tacitus' treatment of eastern topics in sections of the Histories and the Annals related to trips from or to Rome.