REPUBLIC of CONGO (Congo-Brazzaville)
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Spécial De Contrôle Dès La Paye Du Mois De Février 11
N°517 du 25 février 2019-Siège: 106 bis, Rue Ewo Ouenzé-Site:www.lepatriote-congobrazza.com:Tel. 06.664.18.19 / 05.578.72.05 Méfi ez-vous de l’homme nu qui vous propose sa chemise. LEHebdomadaire d’informations,PATRIOTE d’analyses et d’opinions 200 Frs 10e année Consignation des salaires des agents civils de l’Etat 4 525 AGENTS QUI NE SE SONT PAS PRÉSENTÉS AU RECENSEMENT VERRONT LEURS SALAIRES CONSIGNÉS AU MODE DE RÈGLEMENT (MDR) SPÉCIAL DE CONTRÔLE DÈS LA PAYE DU MOIS DE FÉVRIER 11 L’Amassadeur de chine sur la dette du Congo PARFAIT « LES KOLÉLAS NE NÉGOCIATIONS QUITTERA PAS ENTRE LES L’ASSEMBLÉE AUTORITÉS NATIONALE SUR CONGOLAISES INITIATIVE ET EXIMBANK DU MCDDI DE CHINE SONT 8 PRATIQUEMENT RENÉ SERGE TERMINÉES » BLANCHARD 3 & 4 OBA LÂCHÉ PAR A QUI PROFITE LE MENSONGE LA BASE DE EN POLITIQUE ? SON PARTI De mémoire de journaliste, 8 jamais un livre contre le mensonge n’a été aussi pertinent que l’essai mis sur le marché du livre par Anatole Collinet Makosso. GILBERT Se donnant à la fois comme ONDONGO une œuvre réfl échie et ob- jective, « le génocide en VISITE LA droit à l’épreuve du géno- cide de l’émotion, Cas de la SOREMI, UN DES République du Congo », se présente comme une ripos- FLEURONS DE te contre les écrits des deux L’INDUSTRIE auteurs du « génocide des Lari » qui se sont livrés à un MINIÈRE AU jeu politique extrêmement dangereux. CONGO 4 10 2 A NNONCE MINISTERE DU PLAN, DE LA STATISTIQUE REPUBLIQUE DU CONGO ET DE L’INTEGRATION REGIONALE Unité*Travail*Progrès ------------------------------- ------- PROJET DES REFORMES INTEGREES -
089 La Politique Idigene in the History of Bangui.Pdf
La polit...iq,u:e indigene in t...he history o£ Bangui William J. Samarin impatltntly awaiting tht day when 1 Centrlllfricu one wHI bt written. But it must bt 1 history, 1 rtlltned argument biSed 01 Peaceful beginnings carefully sifted fact. Fiction, not without its own role, ciMot be No other outpost of' European allowtd to rtplace nor be confused with history. I mm ne colonization in central Africa seems to have atttmpt at 1 gentral history of the post, ner do I inttgratt, had such a troubled history as that of' except in 1 small way, the history of Zongo, 1 post of the Conge Bangui, founded by the French in June 1889. Frte State just across tht river ud foundtd around the nme Its first ten or fifteen years, as reported by timt. Chronolo;cal dttlils regarding tht foundation of B~ngui ll't the whites who lived them, were dangerous to be found in Cantoumt (1986),] and uncertain, if' not desperate) ones. For a 1 time there was even talk of' abandoning the The selection of' the site for the post. that. Albert Dolisie named Bangui was undoubtedly post or founding a more important one a little further up the Ubangi River. The main a rational one. This place was not, to beiin problem was that of' relations with the local with, at far remove from the last. post at. Modzaka; it. was crucial in those years to be people •. The purpose of' the present study is able to communicate from one post to to describe this turbulent period in Bangui's another reasonably well by canoe as well as history and attempt to explain it. -
Congo-Brazzaville) Minería Y Geología, Vol
Minería y Geología ISSN: 1993-8012 [email protected] Instituto Superior Minero Metalúrgico de Moa 'Dr Antonio Nuñez Jiménez' Cuba Impact of seasonal variability of precipitation on surface and groundwaters in the Mbe plateau in North Poll (Congo- Brazzaville) Obami-Ondon, Harmel; Ngouala-Mabonzo, Medard; Gampio-Mbilou, Urbain; Mabiala, Bernard Impact of seasonal variability of precipitation on surface and groundwaters in the Mbe plateau in North Poll (Congo-Brazzaville) Minería y Geología, vol. 36, no. 3, 2020 Instituto Superior Minero Metalúrgico de Moa 'Dr Antonio Nuñez Jiménez', Cuba Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=223563520007 This work is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International. PDF generated from XML JATS4R by Redalyc Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative Minería y Geología, 2020, vol. 36, no. 3, Julio-Septiembre, ISSN: 1993-8012 Impact of seasonal variability of precipitation on surface and groundwaters in the Mbe plateau in North Poll (Congo-Brazzaville) Impacto de la variabilidad estacional de las precipitaciones sobre las aguas superficiales y subterráneas en la meseta de Mbe en North Pool (Congo-Brazzaville) Harmel Obami-Ondon Redalyc: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? Marien Ngouabi University, Congo id=223563520007 [email protected] http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5205-1553 Medard Ngouala-Mabonzo Marien Ngouabi University, Congo http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6145-4477 Urbain Gampio-Mbilou Marien Ngouabi University, Congo http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7178-7168 Bernard Mabiala Marien Ngouabi University, Congo Received: 01 May 2020 Accepted: 01 June 2020 Resumen: Este estudio se enfoca en el impacto de la variabilidad estacional de la lluvia en la disponibilidad de agua de la meseta Mbé entre noviembre de 2017 y agosto de 2018. -
Cameroon's Infrastructure: a Continental Perspective
Public Disclosure Authorized COUNTRY REPORT Cameroon’s Infrastructure: Public Disclosure Authorized A Continental Perspective Carolina Dominguez-Torres and Vivien Foster Public Disclosure Authorized JUNE 2011 Public Disclosure Authorized © 2011 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 USA Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved A publication of the World Bank. The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 USA The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923 USA; telephone: 978-750-8400; fax: 978-750-4470; Internet: www.copyright.com. -
Diversity Visa Program, DV 2019-2021: Number of Entries During Each Online Registration Period by Region and Country of Chargeability
Diversity Visa Program, DV 2019-2021: Number of Entries During Each Online Registration Period by Region and Country of Chargeability The totals below DO NOT represent the number of diversity visas issued nor the number of selected entrants Countries marked with a "0" indicate that there were no entrants from that country or area. Countries marked with "N/A" were typically not eligible for that program year. FY 2019 FY 2020 FY 2021 Region Foreign State of Chargeabiliy Entrants Derivatives Total Entrants Derivatives Total Entrants Derivatives Total Africa Algeria 227,019 123,716 350,735 252,684 140,422 393,106 221,212 129,004 350,216 Africa Angola 17,707 25,543 43,250 14,866 20,037 34,903 14,676 18,086 32,762 Africa Benin 128,911 27,579 156,490 150,386 26,627 177,013 92,847 13,149 105,996 Africa Botswana 518 462 980 552 406 958 237 177 414 Africa Burkina Faso 37,065 7,374 44,439 30,102 5,877 35,979 6,318 2,591 8,909 Africa Burundi 20,680 16,295 36,975 22,049 19,168 41,217 12,287 11,023 23,310 Africa Cabo Verde 1,377 1,272 2,649 894 778 1,672 420 312 732 Africa Cameroon 310,373 147,979 458,352 310,802 165,676 476,478 150,970 93,151 244,121 Africa Central African Republic 1,359 893 2,252 1,242 636 1,878 906 424 1,330 Africa Chad 5,003 1,978 6,981 8,940 3,159 12,099 7,177 2,220 9,397 Africa Comoros 296 224 520 293 128 421 264 111 375 Africa Congo-Brazzaville 21,793 15,175 36,968 25,592 19,430 45,022 21,958 16,659 38,617 Africa Congo-Kinshasa 617,573 385,505 1,003,078 924,918 415,166 1,340,084 593,917 153,856 747,773 Africa Cote d'Ivoire 160,790 -
The DRC Seed Sector
A Quarter-Billion Dollar Industry? The DRC Seed Sector BRIEF DESCRIPTION: Compelling investment opportunities exist for seed companies and seed start-ups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This document outlines the market potential and consumer demand trends in the DRC and highlights the high potential of seed production in the country. 1 Executive Summary Compelling investment opportunities exist for seed companies and seed start-ups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This document outlines the market potential and consumer demand trends in the DRC and highlights the high potential of seed production in the country. The DRC is the second largest country in Africa with over 80 million hectares of agricultural land, of which 4 to 7 million hectares are irrigable. Average rainfall varies between 800 mm and 1,800 mm per annum. Bimodal and extended unimodal rainfall patterns allow for two agricultural seasons in approximately 75% of the country. Average relative humidity ranges from 45% to 90% depending on the time of year and location. The market potential for maize, rice and bean seed in the DRC is estimated at $191 million per annum, of which a mere 3% has been exploited. Maize seed sells at $3.1 per kilogramme of hybrid seed and $1.6 per kilogramme of OPV seed, a higher price than in Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda and Zambia. Seed-to-grain ratios are comparable with regional benchmarks at 5.5:1 for hybrid maize seed and 5.0:1 for OPV maize seed. The DRC is defined by four relatively distinct sales zones, which broadly coincide with the country’s four principal climate zones. -
Politiques Sociales Et Développement : Le Cas Du Congo-Brazzaville
Document disponible sur le site de l’Observatoire : http://www.uqo.ca/observer POLITIQUES SOCIALES ET DÉVELOPPEMENT : LE CAS DU CONGO-BRAZZAVILLE Appolinaire Attant Ngouari Sous la direction de Yves Vaillancourt NOTE SUR L'AUTEUR : Appolinaire Attant Ngouari est du Congo-Brazzaviile, il est Analyste et Consultant en politique sociale auprès du Groupe conseil M & N. NOTE SUR LE DIRECTEUR : Yves Vaillancourt est un politicologue spécialisé dans les politiques sociales. Il est professeur titulaire à l’École de travail social de l’UQAM. Depuis sa retraire en septembre 2006, il est professeur associé et demeure actif au plan de la recherche partenariale en lien avec le Laboratoire de recherche sur les pratiques politiques sociales (LAREPPS), l’ARUC-Économie sociale, le Centre de recherche sur les innovations sociales (CRISES). Il est engagé aussi dans le réseau Création de richesse en contexte de précarité (CRCP) et membre du Groupe d’économie solidaire du Québec (GESQ). PUBLICATION CONJOINTE DE LA CHAIRE DE RECHERCHE DU CANADA EN DÉVELOPPEMENT DES COLLECTIVITÉS (CRDC) ET DU LABORATOIRE DE RECHERCHE SUR LES PRATIQUES POLITIQUES SOCIALES (LAREPPS). SÉRIE : Thèses de doctorat, no. 2 ISBN : 978-2-89251-329-5 AOÛT 2007 ii REMERCIEMENTS Cette recherche n’aurait pas été possible sans le concours de plusieurs personnes. Je tiens tout d’abord à témoigner ma reconnaissance toute particulière à mon directeur Yves Vaillancourt, qui a été d’une grande aide à chaque étape de cette recherche. Il a su me guider avec vigilance et perspicacité. Sa confiance, son optimisme ont su calmer mes inquiétudes. Un grand merci également pour m’avoir accueilli comme assistant de recherche dans son équipe, au Laboratoire de recherche sur les pratiques et les politiques sociales LAREPPS, coordonnée par Lucie Dumais que je tiens également à remercier. -
Page 1 of 3 Minority Rights Group International : Congo : Congo Overview 7/21/2015
Minority Rights Group International : Congo : Congo Overview Page 1 of 3 Connect: World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples Home About us Contact us News Updates Directory › Africa › Congo › CONGO OVERVIEW { Environment { Peoples { History { Governance { Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment Straddling the equator, the Republic of Congo (Congo-Brazzaville) borders the Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo-Kinshasa) in the south and east, the Central African Republic and Cameroon in the north, and Gabon in the west. In the south-west, the Congo borders the Cabinda exclave of Angola and the Atlantic Ocean. Congo is sparsely populated outside of southern urban centres; much of the north is swampland. Tropical climate and vegetation predominate, but the climate is drier and cooler towards the ocean. The Republic of Congo has offshore oil reserves. Peoples Main languages: Lingala, Koutouba or Kikongo, Téké, French (official) Main religions: indigenous beliefs, syncretic Christianity, Islam Minority groups include Bakongo 1.8 million (48%), Batéké 630,000 (17%), M’Boshi 445,000 (12%) and BaAka 7,000–15,000. [Note: Population percentages come from the 2006 CIA World Factbook, and are converted to numbers using the CIA estimate for total population of 3.7 million. For BaAka, Ethnologue estimates a population of 15,000 as of 1986] The largest ethnic cluster is Bakongo, constituting 48 per cent of the population. Traditionally cassava farmers and fishing people, Bakongo women in particular are noted (sometimes with animosity) for their enterprise in cash-cropping and especially in trade. They have stood out as assiduous organizers, especially in religion and politics. -
SENADO FEDERAL MENSAGEM Nº 26, De 2016 (Nº 89/2016, NA ORIGEM)
SENADO FEDERAL MENSAGEM Nº 26, de 2016 (Nº 89/2016, NA ORIGEM) Senhores Membros do Senado Federal, De conformidade com o art. 52, inciso IV, da Constituição, e com o art. 39, combinado com o art. 41 da Lei no 11.440, de 29 de dezembro de 2006, submeto à apreciação de Vossas Excelências a escolha, que desejo fazer, do Senhor RAUL DE TAUNAY, Ministro de Primeira Classe do Quadro Especial da Carreira de Diplomata do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, para exercer o cargo de Embaixador do Brasil na República do Congo e, cumulativamente, na República Centro-Africana. Os méritos do Senhor Raul de Taunay que me induziram a escolhê-lo para o desempenho dessa elevada função constam da anexa informação do Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Brasília, 21 de março de 2016. DILMA ROUSSEFF Presidente da República EM nº 00071/2016 MRE Brasília, 14 de Março de 2016 Excelentíssima Senhora Presidenta da República, De acordo com o artigo 84, inciso XXV, da Constituição Federal, e com o disposto no artigo 39, combinado com o artigo 41, da Lei nº 11.440, de 29 de dezembro de 2006, submeto à apreciação de Vossa Excelência o nome de RAUL DE TAUNAY, Ministro de Primeira Classe do Quadro Especial da Carreira de Diplomata do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, para exercer o cargo de Embaixador do Brasil na República do Congo e, cumulativamente, na República Centro- Africana. 2. Encaminho, anexos, informações sobre os países e curriculum vitae de RAUL DE TAUNAY para inclusão em Mensagem a ser apresentada ao Senado Federal para exame por parte de seus ilustres membros. -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
Preserving Power After Empire: the Credibility Trap and France's
Preserving Power after Empire: The Credibility Trap and France’s Intervention in Chad, 1968-72 Marc R. DeVore Open Access Copy—Please Do Not Cite Forthcoming in War in History 1 Abstract France’s 1968-72 intervention in Chad constitutes a forgotten turning point in the Fifth Republic’s foreign relations. Inter-connected institutions and treaties gave France a disproportionate influence over its African ex-colonies. French security guarantees underscored this system, however, whereby francophone African leaders continued to accept French economic and political leadership. French leaders discovered in Chad, however, that they had fewer choices and needed to dedicate more resources to fulfilling these commitments than President Charles de Gaulle had intended. Prosperous ex-colonies’ leaders judged French commitments’ value according to how France responded to crises in its least valued ex- colonies. Thus, although French analysts viewed intervening in Chad as irrational from a cost/benefit perspective, they found themselves pressured into doing so by other African governments who let it be known that they would interpret failing to support Chadian President François Tombalbye as a sign that they too could not count on France. Entrapped by prior commitments, French policymakers developed a new approach to using force, which I term strategic satisficing, far different from traditional French counterinsurgency practices. The tightly-coupled application of force and diplomacy in pursuit of limited objectives enables France to intervene with the frequency needed to uphold its post-colonial order in Africa. Introduction France’s role in Africa sets it apart from other states of its size. France is arguably the most politically potent foreign actor in Sub-Saharan Africa even though it is today a medium- sized European state with an economy that only occasionally ranks amongst the world’s top half dozen. -
Cities and Infra-State Conflicts
Conflict Studies Research Centre M21 CITIES & INFRA-STATE CONFLICTS Dr Jean-Luc Marret, PhD in Political Science Infra-state conflicts are closely linked to the "city" - in other words, a symbolic area with concentrated bureaucratic organisations, common public assets and demographic resources. Thus cities - and particularly Third World mega-cities - tend to become the main objective for a warlord or a violent political organisation such as the Revolutionary Unity Front in Sierra Leone or the Taleban. This article analyses new kinds of urban warfare. For some years now, the spotlight has tended to focus on infra-state conflicts involving violent political organisations which hope to compete with or even replace states that have little self-assurance, or are perhaps even in a state of "collapse", although the term "collapse" is certainly not devoid of Western-Centrist value judgements ("collapse" compared to what, after all, if not compared to the model of a Western state?), and such conflicts have now become a routine problem. They no longer take place between States, symmetrical and Clausewitzian conflicts between organised, identified, structured and hierarchical armies, but rather between States of greater or lesser substance and organisations with more or less confirmed political programmes which often have predatory economic objectives (asymmetrical conflicts). In this context, infra-state wars are closely connected, and connected in many ways, to the concept of the "city", a concentration of wealth, an organised centre and shantytown, a mixture of the unofficial sector and of legal activities1, of marginality and integration - cities both licit and illicit. Forests or mountainous regions can undoubtedly serve as useful permanent bases or points of departure for axes of conquest.