Documentary Review of Traditional Land Use in the Pasquia Bogs Area

Prepared for PremierTech Horticulture

October 2012

Pasquia Bog Historical Traditional Land Use Review Stantec Consulting Ltd.

Executive Summary

Stantec Consulting Ltd. was contracted by Premier Tech Horticulture to conduct documentary research concerning the history of Traditional Land Use of their proposed peat harvest in a cluster of peat bogs approximately 55 km northeast of Hudson Bay, Saskatchewan. The bogs are in Townships 49 and 50, Ranges 30 and 31, West of the Prime Meridian 21.6 km east of Highway 9 about 150 m north of the Otosquen River crossing. This project is in response to the following request from Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment:

Since this project will affect a large area of crown land, the government has a duty to consult with potentially affected First Nations and Métis people who may have a history of exercising treaty and aboriginal rights for hunting, fishing or other traditional uses in the project study area. While it is recognized that Premier Horticulture made substantial efforts to contact aboriginal communities to obtain traditional use information, the EIS should contain a better and more detailed description of traditional use of the area, using information from other sources, such as historical records, government reports, statistics, academic literature or interviews with local residents.

In response to the request for research into Traditional Land Use and Occupancy of the project area by First Nations and Métis we compiled data from the following documentary sources for presentation herein.

• Academic Dissertations • Provincial Game Management Records • Provincial Furbearer and Trapping Management Records • Local Histories of Surrounding Communities • Ethnographic Monographs • Archaeological Reports and Inventories • Saskatchewan Archives Board (historic records, maps and photos) • University of Saskatchewan Special Collections (historic maps and government studies) • The Hudson Bay Archives and Province of Manitoba Archives • Consultant Reports • Interviews with Conservation Officers and recreational users of the study area

These data are dispersed as no specific study has ever been done regarding the area within which the footprint of the harvest area occurs. Without the direct approach of interviewing traditional harvesters we accessed to a variety of sources in various locations.

To narrow our scope we concentrated only on those Aboriginal stakeholders that expressed an interest in being consulted earlier in the EA process and within a 100 km radius of the peat harvest area.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY October 20, 2012

Most of these data were accessible through online catalogues and databases and much of the archival information and academic references are at the University of Saskatchewan. In – person visits were made to the Conservation Officer Field Stations in Hudson Bay. We also interviewed former resource managers for the Hudson Bay area and the Town Administrator. We visited the local history room in the Saskatoon public library and interviewed the librarian and a museum board member in Hudson Bay. Information from the Manitoba Government Archives, Hudson Bay Archives and universities were gathered by our staff in Winnipeg.

From the documents we have reviewed we can report that there is well documented evidence of a long history of traditional resource use in the region. We have, however found no specific reference to the precise footprint of the peat harvest area. Fur trade journals record that area First Nations harvested meat (moose and elk), fish and medicinal and food plants for their subsistence beyond commercial trapping. Twentieth century archival records hint at traditional gathering activities, First Nations encampments, fire-fighting and haying, but again, without specific locational information.

Our interviews with modern resource managers suggest that, at least in recent times, that the bog east of the railway is essentially a “no-man’s-land”. It is described as too swampy (dangerously so) in the summer and lacking sufficient resources to be attractive in the winter, as well as being quite featureless and, therefore, a place to get easily lost in fog and snow without the convenience of modern navigation equipment.

With the construction of a road, however, it is the considered opinion of resource managers that the new access may make it more feasible for traditional harvesters to venture into the bog.

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Table of Contents

1.0 INTRODUCTION ...... 1.1 1.1 TRADITIONAL LAND USE ...... 1.1 1.2 STUDY AREA ...... 1.2 1.3 ABORIGINAL GROUPS THAT SELF IDENTIFY AS STAKEHOLDERS AND/OR WITHIN A 100 KM RADIUS OF THE PROPOSED HARVEST AREA ...... 1.3 1.3.1 First Nations ...... 1.4 1.3.1.1 Red Earth Number 356...... 1.4 1.3.1.2 Shoal Lake Cree Nation Number 357 ...... 1.4 1.3.1.3 Cumberland House Cree Nation Number 350 ...... 1.4 1.3.1.4 Yellow Quill Number 376 ...... 1.5 1.3.1.5 Opaskwayak Cree Nation Number 315 ...... 1.5 1.3.1.6 Mosakahiken Cree Nation Number 312 ...... 1.5 1.3.1.7 Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Number 314 ...... 1.6 1.3.1.8 Wuskwi Siphik First Nation Number 324 ...... 1.6 1.3.1.9 Chakastaypasin First Nation (James Smith Cree Nation) Number 370 ...... 1.7 1.3.2 Métis ...... 1.7 1.3.2.1 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region I ...... 1.7 1.3.2.2 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region II ...... 1.7 1.3.2.3 Manitoba Métis Federation Inc.; the Pas Region Inc...... 1.7 1.4 PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT AREAS IN THE STUDY AREA ...... 1.7 1.5 LOCAL COMMUNITIES ...... 1.8 1.5.1.1 Hudson Bay ...... 1.8 1.5.1.2 Ceba ...... 1.8 1.5.1.3 Chemong...... 1.8 1.5.1.4 Otosquen ...... 1.8 1.5.1.5 Cantyre ...... 1.8

2.0 METHODS ...... 2.9 2.1 SOURCES ...... 2.9 2.1.1 Academic Dissertations ...... 2.9 2.1.2 Government Publications ...... 2.9 2.1.2.1 Treaties ...... 2.9 2.1.2.2 Online Resources ...... 2.10 2.1.3 University of Saskatchewan Archives (Maps, Photographs and Documents) ... 2.10 2.1.4 Hudson Bay Company Archives (Winnipeg) ...... 2.10 2.1.5 Saskatchewan Archives Board ...... 2.11 2.1.6 Libraries (Reference Books and Local Histories) ...... 2.11 2.1.7 Archaeological Resources ...... 2.11 2.1.8 Conservation Officer Interviews ...... 2.12 2.1.9 Forestry Industry Reports and Interviews ...... 2 .12

3.0 RESULTS ...... 3.13 3.1 ACADEMIC DISSERTATIONS FIRST NATIONS ...... 3.13

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3.1.1 Red Earth Number 356...... 3.13 3.1.2 Shoal Lake Cree Nation Number 357 ...... 3.13 3.1.3 Cumberland House Cree Nation Number 350 ...... 3.13 3.1.4 Yellow Quill Number 376 ...... 3.15 3.1.5 Opaskwayak Cree Nation Number 315 ...... 3.15 3.1.6 Mosakahiken Cree Nation Number 312 ...... 3.17 3.1.7 Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Number 314 ...... 3.17 3.1.8 Wuskwi Sipihk First Nation Number 324 ...... 3.17 3.2 ACADEMIC DISSERTAIONS MÉTIS ...... 3.17 3.2.1 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region I ...... 3.17 3.2.1.1 Cumberland House Local # 42 ...... 3.17 3.2.2 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region II ...... 3.17 3.2.2.1 Hudson Bay Local #114 ...... 3.17 3.2.3 Manitoba Métis Federation Inc.; the Pas Region Inc...... 3.17 3.2.3.1 MMF The Pas Region Local # 39 the Pas ...... 3.17 3.2.3.2 MMF The Pas Region Local # 33 Moose Lake ...... 3.18 3.2.3.3 MMF The Pas Region Local # 36 Red Deer Lake ...... 3.18 3.2.3.4 MMF The Pas Region Local # 2 Birch River ...... 3.18 3.2.3.5 MMF The Pas Region Local # 25 Baden ...... 3.18 3.2.3.6 MMF The Pas Region Local # 26 Barrows ...... 3.18 3.2.3.7 MMF The Pas Region Local # 35 Prairie Mountain ...... 3.18 3.2.3.8 MMF The Pas Region Local # 32 Mafeking ...... 3.18 3.2.3.9 MMF The Pas Region Local # 34 Pelican Rapids ...... 3.18 3.3 GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS ...... 3.19 3.3.1 Treaties ...... 3.19 3.3.2 Online Resources ...... 3.20 3.4 ARCHIVES (MAPS, PHOTOGRAPHS AND DOCUMENTS) ...... 3.30 3.4.1 Hudson Bay Company Archives (Winnipeg) ...... 3.30 3.4.2 Saskatchewan Archives Board ...... 3.34 3.5 LIBRARIES (REFERENCE BOOKS AND LOCAL HISTORIES) ...... 3.37 3.5.1 Saskatoon Public Library, Local History Room...... 3.37 3.5.2 Hudson Bay Public Library/Museum ...... 3.37 3.5.2.1 Hudson Bay ...... 3.37 3.5.2.2 Ceba ...... 3.39 3.5.2.3 Chemong...... 3.40 3.5.2.4 Otosquen ...... 3.40 3.5.2.5 Cantyre ...... 3.40 3.6 ARCHAEOLOGY ...... 3.40 3.7 CONSERVATION OFFICER INTERVIEWS ...... 3.40 3.8 FORESTRY INDUSTRY REPORTS AND INTERVIEWS ...... 3.40

4.0 DISCUSSION ...... 4.42

5.0 RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 5.44

6.0 SOURCES ...... 6.45

7.0 FIGURES ...... 7.48

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Table of Contents

List of Photos.

Photo 1 Photo of map showing fur blocks in 1960 (Kew 1962). 3.14

Photo 2 Photo of map showing Opaskwayak Cree Nation Reserves. 3.16

Photo 3 Portion of 1941-42 Annual Fire Report, Hudson Bay Junction Forestry Station, regarding permits to enter the forest reserve to gather seneca root, berries and fish. (Courtesy Saskatchewan Archives Board) 3.34

Photo 4 Courtesy Saskatchewan Archives Board. 3.35

Photo 5 Courtesy Saskatchewan Archives Board. 3.36

Photo 6 Portion of 1901 map showing surveyed timber berths and the rail ending at Erwood (HB & District Cultural Society 1982). 3.38

Photo 7 Sketch of Great West Lumber Company at Greenbush (HB & District Cultural Society 1982). 3.39

List of Figures Section 7.0

Figure 1 Reserves Within 100km of Pasquia Bog Site

Figure 2 Heritage Data for Pasquia Bog Study Area

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1.0 Introduction

Stantec Consulting Ltd. was contracted by Premier Tech Horticulture to conduct documentary research concerning the history of Traditional Land Use of their proposed peat harvest in a cluster of peat bogs approximately 55 km northeast of Hudson Bay, Saskatchewan (Figure 1). This project is in response to the following request from Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment:

These data are dispersed as no specific study has ever been done on the area within which the footprint of the harvest area occurs. Without the direct approach of interviewing traditional harvesters we accessed to a variety of sources in various locations.

To narrow our scope we concentrated only on those Aboriginal stakeholders that expressed an interest in being consulted and within a 100 km radius of the peat harvest area

1.1 TRADITIONAL LAND USE

“Traditional” is a term that can have different meanings in differing contexts. In this context we use “traditional” as a continued harvest of the resources from the land for subsistence and, in the case of trapping, for sale. Traditional, therefore refers to the product of the harvest, not the method of harvest. By way of example, hunting for moose with a modern rifle is a traditional practice if that moose is butchered and put in the freezer or shared with family and friends. If the moose is shared with the Food Bank, we still consider it a traditional practice as the spirit of sharing is an ancient one. Trophy hunting alone is not a traditional practice but if the meat is

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Introduction October 20, 2012 eaten and the hide is tanned, keeping the antlers or mounting the head does not negate it as a traditional kill. So, traditional harvesting is not a static activity that is locked in an arbitrary past, it is a living phenomenon that brings meat, fish and plant foods to the table and creates commodities for cash sale and trade.

“Traditional” often has a connotation of deep historical ties to the land. Current aboriginal people who live in a particular region or who are descended from people of that region may consider a demonstrable historical use of the area’s resources by ancestor as “traditional” and therefore a have a vested interest in the land.

The question of who considers themselves traditional harvesters in a given area, and therefore stakeholders in the Duty to Consult and Accommodate cannot be established without discussions with the aboriginal harvesters of the region. For this reason we have examined archaeological, archival and modern records in the area in order to insure that the broadest interpretation of “traditional” is considered.

This documentary survey is intended only to inform the Environmental Assessment regarding whether there is evidence of traditional resource use in the development area, and though it may inform the process of consultation, in no way contributes to the fulfillment of the Duty to Consult and Accommodate.

1.2 STUDY AREA

The bogs are approximately 55 km northeast of Hudson Bay, Saskatchewan in Townships 49 and 50, Ranges 30 and 31, West of the Prime Meridian 21.6 km east of Highway 9 about 150 m north of the Otosquen River crossing. (Figure 1). The area of our search in historical records is bounded by the Saskatchewan River Delta on the north, the Pasquia Hills on the west and the Red Deer River on the south. That is the level of precision that most documents allow. That being said, it is unlikely that any archival source will establish a historic or traditional presence in the exact development footprint. The best information we can provide is to suggest that, if people historically used the area described above, the might have been in the development area.

With the construction of a road, however, it is the considered opinion of resource managers that the access may make it more feasible for traditional harvesters to venture into the bog.

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Introduction October 20, 2012

1.3 ABORIGINAL GROUPS THAT SELF IDENTIFY AS STAKEHOLDERS AND/OR WITHIN A 100 KM RADIUS OF THE PROPOSED HARVEST AREA

In order to limit our search, we arbitrarily chose aboriginal groups within a 100 km radius of the study area and those who had previously self-identified as Stakeholders (Yellow Quill, Chakastaypasin, Opaskwayak and Métis Nation – Saskatchewan, Region II). They are tabulated below along with a hyperlink to the Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada (AANDC) Community Profiles.

Aboriginal Group AANDC Profile Link/Web Link Red Earth First Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=356 &lang=eng Shoal Lake Cree Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=357 &lang=eng Cumberland House Cree Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=350 &lang=eng Yellow Quill First Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=376 &lang=eng Opaskwayak Cree Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=315 &lang=eng Mosakahiken Cree Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=312 &lang=eng Sapotaweyak Cree Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=314 &lang=eng Wuskwi Siphik First Nation http://pse5-esd5.ainc- inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=324 &lang=eng Chakastaypasin First Nation (James http://pse5-esd5.ainc- Smith Cree Nation) inac.gc.ca/fnp/Main/Search/FNMain.aspx?BAND_NUMBER=370 &lang=eng MNS ERII Hudson Bay Local #114 http://www.mn-s.ca/main/regions-and-locals/#4 MNS ERI Cumberland House Local http://www.mn-s.ca/main/regions-and-locals/#4 #42 MMF The Pas Region Local # 39 The http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti Pas cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas MMF The Pas Region Local # 33 http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti Moose Lake cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas MMF The Pas Region Local # 36 http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti

Red Deer Lake cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas MMF The Pas Region Local # 2 Birch http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti River cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas

MMF The Pas Region Local # 25 http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti Baden cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas

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Introduction October 20, 2012

MMF The Pas Region Local # 26 http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti Barrows cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas

MMF The Pas Region Local # 35 http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti Prairie Mountain cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas

MMF The Pas Region Local # 32 http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti Mafeking cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas

MMF The Pas Region Local # 34 http://www.mmf.mb.ca/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti Pelican Rapids cle&id=96&Itemid=102#thepas

The following sections provide the addresses for the First Nations and Métis Regions and Locals presented above. For the First Nations, the Reserves are listed as well as the most recent population statistics. Population data are unavailable for the Métis and they do not have a land base in the same sense of a First Nation Reserve, rather, they are a collective who self- identify and are in the process of creating a citizenship based on objectively verified criteria.

1.3.1 First Nations

The following First Nations are within a 100 km radius of the study area and those who had previously self-identified as Stakeholders (Figure 1).

1.3.1.1 Red Earth Number 356

PO BOX 109, RED EARTH, SK S0E 1K0 Reserves: Carrot River 29a Red Earth 29 2001 Population: 835

1.3.1.2 Shoal Lake Cree Nation Number 357

PO BOX 51, PAKWAW, SK S0E 1G0 Reserves: Shoal Lake 28a 2006 Population: 545

1.3.1.3 Cumberland House Cree Nation Number 350

PO Box 220, Cumberland House SSK S0E 0S0 Reserves: Buds Point 20D Cumberland House Cree Nation 20

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Introduction October 20, 2012

Muskeg River 20C Pine Bluff 20A Pine Bluff 20B 2006 Population: 595

1.3.1.4 Yellow Quill Number 376

PO Box 40, Yellow Quill SK S0A 3A0 Reserves: Treaty Four Reserve Grounds 77 Yellow Quill 90-18 Yellow Quill 90-8 Yellow Quill 90-9 Yellow Quill 90 2006 Population: 420 1.3.1.5 Opaskwayak Cree Nation Number 315

PO Box 10880, Opaskwayak, MBR0B 2J0 Reserves: Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21 Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21A Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21A South Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21B Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21C Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21D Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21E Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21F Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21G Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21I Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21J Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21K Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21L Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21N Opaskwayak Cree Nation 21P Opaskwayak Cree Nation 27A Opaskwayak Cree Nation Egg Lake Indian Reserve #1 Opaskwayak Cree Nation Rocky Lake Opaskwayak Cree Nation Root Lake 231 Opaskwayak Cree Nation Salt Channel 21D Root Lake Beach Ridge Site Indian Reserve 2006 Population: 2,545

1.3.1.6 Mosakahiken Cree Nation Number 312

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Introduction October 20, 2012

General Delivery, Moose Lake, MB R0B 0Y0 Reserves: Moose Lake 31A Moose Lake 31C Moose Lake 31D Moose Lake 31G Moose Lake 31J 2006 Population: 700

1.3.1.7 Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Number 314

Reserves: Channel Island Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Overflowing River Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Pelican Rapids Access Road Phase I PTH 10 Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Channel Island Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Channel Island Sapotaweyak Cree Nation – Spruce Island Shoal River 65A Shoal River 65b Shoal River 65F Treaty Four Reserve Grounds 77 2006 Population: 605

1.3.1.8 Wuskwi Siphik First Nation Number 324

PO Box 220, Birch River, MB R0L 0E0 Reserves: Swan Lake 65C Treaty Four Reserve Grounds 77 Wuski Siphik 4 Wuski Siphik 5 Wuski Siphik 6 Wuski Siphik 8 Wuski Siphik First Nation 2 Wuski Siphik First Nation 3A Wuski Siphik First Nation 3B Wuski Siphik First Nation 3C Wuski Siphik First Nation 3D Wuski Siphik First Nation 3E Wuski Siphik First Nation 3F Wuski Siphik First Nation No. 1 Wuski Siphik First Nation No. 7 2006 Population: 150

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Introduction October 20, 2012

1.3.1.9 Chakastaypasin First Nation (James Smith Cree Nation) Number 370

PO Box 1059, Melfort, SK S0E 1A0 Reserves: Cumberland 100A James Smith 100 2006 Population: 1,090

1.3.2 Métis

1.3.2.1 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region I

Cumberland House Local Number #42 General Delivery, Cumberland House, SK S0E 0S0

1.3.2.2 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region II

1.3.2.2.1 Hudson Bay Local #114 PO Box 1335, Hudson Bay, SK. S0E 0Y0

1.3.2.3 Manitoba Métis Federation Inc.; the Pas Region Inc.

P.O. Box 2467, the Pas, MB, R9A 1M2

1.3.2.3.1 MMF The Pas Region Local # 39 the Pas 1.3.2.3.2 MMF The Pas Region Local # 33 Moose Lake 1.3.2.3.3 MMF The Pas Region Local # 36 Red Deer Lake 1.3.2.3.4 MMF The Pas Region Local # 2 Birch River 1.3.2.3.5 MMF The Pas Region Local # 25 Baden 1.3.2.3.6 MMF The Pas Region Local # 26 Barrows 1.3.2.3.7 MMF The Pas Region Local # 35 Prairie Mountain 1.3.2.3.8 MMF The Pas Region Local # 32 Mafeking 1.3.2.3.9 MMF The Pas Region Local # 34 Pelican Rapids

1.4 PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT AREAS IN THE STUDY AREA

The Provincial Government administers the region under various Act and Regulations. The Planning and Management areas that we suggest are relevant to the study are tabulated below with hyperlinks to their respective websites.

Planning and Number/Name Sources Management Data Map Sheet 63 C/13, E/1, http://geogratis.cgdi.gc.ca/geogratis/en/product/search.do?id=08F1CB77-F351-0F8A-

E/8, F/4, F/5 EF30-CA081CA0CE61 Wildlife Zone 58 http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/Default.aspx?DN=9839a0f9-5c0b-45b1-9f17-

Management Zone 0eba154ff2ca Forest Management Pasquia http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/adx/aspx/adxGetMedia.aspx?DocID=e9a5b0a4-4c84- License Agreement Porcupine 40df-b9d8-

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Area 8ddb0f80f963&MediaID=5009&Filename=FMA+Standards+and+Guidelines++PP+April+

2011.pdf&l=English Fur Block 76, 81 http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/Default.aspx?DN=15f85859-9ba5-40a5-b448- 244f4cfd7998 Provincial Forest Pasquia http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/adx/aspx/adxGetMedia.aspx?DocID=857,244,94,88,D Porcupine ocuments&MediaID=369&Filename=Report+on+Saskatchewan's+Forests+March+2007. pdf&l=English

Rural Municipality Hudson Bay No. http://www.mds.gov.sk.ca/apps/Pub/MDS/muniDetails.aspx?cat=10&mun=2420 394 Representative Area Pasquia River http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/Default.aspx?DN=3436d3b6-12e0-4727-8222-

d2c180c06267 Overflowing http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/Default.aspx?DN=3436d3b6-12e0-4727-8222-

River d2c180c06267

1.5 LOCAL COMMUNITIES

1.5.1.1 Hudson Bay

Hudson Bay is the main population and service centre for the study area.

1.5.1.2 Ceba

Ceba is a former siding on the railway from Hudson Bay to the Pas.

1.5.1.3 Chemong

Chemong is a former siding on the railway from Hudson Bay to the Pas and the nearest named place to the peat harvest area.

1.5.1.4 Otosquen

Otosquen is a former siding on the railway from Hudson Bay to the Pas and the location of a former Department of Interior Forestry Branch Patrol Cabin.

1.5.1.5 Cantyre

Cantyre is a former siding on the railway from Hudson Bay to the Pas.

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Methods October 20, 2012

2.0 Methods

Our approach to this study was to gather information from three main data streams:

1) Online catalogues and databases

2) Visits to Archives and Libraries

3) Interviews with individuals with relevant information

2.1 SOURCES

Our main sources were the Saskatchewan Archives Board, the University of Saskatchewan Library and Archives, The Saskatoon Public Library Local History Room, The Manitoba Archives (including the HBC Archives), the Government of Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment Website and the Library and Archives of Canada.

2.1.1 Academic Dissertations

We reviewed the following academic dissertation to find data relevant to the study area including:

Adrian Alun Seaborne . 1972. “Population changes in northern Saskatchewan and case studies of Indian migration at Black Lake and Shoal Lake”. A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Geography, University of Saskatchewan

2.1.2 Government Publications

2.1.2.1 Treaties

The Study area is in Treaty No. 5 (1875). The 100 km radius and the self-identified stake holders also include member nations of Treaties No. 4 (1874) and No. 6 (1876).

We are reviewing the following relevant government publications:

Canada. Indian Claims Commission (1991- ); Sheila Purdy; Daniel J Bellegarde; Alan Holman. 2007. “Opaskwayak Cree Nation streets and lanes inquiry” Ottawa: Indian Claims Commission; Distributed by the Government of Canada Depository Services Program

Dept. of Natural Resources, Indian and Métis Branch; Frank E. Price and Associates. 1967. “Sociological study of the Saskatchewan River delta: a study of Indian and Métis attitudes to potential development in the Cumberland House area”. Winnipeg: s.n.

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Methods October 20, 2012

Dept. of Northern Saskatchewan. 1974. “A history of Cumberland House: …as told by its own citizens, 1774-1974” Bicentennial Committee of Cumberland House

Kew, J. E. Michael. 1962. “Cumberland House in 1960” Saskatoon, Research Division, Center for Community Studies, University of Saskatchewan

2.1.2.2 Online Resources

We searched online catalogues for references to relevant reports (current and archival) for the following Provincial and Municipal Management Areas

Wildlife Management Zone: Zone 58 http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/Default.aspx?DN=2a5dfe9f-6442-4667-ad59-253883e8b8e2

Forest Management License Agreement Area: Pasquia Porcupine http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/adx/aspx/adxGetMedia.aspx?DocID=e9a5b0a4-4c84-40df- b9d8- 8ddb0f80f963&MediaID=5009&Filename=FMA+Standards+and+Guidelines++PP+April+2011.p df&l=English

Fur Block Conservation Area: H-25, 101 http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/Default.aspx?DN=1c398580-b9a6-4733-9a08-cee4ce042fd4

Provincial Forest: Pasquia Porcupine http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/adx/aspx/adxGetMedia.aspx?DocID=857,244,94,88,Documents&Medi aID=369&Filename=Report+on+Saskatchewan's+Forests+March+2007.pdf&l=English

Rural Municipality: Hudson Bay http://www.mds.gov.sk.ca/apps/Pub/MDS/muniDetails.aspx?cat=10&mun=2420

Representative Areas: Pasquia River, Overflowing River http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/adx/aspx/adxGetMedia.aspx?DocID=739,724,623,247,94,88, Documents&MediaID=313&Filename=Pasquia-Porcupine+(21+sites).pdf&l=English

2.1.3 University of Saskatchewan Archives (Maps, Photographs and Documents)

We accessed several archives to compile the data presented herein. A brief summary of each follows with the results in Section 3

2.1.4 Hudson Bay Company Archives (Winnipeg)

The Hudson’s Bay Company Archives (HBCA) were accessed to determine past traditional land use occupancy in the study area. Although it was anticipated that direct mention of the Pasquia Bog was unlikely in the archival documentation, the historical records provide an insight into how the resources of the study area were accessed and harvested by First Nation groups. The records also provide a review of how land use occupancy changed during the period of the late 1770s to the early 1900s.

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The primary documents reviewed consisted of daily journals of activities at the relevant posts within the study area as well as annual reports for the district. The Pasquia Bog area is contained within the Cumberland House District. It must be stressed that these records were written by fur traders from the England and Scotland who maintained an ethnic bias toward their First Nation (FN) clientele. The records examined are summarized in Table 2.1.4.

Table 2.1.4 List of HBCA Sources.

Post Document Type Years Document Reference Micro-Film Reel Pas Post Journals 1879 – 1891 B.324/a/1-2 1M1018 Pas Reports on 1890 – 1932 B.324/e/1-5 1M1258 Districts Cumberland Post Journals 1774 – 1784 B.49/a/1-14 1M38 House Cumberland Post Journals 1783 – 1797 B.49/a/14-27 1M39 House Cumberland Post Journals 1923 – 1940 B.49/a/65-73 1MA21 House Cumberland Reports on 1815 – 1826 B.49/e/1-6 1M777 House Districts Cumberland Reports on 1875 – 1886 B.49/e/8-10 1M1255 House Districts Cumberland Reports on 1886 – 1901 B.49/e/12-21 1M1255 House Districts Red Deer River Post Journal 1812 – 1813 B.176/a/1 1M119 Red Deer River Account Books 1815 B.176/d/1 1M578 Pas Mountain Post Journals 1929 – 1934 B.457/a/1-4 1MA50

2.1.5 Saskatchewan Archives Board

We reviewed the Department of Interior Sectional Maps and the Department of Natural Resources fonds: Department of Interior, Forestry Branch.

2.1.6 Libraries (Reference Books and Local Histories)

We reviewed the Hudson Bay local history book “Valley Echoes” (Hudson Bay & District Cultural Society, 1982).

2.1.7 Archaeological Resources

The archaeological resources of the region are available from the Heritage Conservation Branch, Saskatchewan Ministry of Parks, Culture and Sport. These are presented in Section 3.

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2.1.8 Conservation Officer Interviews

Rick Dolezsar is the Hudson Bay Town Administrator and an active member of the Hudson Bay Snowmobile Club. We also interviewed him.

2.1.9 Forestry Industry Reports and Interviews

Weyerhaeuser Canada Ltd., Hudson Bay, graciously loaned us the Saskfor MacMillan Limited Partnership “Twenty-year Forest Management Plan and Environmental Impact Statement for the Pasquia-Porcupine Forest Management Area” (1997). Of particular interest to this study is Background Document 13: Traditional Land Use. A brief summary follows is Section 3.

We also reviewed “Public Consultation Plan for Pasquia Porcupine 2010 – 2030 Management Plan (Weyerhaeuser 2009).

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3.0 Results

What follows are brief summaries of the reviews and interviews described above.

3.1 ACADEMIC DISSERTATIONS FIRST NATIONS

3.1.1 Red Earth Number 356

3.1.2 Shoal Lake Cree Nation Number 357

Seaborne, Adrian Alun. 1972. “Population changes in northern Saskatchewan and case studies of Indian migration at Black Lake and Shoal Lake”. A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Geography, University of Saskatchewan

This document reports that in 1969, 25 trappers were active on a part time basis in the region. The trap blocks are not given. Seaborne reports, in the time between WWII and 1969, the “decay of the family trapping unit as the central authority” resulting in challenges and changes in the community’s social structure (Seaborne 1972).

3.1.3 Cumberland House Cree Nation Number 350

Kew, J. E. Michael. 1962. “Cumberland House in 1960” Saskatoon, Research Division, Center for Community Studies, University of Saskatchewan.

This publication describes that in 1960, the Cree and Métis people of Cumberland House “live mainly by trapping, commercial fishing and welfare payments” (Kew 1962). Though the commercial fishing likely did not occur within the study area, trapping occurred in the bog immediately north of the study area (Block A-109) in the illustration below.

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Photo 1 Photo of map showing fur blocks in 1960 (Kew 1962).

Three residents of Cumberland House are recorded as having trapped in this zone.

This report states that in 1960, a cooperative of trappers from Cumberland House, took over a Hudson Bay Company lease. We are still investigating the boundaries of this area. Muskrat, beaver and “other fur” are reported with net cooperative incomes of about $28,000/year 1959 to 1965 (Price & Assoc. 1967).

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3.1.4 Yellow Quill Number 376

Author: Jim Gallo Title: The Yellow Quill Band and the land question: the 1906 expropriation and the 1908 land surrender of part of Swan Lake Reserve I.R. No. 7 Year: 1978 Publisher: Canada: s.n. This document has not yet been reviewed.

3.1.5 Opaskwayak Cree Nation Number 315

Author: Canada. Indian Claims Commission (1991- ); Sheila Purdy; Daniel J Bellegarde; Alan Holman Title: Opaskwayak Cree Nation streets and lanes inquiry Year: 2007 Publisher: Ottawa: Indian Claims Commission; Distributed by the Government of Canada Depository Services Program

The historical background provides a map of the 17 reserve lands of “the Pas Band”, now Opaskwayak Cree Nation. Reserve 21D is north of the Pasquia River near the Saskatchewan/Manitoba border so it is possible that its residents were historically and are currently familiar with the bog area to the west.

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Photo 2 Photo of map showing Opaskwayak Cree Nation Reserves.

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3.1.6 Mosakahiken Cree Nation Number 312

We found no academic references in the University of Saskatchewan or University of Manitoba Libraries. 3.1.7 Sapotaweyak Cree Nation Number 314

We found no academic references in the University of Saskatchewan or University of Manitoba Libraries. 3.1.8 Wuskwi Sipihk First Nation Number 324

We found no academic references in the University of Saskatchewan or University of Manitoba Libraries.

3.2 ACADEMIC DISSERTAIONS MÉTIS

Author: Gabriel Dumont Institute of Native Studies and Applied Research; Saskatchewan. Dept. of Education Title: Saskatchewan historical atlas of aboriginal settlement Year: 1987? Publisher: Regina: Saskatchewan Education This document has not yet been reviewed.

3.2.1 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region I

3.2.1.1 Cumberland House Local # 42

Author: Saskatchewan. Dept. of Natural Resources. Indian and Métis Branch; Frank E. Price and Associates Title: Sociological study of the Saskatchewan River delta: a study of Indian and Métis attitudes to potential development in the Cumberland House area Year: 1967 Publisher: Winnipeg: s.n.

A summary of the relevant information in this document is provided in Section 3.1.3. 3.2.2 Métis Nation – Saskatchewan Eastern Region II

3.2.2.1 Hudson Bay Local #114

We found no relevant information regarding HB Local #114 in any online catalogues.

3.2.3 Manitoba Métis Federation Inc.; the Pas Region Inc.

The domain name for the Pas Region is no longer active so we are limited in our online investigations concerning traditional land use. 3.2.3.1 MMF The Pas Region Local # 39 the Pas

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The following reference may contain relevant information but at the time of this report we have been unable to access it for review.

Title: A history of the work of the Reverend Henry Budd conducted under the auspices of the Church Missionary Society, 1840-1875 Author: Pettipas, Katherine. Pub Year: 1972. Elizabeth Dafoe Library and Electronic Resources. .

The references to the Manitoba Métis Federation in any library catalogues are limited. There were two binders of Métis Traditional Land Studies at the Provincial Archives of Manitoba but none of the informants were remotely close to the study area. Access to the links to the local chapters that were contained in the Manitoba Métis Federation website appear have been shut down or under repair. 3.2.3.2 MMF The Pas Region Local # 33 Moose Lake

We found no relevant references in the University of Saskatchewan, the Provincial Archives of Manitoba or the Manitoba Legislative Library to this Local in any card catalogues. 3.2.3.3 MMF The Pas Region Local # 36 Red Deer Lake

We found no relevant references in the University of Saskatchewan, the Provincial Archives of Manitoba or the Manitoba Legislative Library to this Local in any card catalogues.

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3.3 GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS

3.3.1 Treaties

What follows is a section from Treaty 5, namely the adhesion signed in September 1875 listing chief and some councilors for the Band of Saulteaux and Swampy Cree Indians, residing at the "Pas," on the Saskatchewan River, Birch River, the Pas Mountain and File Lake, and known as "The Pas Band"; and at Cumberland Island, Sturgeon River, Angling River, Pine Bluff, Beaver Lake and the Ratty Country, and known as "The Cumberland Band"; and at Moose Lake and Cedar Lake, and known as "The Moose Lake Band".

ADHESION TO TREATY 5 BY SAULTEAUX OR CHIPPEWA AND CREE INDIANS

ARTICLE OF AGREEMENT AND ADHESION TO A TREATY made and concluded at Beren's River on the 20th day of September and at Norway House the 24th day of September, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five, between Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, by Her Commissioners, the Honourable Alexander Morris, Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Manitoba and the North-west Territories, and the Honourable James McKay, of the one part, and the Saulteaux and Swampy Cree Tribes of Indians, inhabitants of the country within the limits hereinafter defined and described, by their Chiefs, chosen and named as hereinafter mentioned, of the other part:

We, the Band of Saulteaux and Swampy Cree Indians, residing at the "Pas," on the Saskatchewan River, Birch River, the Pas Mountain and File Lake, and known as "The Pas Band"; and at Cumberland Island, Sturgeon River, Angling River, Pine Bluff, Beaver Lake and the Ratty Country, and known as "The Cumberland Band"; and at Moose Lake and Cedar Lake, and known as "The Moose Lake Band," having had communication of the aforesaid treaty, of which a true copy is hereunto annexed, hereby, and in consideration of the provisions of the said treaty being extended to us, transfer, surrender and relinquish to Her Majesty the Queen, Her heirs and successors, to and for the use of the Government of Canada, all our rights, title and privileges whatsoever, which we have or enjoy in the territory described in the said treaty and every part thereof, to have and to hold to the use of Her Majesty the Queen and Her heirs and successors forever.

And Her Majesty agrees, through Her representative as hereinafter named, to assign a reserve of sufficient area to allow one hundred and sixty acres to each family of five, or in that proportion for larger or smaller families, such reserves to be subject to the approval of Her Majesty's Government of the Dominion of Canada, and to be laid off and surveyed as soon as may be found practicable, in manner following, that is to say: For the "Pas" Band, a reserve on both sides of the Saskatchewan River at the "Pas"; but as the area of land fit for cultivation in that vicinity is very limited, and insufficient to allow of a reserve being laid off to meet the requirements of the Band, that the balance of such reserve shall be at "Birch River" and the "Pas Mountain"; for the "Cumberland Band" a reserve at "Cumberland Island," and as the land fit for cultivation there is also limited and insufficient to meet their requirements, that the balance of that reserve shall be at a point between the "Pine Bluff" and "Lime Stone Rock," on "Cumberland Lake"; and for the "Moose Lake Band" a reserve at the north end of "Moose Lake," called Little Narrows—reserving, however, to Her Majesty, Her heirs, successors, and Her subjects, the free navigation of all lakes and rivers, and free access to the shores thereof, and excepting thereout such land as may have

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been granted to or stipulated to be held by the Hudson's Bay Company at the Pas and Cumberland Island, and also such land as Her Majesty or Her successors may in their good pleasure see fit to grant to the missions established at the "Pas" and Cumberland Island by the Church Missionary Society, and the mission established at Cumberland Island by the Roman Catholic Church; and provided Her Majesty, Her heirs and successors, reserve the right to deal with any settlers within the bounds of any lands reserved for any Band as She shall deem fit.

And the said Indians, represented herein by their Chiefs and Councillors, presented as such by the Bands, do hereby agree to accept the several provisions, payments, and other benefits, as stated in the said treaty, and solemnly promise and engage to abide by, carry out and fulfil all stipulations, obligations and conditions therein contained, on the part of the said Chiefs and Indians therein named, to be observed and performed, and in all things to conform to the articles of the said treaty, as if we ourselves had been originally contracting parties thereto.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the Honourable Thomas Howard, acting herein for Her Majesty under special authority of the Honourable Alexander Morris, Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and of the North-west Territories, and Chief Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Manitoba Superintendency, and the said Chiefs and Councillors, have hereunto subscribed and set their hands at the "Pas," on the Saskatchewan River, this seventh day of September, in the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-six.

Signed by the Chiefs and Councillors within named, in the presence of the following witnesses, the treaty and this adhesion, having been first read and explained by the Rev. Henry Cochrane:

H. BELLANGER, DONALD COOK, Sr., HENRY COCHRANE, Missionary, Councillors. CHARLES D. RICKARDS, CHARLES ADAMS, C. Clk., H.B. Co., "Cumberland" Band. WALTER R. NURSEY, JOHN COCHRANE, Chief, JOHN CLEMONS PETER CHAPMAN, THOMAS NIXON, Jr., ALBERT FLETT, ROBERT BALLENDINE, Councillors. A. M. MUCKLE, J.P. THOS. HOWARD, [L.S.] "Moose Lake" Band. "Pas Band". O-TIN-IK-IM-AW, Chief, JOHN CONSTANT, Chief, MA-IK-WUH-E-HA-POW, JAMES COOK, Sr., WA-ME-KWUW-UH-OP, JOHN BELL, Jr., KA-CHA-CHUCK-OOS, PETER BELL, Councillor

This Adhesion to Treaty describes the people that had been involved in the fur trade in the region and provides a historic link to the land area that they considered their territory.

3.3.2 Online Resources

Wildlife Management Zone: Zone 58

The following is the only reference to Zone 58 on the Ministry of Environment website:

DRAW MOOSE - Saskatchewan Residents Only Quotas Subject to Change

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Archery, Muzzleloader/Crossbow and Rifle Oct. 1 - Oct. 14 and Nov. 1 - Nov. 14 One moose, either-sex. Moose requires only one draw application. When applying for moose, select antlerless and either-sex moose by using appropriate zones. Tentative 2012 license quotas for either-sex moose: 1(10), 2(20), 4(25), 6(75), 10(15), 12(10), 13(15), 14(20), 17(25), 18(15), 19(25), 20(50), 21(25), 22(25), 23(50), 24(50), 25(10), 26(10), 27(25), 28(25), 29(25), 30(15), 31(25), 32(25), 33(75), 34(60), 35(25), 36(25), 37(25), 38(25), 39(50), 40(75), 41(25), 42(150), 44(25), 45(50), 46(75), 47(30), 48(350), 49(350), 53(50), 54(50), 56(250), 57(150), 58(25), 59(200), 60(75), 61(75), 62(50), 63(50), 64(50), 65(50), 66(50), 67(100), 68S(50), DM(50), GP(25), FLC(150), SMZ(10).

Forest Management License Agreement Area: Pasquia Porcupine

The following are excerpts from “Saskatchewan Environment, 1998, Pasquia / Porcupine Integrated Forest Land Use Plan, Background Document” regarding Aboriginal harvesting rights, consultation and traditional land use. Though some of the information may be dated, we reproduce much of it here as it is at least archival in its treatment of the subject and at best, an example of the inclusion of an approach to aboriginal interests in the region prior to Haida Nation v. British Columbia (Minister of Forests), [2004] 3 S.C.R. 511, which established the “duty to consult with Aboriginal peoples and accommodate their interests" This duty is grounded in the honour of the Crown, and applies even where title has not been proven. The scope of this duty will vary with the circumstances; the duty will escalate proportionately to the strength of the claim for a right or title and the seriousness of the potential effect upon the claimed right or title (Supreme Court of Canada 2004). This Duty is a corollary of Section 35 of the Constitution Act of 1982 regarding the “Honour of the Crown” regarding Aboriginal interests.

Pertinent sections follow:

Section 1.2.3 Aboriginal Participation

The Planning team recognized that lands within the planning area have special significance to Aboriginal peoples. They further recognized that the legal status of Aboriginal peoples is unique, that Aboriginal and Treaty Rights are protected, and that Aboriginal peoples possess special knowledge and insights concerning sustainable land management derived from traditional practices and experience. Aboriginal forest users and communities thus required particular consideration in the public participation process.

Section 2.3 Wildlife Recent court decisions, which increased the number of people legally considered to have aboriginal hunting rights, expanded the number of hunters both from within and outside the Province that could hunt year long. The impact of this expanded hunting opportunity in the planning area is difficult to assess, but the numbers of hunters afield and animals harvested was noticeably higher.

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3.1.3 Cultural Values

Forests are an important part of our identity as a nation and a province. For many Aboriginal people, forests have been their home for thousands of years, shaping their culture and traditions. The planning area contains numerous traditional cultural areas, including areas for hunting, trapping and gathering, ceremonial grounds and burial sites.

3.1.5 Archaeological Sites

Archaeological and heritage sites within the forest provide insights and information about our past. Archaeological sites are fragile and non-renewable. They have potential scientific, historical, ethnic, religious, social or other special symbolic or cultural value, and need to be preserved for the public good to be recognized, understood and appreciated. Archaeological sites may also have economic development potential as public educational, scientific and recreational tourism resources. Archaeological heritage sites contain physical remains and other evidence of past human activity by different people over time and through changing environments. These sites may date from initial aboriginal settlement of the province some 10,000 years ago through to the early historic (post-contact) period. They include ancient aboriginal campsites and gathering areas, animal kill sites, quarry and stone tool manufacturing sites, burials and other ceremonial or sacred sites, fur trade posts, historic settlements and trails, and early homesteads and trappers’ cabins.

3.2.2.2 Furbearers

About 20 species form the basis of the Saskatchewan trapping industry, including beaver, muskrat, mink, lynx, fox, coyote, squirrel, raccoon, black bear, wolf, weasel, marten, fisher, otter, wolverine, skunk and badger. The wild fur industry, the oldest commercial use of natural resources in Saskatchewan, is declining. While annual harvests have always been affected by species distribution, human access, weather conditions (particularly fall and winter), traditions and customs, and incentives to trap, marketing boycotts and lifestyle changes are causing the overall downward trend. Until European settlement, North American Indians were not economically interested in the pelts of many of the furbearers. Traditional lifestyles meant that larger animals, such as ungulates, were more valuable than smaller furbearers, except possibly beaver and snowshoe hare. European trade items provided incentive to trap furbearers, with beaver most in demand.

In 1946-47 the Fur Conservation Program was started, setting out 95 fur conservation areas still used today (see Figure 3-10). The goal was to bring about the recovery of beaver, and to structure an orderly trapline management system to reduce conflicts and maintain forest traplines as a commercial entity. Original provincial membership was about 3,000 (1,400 Treaty Indians, 1,400 Métis, 300 non-aboriginal). Present trapper numbers, provincially, are between 2,000 and 3,000.

5.1 Aboriginal Interests

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Aboriginal peoples who live in the planning area, or who have traditionally used resources of the Planning Area, are Treaty (Status) Indians, non-Status Indians and Métis. The term ‘First Nations’ describes those peoples who were the earliest inhabitants of the lands of Canada and with whom the treaties were entered into with the Government of Canada.

Treaty Indians are descendants from Indian people whose bands signed treaties. Status Indian means that they are registered by the federal government and have special rights and privileges as explained in the Indian Act and Constitution of Canada. Non-status Indians are people who identify themselves as Indian people, but for some reason, do not have status under the Indian Act. Although there is no legal definition for Métis, it is a French word meaning ‘mixed blood’. Today, Métis includes people who are descendants of Indian and non-Aboriginal people. Métis are generally not registered Indians.

5.1.1 History

Human occupation in the Pasquia/Porcupine planning area dates back approximately 10,000 years. Historic populations include the Plains Cree, Swampy Cree and Saulteaux (Ojibwa) First Nations. Traditional territories do not coincide with contemporary Manitoba-Saskatchewan provincial boundaries, or with established treaty areas. Within the planning area, Swampy Cree people lived in the northeast; Plains Cree lived in the northwest, centre and southwest; and Saulteaux people lived in the southeast. These traditional boundaries are still recognized by First Nations.

The Cree and Saulteaux peoples interacted, but maintained geographic and cultural differences. Neighbouring peoples from the north and south came into the planning area to trade: Thickwoods Cree lived immediately north of the planning area, and Assiniboine lived south in adjoining parklands.

Traditional languages differ among the various First Nation peoples. The languages used by Plains and Swampy Cree are different dialects of Cree. Saulteaux and Cree languages are distinct. Many people still speak their traditional language.

First direct contact between First Nations and Europeans occurred around 1690. Before contact, traditional land use activities included hunting, gathering and ceremonies. The base of the Indian economy was hunting and gathering; furs were used mostly for domestic purposes such as clothing. Trapping became an important economic activity only after the establishment of permanent fur-trading posts in the area in the 1790s.

Between 1874 and 1876, the Federal government and First Nations signed treaties to address fears of conflicts arising from increasing white immigration and settlement in lands traditionally occupied by Indians. After treaties were signed, many First Nations people were resettled onto lands designated as reserve land. Non-status Indians and Métis peoples also lived in this area. Although cultural similarities existed between Métis and First Nations peoples, each population maintained distinctions unique to their specific cultural identity.

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Section 91(24) of the Constitution Act, 1867, placed responsibility for “Indians and lands reserved for the Indians” within the jurisdiction of the Federal Government. In 1930, the Natural Resources Transfer Agreement (NRTA), which was made part of the constitution, passed ownership of Crown lands and resources from the federal to the Saskatchewan government. The Minister of Environment and Resource Management has legal responsibility for the conservation, protection, preservation, and sustainable management of renewable resources on all Crown lands and other lands designated under the NRTA.

The signing of treaties marked the beginning of dramatic changes for Aboriginal peoples; lifestyle, language, education, economics and land use were all affected. Today, many aboriginal people gain support from the land by hunting, fishing, trapping, outfitting, forest harvesting, berry picking, gathering medicinal plants, and traditional and ceremonial pursuits.

5.1.2 Aboriginal Rights

5.1.2.1 The Treaties

Ten First Nations are associated with the planning area and these treaties. They do not all have reserves within the planning area, but have traditionally used lands within the planning area. The First Nations are covered by Treaties 4, 5 and 6.

The treaties are agreements between the federal Crown and First Nations, which define Aboriginal treaty rights through judicial interpretation (which is an on-going process), and include a fiduciary obligation on the federal Crown to First Nations peoples. This means that the Crown has a duty to act in the best interests of the Indians. The Province assures Treaty rights to hunting, trapping and fishing for food at all seasons of the year on all unoccupied Crown lands, and on any other lands to which Indians may have a right of access.

5.1.2.2 Métis Nations and Non-Status Indians

The rights of Métis and non-status Indians are largely undefined, but do have constitutional status via Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982. Clarification of their rights and obligations of the federal government is expected through political and legal processes.

This has since been clarified by R. v. Powley March 17; 2003: September 19.:

“The respondents, who are members of a Métis community near Sault Ste. Marie, were acquitted of unlawfully hunting a moose without a hunting license and with knowingly possessing game hunted in contravention of ss. 46 and 47(1) of Ontario’s Game and Fish Act. The trial judge found that the members of the Métis community in and around Sault Ste. Marie have, under s. 35(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982, an aboriginal right to hunt for food that is infringed without justification by the Ontario hunting legislation. The Superior Court of Justice

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AANDC adds: “The Powley decision deals only with the Métis community in and around Sault Ste. Marie, although it does establish a legal test to determine the Aboriginal rights of other Métis groups. To establish their Aboriginal rights, Métis individuals or groups must demonstrate that they meet the legal tests set out in the Powley decision” (http://www.aadnc- aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100014419/1100100014420)

In conversation with Randy Carlson, Conservation Officer, Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment, Hudson Bay Field Station, we learned that Métis Local #114 at Hudson Bay has yet to enter an agreement with the Provincial Government regarding the Aboriginal right to harvest. We have not confirmed this with representatives of the Métis Local.

Returning to the document “Saskatchewan Environment. 1998. Pasquia / Porcupine Integrated Forest Land Use Plan, Background Document”:

5.1.3 Aboriginal Peoples' Perspectives on Land Use

Because Aboriginal peoples possess a unique heritage and Aboriginal rights, which are not held by other Canadians, it is appropriate to recognize and discuss Aboriginal perspectives on land use. Aboriginal ties to the land are old and strong. Living intimately with the land and adapting to its environment resulted in a distinctive lifestyle and belief system. Although many Aboriginal people today have absorbed various aspects of Euro- Canadian culture, they have not lost their traditional understandings and some are looking to direct their lives with traditional belief systems.

5.1.3.1 Traditional Understandings about Land Use

Traditional understandings teach about land use, in ways that are often different from today’s ways of doing things. The following is a summary of principles taken from Practising the Law of Circular Interaction, First Nations Environment and Conservation Principles, produced by Indian Governments of Saskatchewan and Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations in 1993.

The environment was shaped and created by the Creator, and modified by Mother Earth’s forces. Mother Earth encompasses all life forms. Animals, Plants, Water, Wind and Sun are seen as Life-giving and are considered sacred. They are not seen as natural resources. Minerals are a part of Mother Earth’s being. All life forms are interdependent. No matter how small, every life form is considered important, significant, and a contributing factor, of and to the environment. The hierarchy of existence on this planet is: the Creator, Mother Earth, Plants, Animals, and Man. The needs of animal and plant life forms come first, and are to be respected. Humanity is totally dependent on all life forms for its existence. Indian spiritual values are based on the Law of Nature. Nature is the Indian people’s greatest teacher. The Indian people understand the delicate balance of the food chain, of which they are a part. They study and know the interactions that take place within Nature. The people merge into these interactions, with as little disturbance as possible. Mother Earth is not for sale. Mother Earth is a Life-Giving Force, and her gift of life is for everyone, not only for those who can afford it. Any change on Mother Earth

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has an effect on all life forms. It is not man’s place to modify Mother Earth. All Life forms adapt to Mother Earth’s forces. Mother Earth’s events, not human intervention, should direct the rate of succession. The supporting capacity of Mother Earth should be determined by climatic, geological, biological and/or behavioural factors and not by human intervention. Indian People do not attempt to manage Animal or Plant Life Forms. Indian People do not alter their environment to suit their needs. They adjust to the environment. Traditionally, some mineral, animal and plant life forms, were exchanged for survival and ceremonial reasons. Hunting and Fishing were seen as survival, not recreation.

Respect is a key to the survival of all Animal, Plant and Human Life. The values, ethics and historical traditions of the Indian people are reflected in their ceremonies, rituals and revered attitudes towards animal and plant life forms. Conservation is based on Respect for all plant and animal life forms, and taking only what is needed.

5.1.3.2 Aboriginal Peoples’ Perspectives on Land Use Planning

When Métis and First Nation Peoples were asked about their concerns and issues regarding land use planning for the Pasquia/Porcupine area, some expressed concerns that land use planning and Aboriginal rights cannot be separated, because both planning and rights are associated with the use of the land. The Canadian and Saskatchewan governments feel that land use planning and Aboriginal rights are separate issues and should be treated as such. It is not within the mandate of the Land Use Plan to interpret Aboriginal or Treaty rights outside of existing court decisions. Discussions on self- government or land jurisdiction issues need to be resolved in political and legal processes separate from the Land Use Plan. Land use planning requires identification, acknowledgement, understanding and evaluation of all issues that are deemed important by resource users. SERM met with Métis and First Nations to learn about their concerns. The following summary attempts to describe what has been heard:

Prior to European contact, Indian cultures had a close relationship with animals and plants. Their spiritual beliefs are interconnected with all of nature. With the depletion of animals, and the restrictions from living on Indian reserves, the relationship with nature has suffered. Indian people still depend on animals and plants to supply a part of their requirements for food, medicine and clothing. Decisions regarding wildlife are handled by local, provincial, and federal governments, and private land owners. Indian people have not been involved in the decision making. Humanity has not taken the time to learn and understand the environment from its sources; learning is from books. Mankind has been taking without putting something back into Mother Earth. The abuse of plants and animals and the pollution of Mother Earth, must stop.

Aboriginal peoples are concerned about the well-being of their communities. Socioeconomic standards of living vary among Aboriginal people, and these standards are typically lower than those of non-Aboriginal people. To recapture the health and vitality of their communities, Aboriginal people believe they must take control of their own lives. They need self-government, land, and its resources to do that. The treaties, in the context of Canadian law, are the tools by which to gain their rights to the land. It was expressed that Treaty rights include: 1) traditional use of the land and its resources (hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering), and 2) more control, by Aboriginal people, over the land and its resources. The traditional uses and increased control are seen as fundamental to the future well-being of Aboriginal communities. It is for this

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reason that Aboriginal peoples seek to control their involvement by making decisions regarding the use of the land and its resources Saskatchewan Environment, 1998)

“Public Consultation Plan for Pasquia Porcupine 2010 – 2030 Management Plan (Weyerhaeuser 2009) indicates that Metis Nation Eastern Region II and the Prince Albert Grand Council are represented on the Planning Team. The Public Advisory Group includes H25 Trappers, James Smith Cree Nation, Key, Cote, Keeseekose First Nations, Northern Village of Cumberland House, Prince Albert Grand Council, and Yellow Quill Frist Nation. Red Earth/Shoal Lake First Nation receive correspondence from the group as well. It is possible that relevant information about traditional land use in the study area or about the consultation process has come from this Planning Team and Advisory Group.

Fur Block Conservation Areas: H-25, 101

The following lists show the returns from trapping in the area in 2006-7. The study area is in H101.

H-101 OTOSQUEN (Non-aboriginal WEASEL 67 $655.26 trappers in study area 2006-7) WOLF 3 $498.90 BEAVER 63 $1,883.07 FCA Total: 389 $17,592.50 COYOTE 14 $608.86 FISHER 40 $3,878.00 H-025 FIR RIVER (Aboriginal trappers not FOX – RED 7 $168.63 in study area 2006-7) LYNX 13 $2,350.79 BEAVER 86 $2,570.54 MARTEN 64 $6,856.96 FISHER 2 $193.90 MINK 1 $28.94 MARTEN 2 $214.28 MUSKRAT 43 $324.22 MUSKRAT 13 $98.02 OTTER 1 $184.94 WOLF 4 $665.20 RACCOON 4 $56.64 FCA Total: 107 $3,741.94 SQUIRREL 69 $97.29

Provincial Forest: Pasquia Porcupine

“Report on Saskatchewan’s Provincial Forests”, Government of Saskatchewan, 2007 in its Framework of Sustainable Forest Management Criteria and Indicators states that Society’s Responsibility is fair and effective resource management respecting Aboriginal and Treaty Rights to ensure these Rights are respected within the context of planning and implementing forest activities. Further, Aboriginal Traditional Land Use and Forest-Based Ecological Knowledge must be protected and incorporated in planning.

Rural Municipality: Hudson Bay

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We found no relevant information in our search of online databases regarding Hudson Bay RM No. 394

Representative Areas: Pasquia River

Overflowing River The Overflowing River Representative Area site is 550 hectares in size and captures two enduring feature types in the Mid-boreal Lowland Ecoregion; a low bog complex and an upland forest type. The area lies to the east of and captures part of the Overflowing River supporting mostly black spruce and tamarack forest. Where drainage is better, mixed wood forests of white spruce and trembling aspen occur. One of the most important features of this site is the rock outcrops that can be found here. This is rare in an ecoregion that is mostly lowland bogs and fens.

Pasquia River This large bog complex in the Mid-boreal Lowland Ecoregion is 5,100 hectares in size and captures well-developed ancient peat bogs. The site is important as a benchmark for the peat extraction that is occurring just to the west of the site. The site may contain provincially rare plants given the ancient bog complex. To date, no rare plants have been reported in the area. The predominant forest cover for the site is black spruce.

3.4 ARCHIVES (MAPS, PHOTOGRAPHS AND DOCUMENTS)

3.4.1 Hudson Bay Company Archives (Winnipeg)

The HBC records reflect a changing land use by both the local First Nation groups and the European fur traders through time. Specifically, following the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) decision to construct trade posts in the northwest interior in the late 1770s to compete with Canadian traders based in Montreal, there was a large dependency on the local population for furs and provisions. By the early 1800s this changed, as amalgamation of the North West Company (NWC) and the HBC reduced the intense rivalry that had existed between the two companies and the local FN groups no longer had the option to seek the best return for their furs from either establishment. Also during the 1800s, there was a major depletion of beaver in the area and alternate fur bearing animals, primarily the muskrat, were trapped. The muskrat population was extremely cyclical and was subject to successive years of disease and death that resulted from low water levels within the Saskatchewan River system during the early part of the nineteenth century. The signing of treaty in 1875 and the attempt by the Canadian government to keep the FN families on the reserves that were created in the study area also caused a change in the way the study area was occupied. The government’s attempt to make the Reserves self-sufficient based primarily on agricultural pursuits is well documented by the HBC, as this policy was obstreperous to the collection of furs during certain times of the year and also decreased the amount of provisions that could be sold by the FN families to the HBC. During the early 1900s there was a gradual depletion of the fur bearing animals throughout the general area as well as a global decline in the demand for furs.

One attribute of the fur trade economic relationship between the local population and the HBC that was not altered during the 150 years of commercial dealings was the latter’s policy of

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advancing goods on credit to the former group. This usually resulted in debts being amassed annually by families as the return for the furs collected or provisions supplied were usually insufficient to cancel the credit advanced. This was especially the case during years of poor hunting and trapping seasons.

Cumberland House was the first inland trade post to be constructed by the HBC. Samuel Hearn, in his Cumberland House journal for 1774 to 1775, describes the area of the junction of the present-day Pasquia and Saskatchewan rivers as an area “bared from all kinds of woods”. He goes on to describe a spot up river from the mouth of the Pasquia River as having higher banks and a better supply of wood. He also describes berry bushes so interwoven that it was with great difficulty to walk through them. The berries chiefly consist of cherries, raspberries, and black currents.

Hearn camped at the mouth of a small creek about 3 km above the Pasquia River where a fishing weir had been constructed. He lists pike, sturgeon, carp, perch and burbot as being caught. On September 7, 1774 Hearn began construction of Cumberland House on present- day Cumberland Lake. On April 9, 1775, he was visited by Shaw-Gob-A-Nis-Com with about 90 followers who were on their way through the area to build canoes. On May 23rd 1775, 20 canoes of FN from the “Buffalo Country” came and landed at Cumberland House. They were en route to York Factory with furs to trade. This shows that the study area was not only accessed by local FN groups but also by other FN groups from the western interior. The Cumberland House journal entry for September 18 1784 states that two FN men arrived from the “barren ground”. It is assumed this refers to the extreme northern portion of present-day northeastern Saskatchewan or northwestern Manitoba.

The Cumberland House journals during the period of 1774 to the late 1790s indicate that, during the summer, river traffic by FN people was fairly steady. Generally one or two canoes would arrive at the post and traded furs and either dried or “green” meat for European goods such as ammunition and what is generically described as “iron works”. The meat was identified as either red deer, which was probably elk, moose and bear.

As would be expected, the daily traffic to the post decreased significantly during the winter. The October 16th 1784 Cumberland House Journal entry states that the FN people at the post were outfitted to make ready to go away to their winter quarters. There is, however, no mention of where these winter quarters were located. An entry in the Red Deer River Post journal for September 13th 1812, states that the people there were preparing to go to the “Indian Elbow” for the winter. Winter travel was accomplished using either dogsled or snowshoes. The use of dogsleds enabled FN people to access areas that were well removed from the major river courses such as the study area as minor rivers and creeks could be travelled.

The 1815 Report on Cumberland district describes the country from Cedar Lake to Cumberland as so low in elevation that in seasons of high water it is almost inundated the greatest part of the summer. The area from Cumberland House south to the Pasquia Hills was noted as a continuous chain of lakes and swamps starting from about 16 km above or upstream of the post down to Cedar Lake. This area is characterized by little vegetation with a few stands of poplar and pine spots where the ground was more elevated.

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By 1815, the beaver had been over trapped in the area and were in serious decline. The principal furs harvested thereafter were the muskrat and the marten. It is also noted that the area had an abundant supply of moose and what was identified as reindeer, but probably elk. It was further stated that these resources form the principal part of the food that the FN people harvested. This was also a good area for wild game and avifauna in the spring and fall. The geese passed through the area at the beginning of May until the beginning of June and then return again at the beginning of September until the middle of October.

Fishing in the rivers and streams also provided a major source of the food for both the Europeans and the FN. Nets were used to collect the fish and were generally checked every other day. In the early winter, there was a short time when net setting had to be suspended until the ice was of sufficient thickness to allow one or two men to walk from the shoreline. At Cumberland House, the lake was usually frozen over by the beginning of November and was generally ice free by the end of May. The Saskatchewan River was generally ice free at the beginning of May. These same dates would probably also apply to the Pasquia River.

The 1815 Cumberland House Journal provide insights into the population of the area at that time. It stated that there were about 110 families in the district and nearly half of them were described as “newcomers” from York Factory, North River, and what was referred to as the “Rat Country” to the north of Cumberland House. During the winter, they lived together in small family groups and traversed the study area hunting moose and were never in the same place for more than approximately two weeks.

During the early 1800s, the HBC operated posts at Cumberland House, Red Deer River, and Moose Lake. The Red Deer River post was only operated in 1812 to 1813 and, thereafter, groups from the Red Deer River and Swan River traded at Moose Lake. Also during this period, the NWC had posts at Cumberland and Moon Lake. There were about 35 families who traded with the NWC at Cumberland and about 15 at Moon Lake.

The 1819 district report for Cumberland House lists about 50 families who traded at that spot. One of these was a man named Peenpi-A-Washus, who was described as a physician and a conjurer. This suggests that medicinal plants and herbs would have been gathered in season by this man and any others who performed similar duties amongst the other family groups. Fur returns for 1819 list beaver, black bear, brown bear, grizzly, cats, fishers, silver fox, cross fox, red fox, white fox, muskrat, martins, minks, otters, rabbits, wolves and wolverines. Goose and swan quills were also listed as being collected.

The 1824 Cumberland House District report noted that there was a large reduction in the muskrat returns due to a drop of water levels throughout the district. This drop in water levels was first noted in the 1822 report and continued throughout the 1820s. It was stated that clear lakes and rivers were not favorable habitat for muskrats as they preferred stagnant water. However, during periods of low water levels in the river system, the stagnated ponds became toxic. Muskrats reported to be found dead in heaps with no visible signs of suffering. It was also noted in the 1824 report the people from the Red Deer and Swan River areas who had previously been trading at Moose Lake, had left the area due to the poor return of muskrat. As a result of Moose Lake post was closed after 1824 for a lengthy period of time.

Water levels on the Saskatchewan River system began to rise in 1825 and continued so in 1826. However it took several years before the muskrat population rebounded. In the interim,

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Results October 20, 2012 the HBC encouraged FN to trap martens. This strategy was met with limited success. Fur returns for muskrats were extremely variable during the period of the late 1820s to the 1870s as the population cycled based on water levels.

During the 1870s and 1880s independent traders moved into the area and this not only created competition for the HBC but also placed a further stress on the annual for returns. The 1885 Cumberland house district report lists that as of 1881, when a census of the local population was completed, there were 355 Cree at Cumberland House, 707 at The Pas and 261 at Moose Lake.

The period from 1885 to the early 1890s witnessed a continued decrease in the muskrat population at Cumberland House and The Pas. In addition, there was a noted decrease in the overall health of the FN population in the study area. For example in 1890, the Moose and Cedar Lake areas had an outbreak of influenza and 17 people died. There was also a failure of the local fisheries at that time. The decline in the muskrat resulted in other species of fur bearing animals to be trapped throughout the area. The annual returns begin to list an increase in ermine, skunk and squirrel. Isinglass, a transparent, almost pure gelatin prepared from the air bladder of the sturgeon and certain other fishes and used as an adhesive and a clarifying agent, also becomes listed as part of the annual returns.

In the early 1890s, the HBC established the Pas Mountain post on the Red Mud Reserve on the Carrot River and at Shoal Lake. By 1893, a trail had been established that connected the Cumberland House post with the Pas Mountain outpost. The advantage of having HBC stores on reserves was the ability to not only conduct for trade transactions but also cash transactions for goods particularly after treaty monies were dispersed. By way of example, the June 21st 1930 Journal entry for Pas Mountain states that it was a busy day in the store and the store clerk collected about two thirds of the treaty monies that had been paid out the day previous.

The Pas Post District Report for 1890 to 1891 states that the spring hunt of 1891 was one of the most unfavorable in the past 20 years particularly for muskrat. This was augmented by a poor fishery season in the previous fall. It goes on to note that when the people could've gone to trap muskrats they were ordered onto the reserve by the Indian agent to attend to their gardens.

In summary, the archival records indicate that during the period between 1774 and 1800 the seasonal round of the study area inhabitants was not greatly altered by the expansion of the fur trade into the area. The HBC posts seemed to be greatly dependent on the FN families not only for the supply of furs but also for provisions. The main food source was moose and elk, with bear, beaver and occasionally bison also mentioned. There are only minimal references to FN groups supplying fish to the HBC as company employees seemed to spend a majority of their time setting nets and collecting fish. The FN groups do not appear to have congregated at the posts for any lengthy period of time during the summer and dispersed across the landscape just prior to the onset of winter.

The post-1800 period witnessed the extermination of the beaver and a focus on the muskrat. This animal was subject to cyclical population levels and was adversely affected by low water levels on the Saskatchewan River during the first two decades of the nineteenth century. This, in turn, proved to be the onset of difficult times for the local FN groups who had become accustomed to HBC trade goods and also indebted to the company for said goods. The effect

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Results October 20, 2012 of this depressed economy on land use within the Pasquia Bog area is not known. This area was probably accessed by canoe on the Pasquia River in the summer seasons and by dog team in the winter.

3.4.2 Saskatchewan Archives Board

The Pasquia, Cedar Lake and Carrot River Sectional Maps show trails that predate the township survey, some of which come quite near the study area (Figures 2 and 3).

Department of Natural Resources fonds: Department of Interior, Forestry Branch is a collection of correspondence, accounts, forms, maps and receipts from 1931 to 1948 in the Pasquia Porcupine Forest Preserve.

Three important items have been gleaned from these records:

Travel permits were required during extreme fire seasons in the forest. The following illustrates traditional gathering activities occurred, as they were denied:

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There is correspondence regarding First Nation wage labour on fire-fighting crews (and short- changing them) as well. See below.

Photo 4 Courtesy Saskatchewan Archives Board.

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Further, there are references to First Nations wage labour and residence on a local “illegal” ranch about 60 km northwest of the study area in the autumn of 1933. The “rancher” Haggerty has asked local First Nations to help with putting up hay. See below.

Photo 5 Courtesy Saskatchewan Archives Board.

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3.5 LIBRARIES (REFERENCE BOOKS AND LOCAL HISTORIES)

3.5.1 Saskatoon Public Library, Local History Room.

We reviewed “Valley Echoes” by the Hudson Bay & District. Cultural Society (1982).

3.5.2 Hudson Bay Public Library/Museum

There is no local history room at the Hudson Bay Public Library and no relevant archives at the Hudson Bay Museum.

3.5.2.1 Hudson Bay

“Valley Echoes” (1982) reports, that en route from the Pas to the Red Deer River in 1690, Henry Kelsey: “From this point they started on foot, going due south through swampy, wet areas”. This likely the first written reference to the bog area east of the Pasquia Hills and north of the Red Deer River and is very near the study area. Kelsey was, of course, guided by Crees involved in the fur trade, suggesting that they were familiar with this country.

The fur trade history of the region is summarized in Section 3.4.1 above.

Fast forward to the 20th century and the arrival of the east-west CPR in 1903 and the opening of the CNR north from Hudson Bay Junction and the region was opened up to land survey, settlement and logging (HB & District Cultural Society 1982). This is when the sidings of Ceba, Chemong, Otosquen and Cantyre, among others, were established.

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Photo 6 Portion of 1901 map showing surveyed timber berths and the rail ending at Erwood (HB & District Cultural Society 1982).

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The 1918-23 Department of interior Sectional Map Sheets Pasquia, Cedar Lake and Carrot River show surveyed trails that were likely historic fur trade routes. One in particular runs north from Erwood past Leaf Lake through very swampy country. It is likely that this was a winter trail.

The history book describes the Department of Interior Forestry Branch and its system of Patrol Cabins as well as the saw mills and lumber companies that sprang up with the coming of the rail. Below is a sketch from Valley Echoes.

Photo 7 Sketch of Great West Lumber Company at Greenbush (HB & District Cultural Society 1982).

Note the “Indian Encampment” at the lower right. The notation is “Greenbush Joe + Mrs. Joe + family lived here. Their daughter Maggie married Indian Jim Wapushuis”. Greenbush is, of course, many miles from the study area but this information suggests that First Nations camped near forestry operations. If they did so at Otosquen Patrol Cabin, that would put traditional harvesters near the study area at the turn of the 20th century. We have, however, found no direct evidence of such an encampment.

3.5.2.2 Ceba

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There is no community history available for Ceba.

3.5.2.3 Chemong

There is no community history available for Chemong.

3.5.2.4 Otosquen

There is no community history available for Otosquen.

3.5.2.5 Cantyre

There is no community history available for Cantyre

3.6 ARCHAEOLOGY

There are no archaeological resources in the study area. Figure 2 shows that there are several concentrated at the foot of the Pasquia Hills along the beach ridges. These are a series of scatters of precontact stone tool making debris. Archaeologists currently lack the technology to discover whether archaeological resources exist beneath the bog.

3.7 CONSERVATION OFFICER INTERVIEWS

We interviewed Randy Carlson, Conservation Officer (current), Hudson Bay Field Station, Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment. Gary Harrison, Conservation Officer, Hudson Bay 1980 to 1993 and Tom Mord, Provincial Forester, Hudson Bay, 1976 to 1993. All three report no knowledge of hunting activities in the peat harvest area during their time at Hudson Bay.

Randy Carlson reports that the three trappers active in Block H-101 are not aboriginal harvesters. He also reports that the President of Block H-25 (Pasquia Hills), Francis Nippi of Kinistin FN, is not aware of traditional harvesting in the bog as it is “too swampy” (Randy Carlson pers. comm. 2012)

Rick Dolezsar is the Hudson Bay Town Administrator and an active member of the Hudson Bay Snowmobile Club. He has traversed the bog on snowmobile and reports observing no evidence of wildlife or hunting activities in the peat harvest area.

3.8 FORESTRY INDUSTRY REPORTS AND INTERVIEWS

The document was prepared based on Map Biographies of Elders gathered by local fieldworkers in each of 8 First Nations communities and Metis Regions I and II. No Manitoba

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First Nations were included in this study. The success rate of this process is reported as low. One of the reasons is that, over the past 50 years (from 1997) “fewer and fewer people have been going into the bush”. Another difficulty arose from the discrepancy between traditional and modern place names.

Of greatest concern in this study were sacred sites that created the paradox of the hesitancy of the Elders to speak of them, let alone map their locations against the need to conserve these areas by avoiding them through accurate locational information. Country burials, though of high significance, were also difficult to map due to the passage of time, the lack of precision in locational descriptions and the more sedentary lifestyles of aboriginal peoples since Treaty time.

The current occupants of the region are primarily Swampy Cree (Cumberland House and Shoal Lake) and Plains Cree (James Smith and Red Earth). Saulteaux are more southern (e.g. Yellow Quill). The largest Metis community near the study area is Cumberland House.

The study does not identify Aboriginal trapping activities south of the railway. Historic bloc A- 109 (Kew 1962) is bounded on the south by the railway and on the north by the Carrot River.

The only reference to historic occupation in the study area is as follows “In the 1800s, it appears that one Cree group utilized the lower Red Deer Valley and the lower Saskatchewan River Delta from the eastern portion of the Pasquia Hills to Moose Lake. Their westernmost representatives were the ancestors of the Shoal Lake Cree” (Saskfor MacMillan 1997).

The route currently occupied by Highway 9 from Hudson Bay to Overflowing River is a traditional travel route as reported by Elders of the James Smith First Nation. Trails on the east side of the Pasquia Hills follow the higher, drier ground of ancient beach ridges. The report describes no trails through the Pasquia Bog.

The report states that fur trapping occupied only a brief part of the year for First Nations in the region and that trap blocks were routinely shared with family members. The Elders at the time of the study had spent their lives in the bush, were considered repositories of the oral tradition and were resources for the summer “cultural camps” becoming increasingly popular.

The report indicates that traditional use of the land does not depend on maintaining cabins in the bush. In fact, east of the Pasquia Hills the trapping blocks are held by Eurocanadians, which discourages Aboriginal harvesting in this area (Saskfor MacMillan 1997).

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4.0 Discussion

From the documents we have reviewed we can report that there is well documented evidence of a long history of traditional resource use in the region. We have, however found no specific reference to the precise footprint of the peat harvest area. First Nations have been living in the area since Glacial Lake Agassiz occupied what is now the study area (Amundson and Enns- Kavanagh, 2011) and occupied the beach ridges at the west margin of the bog for all of precontact time.

With the 1690 arrival of Henry Kelsey, precontact history ends in the region and the fur trade begins in earnest. In just over a century the fur trade depleted the region of beaver suggesting that trappers ventured into the last refuges of these fur bearers, including the creeks and ponds of the Pasquia bog. The bog, however, will not easily reveal tangible evidence, if any, of peoples’ presence there. Fur trade journals record that area First Nations harvested meat (moose and elk), fish and medicinal and food plants for their subsistence beyond commercial trapping.

Twentieth century archival records hint at traditional gathering activities, First Nations encampments, fire-fighting and haying, but again, without specific locational information.

With the construction of a road, however, it is the considered opinion of resource managers that the new access may make it more feasible for traditional harvesters to venture into the bog.

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Recommendations October 20, 2012

5.0 Recommendations

Specific information regarding Traditional Land Use within the exact footprint of the peat harvest area is likely only available by interviewing traditional harvesters or reviewing Traditional Land Use studies that have already been compiled by Aboriginal stakeholders. Attempts to communicate with the first nations groups that had showed interest to the project have been made. The attempts to communicate are in the EIS.

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Sources October 20, 2012

6.0 Sources

Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada. Website n.d. www.aandc-aadnc.gc.ca

Carlson, Randy. 2012.Current Conservation Officer, Hudson Bay Field Station. Personal Communication

Doleszar, Rick. 2012. Town of Hudson Bay Administrator, Hudson Bay Snowmobile Club Member. Personal Communication

Government of Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment website n.d. http://www.environment.gov.sk.ca/

Harrison, Gary, 2012. Former Hudson Bay Conservation Officer 1980 – 1993. Personal Communication

HBCA (Hudson’s Bay Company Archives)

B.49/a/1-43, 65-73. Cumberland House Journals. 1774 to 1784, 1783 to 1797, 1797 to 1828, and 1923 to 1940. Public Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB.

B.49/e1-6, 8-10, 12-21. Cumberland House Reports on Districts. 1815 – 1826, 1875 – 1886, and 1886 – 1901. Public Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB.

B.324/a1-2. Pas Post Journals. 1879 – 1891. Public Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB.

B.324/e/1-5. Pas Reports on Districts. 1890 – 1932. Public Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB.

B.457/a/1-4. Pas Mountain Post Journal. 1929 – 1934. Public Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB.

B.176/a/1. Red Deer River Post Journal. 1812 – 1813. Public Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB.

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Sources October 20, 2012

B.176/d/1. Red Deer River Account Books. 1929 – 1934. Public Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB.

Hudson Bay and District Cultural Society. 1982. ”Valley of Echoes”.

Kew, J. E. Michael. 1962. “Cumberland House in 1960” Saskatoon, Research Division, Center for Community Studies, University of Saskatchewan

Library and Archives of Canada. Search engines. n.d. http://amicus.collectionscanada.ca/aaweb- bin/aamain/basic_search?l=0&v=0&lvl=1&username=NLCGUEST&documentName=anon http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/lac-bac/search/all

Manitoba Metis Federation website. n.d. http://www.mmf.mb.ca/

Metis Nation – Saskatchewan website. n.d. http://www.mn-s.ca/main/regions-and-locals/#4

Mord, Thomas. 2012. Former Hudson Bay Provincial Forester, 1976 – 1993, Planner, Weyerhaeuser Hudson Bay 1993 – 2005. Personal Communication

Natural Resource Canada. Geogratis website. n.d. http://geogratis.cgdi.gc.ca/geogratis/en/index.html;jsessionid=83660311D5C8AB6FAAEB36 8E5BF22341

SAB (Saskatchewan Archives Board)

NR5.B.1.c Department of Natural Resources, Forestry Branch 1932 - 1943

NR5.B.5.a (4) Department of Natural Resources, Forestry Branch 1941 - 1948

NR5.B.5. e (3) Department of Natural Resources, Forestry Branch 1941-1942

NR5.B.y Department of Natural Resources, Forestry Branch 1931 -1944

NR5.B.j (1) Department of Natural Resources, Forestry Branch

Saskatchewan Information and Library Service Consortium. Search engine n.d. http://encore.sasklibraries.ca/iii/encore/home?lang=eng

Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment. 2012 Saskatchewan, Hunters’ and Trappers’ Guide

Saskatchewan Ministry of Environment. 2011 Pasquia-Porcupine Forest Management Agreement Area Standards and Guidelines

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Sources October 20, 2012

Saskfor MacMillan Limited Partnership. 1997. Twenty-year Forest Management Plan and Environmental Impact Statement for the Pasquia-Porcupine Forest Management Area” Background Document 13: Traditional Land Use.

University of Saskatchewan Library and Archives Catalogue. n.d. http://library.usask.ca/

bja w:\active\113253562\tlu_o_backgrounder\research_report_draft_rev5 1.docx 6.47

Figures October 20, 2012

7.0 Figures

7.48 bja w:\active\113253562\tlu_o_backgrounder\research_report_draft_rev5 1.docx PETER BALLANTYNE STURGEON WEIR INDIAN RESERVEROOT LAKE BEACH RIDGE SITE ! ROOT LAKE BEACH RIDGE SITE

ROOT LAKE BEACH RIDGE SITE

PINE BLUFF IR 20B OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION ROCKY LAKE IR NO. 1 OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21 (STONY POINT) ± OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION ROOT LAKE 231 MUSKEG RIVER IR 20C BUDD'S POINT IR 20D OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21G OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21F CUMBERLAND HOUSE CREE NATION IR 20 OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21P OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21E MOOSE LAKE 31G The Pas ! OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21K OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21A UV OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21N 10 MOOSE LAKE 31A ! OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION SALT CHANNEL 21D OPASKWAYAK CREE OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 21I NATION 21A SOUTH IR Saskatchewan River OPASKWAYAK CREE NATION 27A

SHOAL LAKE IR 28A 123UV Cedar Lake CARROT RIVER IR 29A Turnberry ! RED EARTH IR 29

PTH 10 SAPOTAWEYAK CREE NATION IR

55 9

UV UV

Pasquia River

690

U V ! Overflowing River

UV60 OVERFLOWING RIVER SAPOTAWEYAK CREE NATION

SAPOTAWEYAK CREE NATION - ! SPRUCE ISLAND CHANNEL ISLAND SAPOTAWEYAK CREE NATION IR SAPOTAWEYAK CREE NATION

Red Deer LakeSAPOTAWEYAK CREE NATION Dawson Bay Hudson Bay SHOAL RIVER 65B ! ! UV3 UV981 PELICAN RAPIDS ACCESS ROAD PHASE 1

WUSKWI SIPIHK 6

677 V U Mafeking! SAPOTAWEYAK CREE NATION WUSKWI SIPIHK FIRST WUSKWI SIPIHK 3A WUSKWI SIPIHK 8 NATION IR NO. 1 WUSKWI SIPIHK 4 Porcupine Plain WUSKWI SIPIHK 3C 773 ! WUSKWI SIPIHK 3D UV 23 WUSKWI SIPIHK 5

38 UV WUSKWI SIPIHK 3E

U V

678 V

U UV Legend 984 WUSKWI SIPIHK 2 Reserve Boundary (Band) SWAN LAKE 65C 983 Birch River Waterbody UV ! Watercourse ! Town WUSKWI SIPIHK 7 Highway Railway UV 980 ! UV Pasquia Bogs 982 Provincial Boundary PINE CREEK 66A Kelvington PINE CREEK 66A ! OKANESE IR 82S Swan RiverMinitonas 10 9 UV

OKANESE IR 82J ! ! PINE CREEK 66A V U UV PINE CREEK 66A 8 UV753 !

0 10 20 30 40 617 UV

662 V U 49 UV Kilometres - 1:1,200,000UV Preeceville 980 Sturgis UV ! UV

661 ! 8 Benito !

113253562 UV755 47

49 83 V

U !

U V

664 V U UV49 Norquay UV FISHING LAKE FISHING LAKE INDIAN RESERVE FISHING LAKE FISHING LAKE INDIAN RESERVE

FISHING LAKE FISHING LAKE INDIAN RESERVE PREPARED BY NWT NU THE KEY THE KEY INDIAN RESERVEKEESEEKOOSE KEESEEKOOSE INDIAN RESERVE PASQUIA THEBOG KEY TRADITIONAL THE KEY INDIAN LAND RESERVE USE BRIEFING DOCUMENT

PREPARED FOR AB SK Area MB of Premier Interest Reserves Within 100km of Pasquia Bog Site Horticulture Ltd. Saskatoon ! Regina ! FIGURE NO.

USA Acknowledgements: Original Drawing by Stantec. Base Data: Natural Resources Canada 2012, Geological Atlas of Saskatchewan 2012. 1.0 LastModified: MMM DD, YYYYBy: USERNAME MUSKEG RIVER IR 20C BUDD'S POINT IR 20D

UV123 ±

r n Rive ewa atch sk a S 11 - Stewart Wright

!( 12 - Russ Cameron 13 - Russ Cameron

UV 10 - Glen Beauchesne !(9 !(!( !( !( Turnberry !( !( ! !(!(!( !( 9 - Rodney Fullerton

iver t R ro ar Cantyre C !( ! UV55 !(!( !(!( !( P a s q u i a H i l l s Otosquen Pasquia River

!( !

690 V U !( !( 8a - Mark Melnychuk ! !( !(!(

Chemong 8b - Troy Guderyan ! !( 6 - Gerald Melnychuk

7 - Dave Crittenden Overflowing River

Open Bog Ceba !

!( Nepus Salt Springs !( ! 3 - William VanNess 4 - Vic Kowalko 1 - Bickell !Wachie Legend ! Flooding Bog Pasquia Bogs Reserve Area 2 - Thomas Hutt 5 - Steve Hawryschuk ! !( Cache Waterbody !( Archaeological Sites Provincial Boundary !( Cabin Fur Conservation Area ! Town Number - Name Erwood Hudson Bay ! Trails Greenbush ! Roscoe ! !( ! Highway R 3 ed UV De Road er River Watercourse UV981 Railway

Access Road

677

U V

!( 980 UV

0 10 20

Kilometres - 1:700,000

UV23 982 UV 113253562

678 V U UV23 UV ! !( PREPARED BY NWT NU PASQUIA BOG TRADITIONAL LAND USE BRIEFING DOCUMENT !(

PREPARED FOR AB SK Area MB of Premier Interest Heritage Data for Pasquia Bog Study Area Horticulture Ltd. Saskatoon ! Regina ! FIGURE NO.

USA Acknowledgements: Original Drawing by Stantec. Base Data: Natural Resources Canada 2012, Geological Atlas of Saskatchewan 2012, Saskatchewan Archives 1916 & 1925, Fur Conservation Map n.d. 2.0 LastModified: MMM DD, YYYYBy: USERNAME