R E L I G I O U S & S P I R I T U A L

C H A N G E I N A M E R I C A : T H E E X P E R I E N C E O F

M A R I N C O U N T Y,

C A L I F O R N I A

Gary A. Tobin, Ph.D.

Patricia Y. C. E. Lin, Ph.D.

Institute for

Jewish & Community

Research,

San Francisco R E L I G I O U S & S P I R I T U A L

C H A N G E I N A M E R I C A :

T H E E X P E R I E N C E O F M A R I N C O U N T Y ,

C A L I F O R N I A

Gary A. Tobin, Ph.D.

Patricia Y. C. E. Lin, Ph.D.

Institute for

Jewish & Community

Research,

San Francisco

Funded by the

Marin Community Foundation

All views expressed are those of the authors and not of the Marin Community Foundation or any other organization or institution. Any concerns or comments about this report should be directed to the authors. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Major Findings ...... 1 Recommendations ...... 3 Introduction ...... 5 Post-September 11th ...... 6 Methodology ...... 9 Religiosity and Spirituality in Marin by Religious Group ...... 11 Sites of Agreement ...... 13 Tolerance, Ethics and Being Religious...... 13 Charitable Giving and Volunteering ...... 15 Sites of Divergence ...... 16 Congregational Membership, Past and Present...... 16 Service Attendance ...... 19 Congregational Giving ...... 21 Prayer: Forms ...... 22 Prayer: Frequency...... 22 Prayer: Importance...... 23 Prayer: Meals...... 23 Reading Scripture ...... 24 Belief in a Divine ...... 25 Religious Beliefs ...... 28 Spiritual Growth, Religious Experiences and Miracles ...... 28 Strength of Identification with and Importance of One’s Religion ...... 29 Religious Satisfaction ...... 31 The Afterlife: Heaven, Hell and Reincarnation ...... 32 Religious Education for Children ...... 34 An Analysis of People Who Have Switched Religions ...... 37 Religious Preference ...... 39 Congregational Membership...... 40 Service Attendance ...... 41 Prayer ...... 42 Religious Beliefs ...... 42 Religious Dissatisfaction, Importance and Experience ...... 42 The Divine, Being Religious and Being Ethical ...... 44 The Afterlife: Heaven, Hell and Reincarnation ...... 44 Social Action, Volunteering and Congregational Giving ...... 45 An Analysis of People in Interfaith Relationships ...... 47 Intermarriage Rates...... 47 Congregational Membership and Service Attendance ...... 48 Belief in a Divine and Religious Beliefs...... 50 Meditation, Religious Experience and Reincarnation ...... 50 Religious Disenchantment and Strength of Identification ...... 51 Religious Education for Children...... 52 Conclusion ...... 55 Bibliography ...... 57 Appendix: Survey Instrument ...... 65 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Religious Preference...... 11 Figure 2: Religious Tolerance: "Other Religions Provide Equally Good Paths to Reaching God" ...... 12 Figure 3: Religion and Ethics: "A Person Can Be Good and Ethical Without Believing in God" ...... 13 Figure 4: Religion and God: "A Person Can Be Religious Without Believing in God" ...... 14 Figure 5: Congregational Membership ...... 15 Figure 6: Frequency of Service Attendance ...... 19 Figure 7: Service Attendance in the Past Seven Days...... 20 Figure 8: Frequency of Prayer...... 23 Figure 9: Frequency of Prayer Before Meals: “Do you pray aloud before meals?” ...... 24 Figure 10: Frequency of Reading Religious Scriptures...... 25 Figure 11: Belief in a Divine ...... 26 Figure 12: Religious/Spiritual Beliefs ...... 27 Figure 13: Personal Religious Experience: “I Have Had a Religious Experience”...... 29 Figure 14: Importance of Religion in One’s Life: “Importance of Religion in My Life” ...... 30 Figure 15: Religious Satisfaction: "There are Many Things in My Religion That I Do Not Agree With" ...... 31 Figure 16: Opinion about Religious Rules: "Religions Have Unnecessary Rules and Responsibilities" ...... 32 Figure 17: Beliefs About the Afterlife ...... 33 Figure 18: Religious Education Received as a Child vs. Religious Education Provided for Own Children...... 35 Figure 19: Current Members Who Switched From Their Birth Religion...... 37 Figure 20: Religious Origins and Destinations of Switchers ...... 38 Figure 21: Congregational Membership: Switchers vs. Non-Switchers...... 40 Figure 22: Frequency of Attending Services: Switchers vs. Non-Switchers ...... 41 Figure 23: Religious/Spiritual Beliefs: Switchers vs. Non-Switchers...... 42 Figure 24: “Importance of Religion in My Life”: Switchers vs. Non-Switchers ...... 43 Figure 25: Belief in a Divine: Switchers vs. Non-Switchers ...... 44 Figure 26: Beliefs about the Afterlife: Switchers vs. Non-Switchers...... 45 Figure 27: Charitable Giving and Volunteering: Switchers vs. Non-Switchers ...... 46 Figure 28: Intermarriage Rates by Religion ...... 47 Figure 29: Congregational Membership Rates: Mixers vs. Non-Mixers ...... 48 Figure 30: Frequency of Attending Services: Mixers vs. Non-Mixers ...... 49 Figure 31: Belief in a Divine: Mixers vs. Non-Mixers ...... 49 Figure 32: Religious/Spiritual Beliefs: Mixers vs. Non-Mixers...... 50 Figure 33: Prayer Types Most Often Used: Mixers vs. Non-Mixers ...... 51 Figure 34: Opinion about Religious Rules: Mixers vs. Non-Mixers ...... 52 Figure 35: Religious Education Received as a Child vs. Religious Education Provided for Own Children: Mixers vs. Non-Mixers...... 53 MAJOR FINDINGS

Religious Diversity and Innovation national levels. The lower rates for the non- Marin is a religiously and spiritually diverse Christian groups do not indicate a drop in and innovative county, and the residents are religiosity and spirituality but rather a redefi- keen spiritual seekers most likely to travel on nition of what it means and how it is being their own paths to God rather than to listen expressed. passively to a religious institution’s dictates. Low Rates of Congregational Belonging We s t e r n and Eastern Religions One main reason people do not join congre- The majority (62%) of residents still practice gations is lack of interest. Other factors were Western religions — Protestantism, dislike of organized religion, low level of reli- Catholicism or Judaism. However, a large giosity, and lack of time. Age, marital and minority (38%) practices other (Other) or no familial status also seemed to influence mem- specific (None) religions. The most common bership rates. Couples, parents of young chil- of the other religions is American-style dren, and people 36 years of age and over Buddhism. belonged at significantly higher rates than single people, people without young chil- Tolerance and Involvement dren, and people under age 36. The vast majority of all the religious groups believes in religious tolerance, gives to chari- Spiritual, But Not Religious ty and volunteers. A majority of Marin residents (53%) refers to themselves as being “spiritual but not reli- Respect for Those gious;” 28% believe in a “Higher Power” Who Do Not Believe in God rather than God; 27% use meditation as their Nearly all respondents believe that one can primary form of prayer; and 36% believe in be good and ethical without believing in reincarnation. God. A majority of these groups also believes that one can be religious without believing in Many Identify Their Religion God. as Other or None Many people in the Other and None religious Tradition and Redefinition groups express their religiosity and spirituali- Traditional religious practices, such as con- ty through Eastern religious practice. gregational membership, regular service Members of the Other group were signifi- attendance, and traditional beliefs, such as in cantly more likely to say that they are “very God and heaven, are lower in the county strongly” identified and very satisfied with than the nation. However, rates among their religion. Protestants and Catholics often approach

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Switching Religions Low Rates of Religious Education Fifty-one percent (51%) of Marin residents for Childre n have switched religions from that in which Spiritual life in Marin is alive and rich, but they were raised. Switchers came from all the prospect for the next generation is still to faiths, but Jews were the least likely to switch be determined. Seventy-nine percent (79%) of religions. The vast majority of those in the national and Marin parents received a reli- Other (81%) and None (86%) groups were gious education as children. However, only switchers as were 45% of current Protestants. 54% of Marin parents are providing their Catholicism suffered a large net loss because children with the religious training that they of switching. received when they were young. In contrast, 89% of parents nationally are providing their Switchers Say They Are More Spiritual children with a religious education. Switchers were much more likely than non- switchers to refer to themselves as “spiritual but not religious” (65% vs. 40%) , believe in a “Higher Power” rather than God (40% vs. 16%), use meditation as their primary form of prayer (34% vs. 21%), and believe in reincar- nation (41% vs. 30%).

Mixed Religious Households One-third of the Marin population is in inter- faith relationships (mixers). The rate of mix- ing is high for all religious groups, especially those in the Other and None groups. While some may believe that people in interfaith relationships have weak religious identities, in fact, mixers identified just as strongly with their religion as non-mixers.

2 R E C O M M E N D AT I O N S

Remove Barr i e r s C r eate More Alternative Venues For To Congregational Membership Religious and Spiritual Experiences Religious leaders should begin to remove The feasibility of quasi-houses of worship some of the barriers to congregational mem- such as yoga and meditation centers, twelve- bership identified in this research. To attract step meetings, classes about spirituality, spir- people who are hindered by time constraints, itual bookstores, and retreat centers needs to shortened and more conveniently scheduled be explored. services and other activities could be offered. In addition, free on-site childcare could be C r eate More Inter-Religious Opport u n i t i e s created or expanded. To welcome those who Marin’s rich religious diversity and tolerance find cost a barrier, congregations could offer are great assets. Inter-religious activity free or low-cost membership and steps could already exists in the county. But leaders, be implemented to fully welcome all people members and non-members of all of the regardless of income. Programs could also be county’s faiths would benefit from even developed to welcome and cater to younger greater interchange: study, worship, and col- adults, single people, and couples without laboration in charitable and social justice young children. These programs could activities. These added interfaith activities include meditation, meals, cooking and exer- would increase opportunities for those of dif- cise classes, career workshops and discussion ferent religions to further learn about and groups. understand one another. These interactions may also help spiritual seekers on a variety Expand Programs For Interfaith Families of spiritual paths by increasing opportunities With Marin’s large percentage of households to become knowledgeable about different that are religiously intermarried, religious religions. leaders may want to create or expand pro- grams for interfaith couples and interfaith Revise Childre n ’s Educational Curriculum and families more generally, while remaining Study Opport u n i t i e s aware that adults in interfaith relationships Leaders of existing children’s religious train- are as strongly identified with their own reli- ing facilities, religious and community lead- gion as those who are in same faith relation- ers, and parents should work together to ships. A significant issue for exploration with explore possible ways to revise the curricula such families is the religious upbringing and and teaching of religious education for the identity of children. This issue becomes more county’s children. complex with children of divorced interfaith parents.

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Consider a Non-Denominational themselves “spiritual but not religious” Community Spiritual Center even though they believe in a Divine and Community and religious leaders and resi- pray. What are the reasons for the dislike of dents may want to consider constructing a the words “religion” and “religious” and the preference for the word “spiritual?” spiritual community center to serve all the diverse faiths and spiritual seekers in the • Given the low rates of congregational county. The center could house worship facil- belonging, further research would be useful ities, offices, classrooms, children’s religious to understand the deeper reasons behind schools, a social action center, library, and a the numbers. More than one-fifth of each café. religious group indicated they had not joined for “some other reason” than the Train Clergy For Religious Diversity reasons offered. What are these other rea- sons? This study indicates that there may be a need both for more religious professionals and for • Our study indicates that those who are professionals specifically trained in the areas “not interested” in becoming congregation- of diversity, religious mixing, and spiritual al members and those who “do not like searching. Marin may be just the place to ini- organized religion” nevertheless identify tiate new forms of post-seminary profession- themselves as “religious” or “spiritual” and are believers in a Divine. Why are they dis- al development to meet the needs of a reli- enchanted with current congregations and giously fluid population. The feasibility of organized religion? What changes would creating such a new professional initiative they like to see? Would more diverse pro- should be undertaken. gramming be enough or are structural changes, such as different forms of institu- Additional research should be considered in tional organization, styles of leadership and a number of areas. sizes, needed? What can congregations learn from the success of informal prayer groups and retreats? • Given the different religious and spiritual behaviors and beliefs of the members of the • Thinking about religious education raises a Other and None groups, it would be useful number of questions. What are the barriers to know more about these individuals. We to religious education? Is it the dislike of know that some are practicing non- organized religion, lack of acceptable teach- Western, particularly Eastern and New ers and curricula, lack of suitable or accessi- Age, religions. What are the reasons they ble venues, or scheduling conflicts? Is the are in these groups? Did those in the Other increasing number of mixed marriages an group leave Western religion because they inhibitor to religious education? Is there a were disillusioned or was there something general dissatisfaction among those who special that attracted them to their new currently educate their children or especial- form of practice? Why do people in the ly among those who do not choose to do None group not associate themselves with so? All of these questions pose serious chal- any one religion despite believing in a lenges and suggest an area for further Divine and identifying themselves as “spir- research about religion in Marin. itual” or “religious?”

• It would be useful to understand why a significant number of people in Marin call

4 I N T R O D U C T I O N

Religion is central to American life. The personal and internal. Marin residents, lead- majority of Americans continues to believe in ing, or following, a national trend, are distin- God, regularly attends services and prays.1 guishing between religion as an institutional- Beyond this, there has been a boom in what ly led path to the divine and spirituality as a is commonly referred to as “spirituality,” and personalized journey which in practice and the search for life’s meaning.2 People have belief may borrow from many faith tradi- flocked to engage in the practices of yoga, tai tions, including those that are non-Western. chi, Qi Gong and meditation. Companies offer techniques on how to use these prac- Marin County is located across the Golden tices to “de-stress.” Alternative medicine has Gate Bridge from San Francisco. It is set in taken such a firm foothold in the medical beautiful woodlands, bays and beaches. The establishment that now a number of insur- vast majority (86%) of the population in ance plans will cover some acupuncture Marin is white, and the incomes tend to be treatments and massage. Particularly striking quite high. The population which is not is the burgeoning religious and spiritual book white includes a variety of multi-cultural industry. Enter virtually any bookstore and communities.3 Even at first glance, this popu- the spiritual seeker will find a large section lation seems interested in things both reli- filled with books such as Thomas Moore’s gious as well as spiritual. Its religious institu- The Care of the Soul, M. Scott Peck’s The Road tions include churches of most Christian Less Traveled, and the ever-expanding series, denominations, synagogues, several Islamic Chicken Soup for the Soul. centers and a mosque, a Buddhist meditation center (Spirit Rock) and a Zen Buddhist tem- This report will explore both religiosity and ple (Green Gulch Farm Center/Green spirituality in Marin County, California. It Dragon Temple) whose predominantly white may seem strange to discuss religion and members are led by Caucasian abbots. Marin spirituality separately, but many in our sur- is also the home of the Dominican University vey define them differently. Furthermore, of America which is primarily a Catholic even standard dictionary definitions note the undergraduate institution, Golden Gate differences: religion is limited more to institu- Baptist Theological Seminary which is owned tions and structures while spirituality is more by the conservative Southern Baptist

1 George Gallup, Jr. and D. Michael Lindsay, Surveying the Religious Landscape: Trends in U.S. Beliefs (Harrisburg, PA: Morehouse Press, 1999). 2 Among the many books documenting the boom in spirituality are George Gallup Jr. and D. Michael Lindsay, Surveying the Religious Landscape: Trends in U.S. Beliefs (Harrisburg, PA: Morehouse Publishing, 1999); Wade Clark Roof, Spiritual Marketplace: Baby Boomers and the Remaking of American Religion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999) and Robert Wuthnow, After Heaven: Spirituality in America Since the 1950s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998). 3 United States Census Bureau, Census 2000, Census 1990, 1997 Economic Census, Census 2000 Supplementary Survey.

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Convention, and San Francisco Theological incorporating worship practice and/or ritual Seminary, a Presbyterian institution which is aspects of other faiths into their own, these associated with the Graduate Theological people are enriching their own faith. Fifth, Union in Berkeley, California, itself an excel- there is a growing population of people who lent collection of schools devoted to religious live in households where more than one reli- study and training. Besides these institutions, gion is practiced. Someone may have a part- businesses and individuals in Marin offer ner who practices a different religion and instruction in areas such as women’s spiritu- therefore two religious identities are present ality, meditation, massage, and yoga as well in the family. Or the children, as teens or per- as more esoteric subjects such as crystal heal- haps at an even younger age, may have cho- ing and astrology. sen practice a different religion than their parents. Religion in Marin County is now part of a new religious environment in the United Post-September 11th States. As this study will show, religion in the county is traditional and exploratory, repre- This study has taken on added meaning since sentative and unusual. However, Marin is not the 9-11 terrorist attacks on the United States. unique. It is more like the religious landscape The nature of religion, not only in America of the United States in general than not. At but around the world, is the subject of public the same time, Marin serves as a case study conversation, news reports, and editorials. of particular changes occurring on the reli- The President of the United States keeps gious landscape of America. This study reminding Americans that we are not at war reveals five trends. First, traditional religious with Islam. We have heard this statement institutions represent more Marin County over and over again, the meaning clear but residents and Americans than other forms of startling. A devoutly Christian President religious identity. Many still identify them- serving an American population that is over- selves as Christian, belong to congregations, whelmingly Christian is informing both the and use traditional forms of worship. Second, American public and the world at large that there is a growing population of religious we are not engaged in a religious war. At the searchers, those on spiritual journeys who are same time, Osama bin Laden challenges the looking beyond the faith in which they were United States with violence as a nation of raised for their own individual religious infidels, non-believers, a great Satan, which is identity. Consequently, the numbers of peo- also the benefactor of the Jews and the state ple practicing faiths other than Christianity of Israel. are growing. Third, this spiritual searching results in a growing number of people who Questions are being asked about the history are switching religions. It can no longer be and nature of Islam, the basic tenets of the assumed that a person is born into one reli- religion, and the differences between gion and will maintain that religious identity Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and other reli- all of his or her life. Fourth, many people gions. Explorations of the nature of religion who have not switched religions are borrow- are pervasive and include questions about ing from different religious traditions. By which religions are “good” and which are

6 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

“bad.” It seems that there is almost a senti- geous that the problem was that Islam was a ment that staying grounded in a known (and reasonable alternative.” acceptable) religious tradition is more impor- tant than ever. Exotic religions, unknown reli- On the hand, another columnist writes that it gions, and being where one does not belong is not the spiritual searching that is the prob- are emotional themes emerging as the war on lem, but rather just the opposite: “Anyone terrorism progresses. who knows the county knows that Walker is fantastically out of step with today’s Marin. This brings us to John Walker (Lindh), the Convert to Islam at sixteen? Travel to Yemen young man from Marin who chose Islam as and Pakistan in search of spiritual meaning? I his faith and ended up in Afghanistan as an don’t think so. In your average Marin home, Al Qaeda or Taliban fighter against the the kid would find himself in an Episcopal United States. Some of the reactions about Youth Group before the word ‘Koran’ was John Walker were expected. He is a traitor out of his mouth.” This writer states further, and should be dealt with appropriately. “If we want to blame Marin for John Others argue that he is merely a confused Walker’s choices, then I guess we should say youth and leniency should characterize the he was rebelling against the values of the punishment he receives. But another set of community rather than reflecting them. responses are markedly atypical. These peo- Maybe he wanted more than a two-car ple contend that John Walker behaved as he garage and winter weekends up at Tahoe.”5 did because he grew up in Marin County and In other words, Walker was rebelling not because he was a spiritual searcher who against spiritual uncertainty and wacky reli- ended up converting to Islam. A flood of arti- gions, but rather against the most traditional cles and responses have resulted from these of religious institutions represented by the two facts. Episcopal church and against Marin’s stifling and materialistic values. A New York Times Commentators play it both ways. One com- article summarized this sentiment best. The mentator writes, “The problem is, when a piece stated, “Mr. Walker came of age across Marin kid decides to wear a turban and robes the Golden Gate Bridge from San Francisco and observe dietary restrictions, it’s not so in Marin County, an affluent suburb fre- different from what adults in Marin do.”4 The quently caricatured as a haven for politically writer continues, “Spiritual quests in Marin correct Californians who drive Porsches and range from the high church of low body fat raise children who are made muddle-headed to transcendental tarot card reading, so when by too much freedom.”6 While the New York a young man chooses to follow an estab- Times is careful to note that this is a carica- lished religion like Islam, his parents must ture, the piece cleverly indicates what its breathe a sigh of relief. Think of it: the reli- authors think of Marin. gious and social milieu of Marin is so outra-

4 Rob Morse, “Marvelous adventure of ‘Wa l k e r, Taliban Ranger’.” San Francisco Chro n i c l e, December 5, 2001, page A 2 . 5 Joan Ryan, “Don’t Blame Marin.” San Francisco Chronicle, December 11, 2001, page A27. 6 Blaire Harden with Kevin Sack. “One for His Country, and One Against It: Far Different Paths Led Two Young Americans to Fateful Face-Off.” New York Times, December 11, 2001, 1A, B5.

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In either case, Marin is in the news, and the Commentators would like to attribute the subject is religion. Take your pick: the prob- John Walker phenomenon to the “hot-tub lem with Marin is that people are spiritual culture” of Marin, but everyone knows that seekers; the problem is traditional religious this is not the case.7 He is not simply “mis- institutions; the problem is materialism; the guided” because “he grew up in Marin, problem is over-permissive parents. What we where being misguided—at least for an anti- know from this study is that Marin is an American cause—is a rite of passage.”8 exemplar of religious change in America. Religious change and upheaval are an While Christians are the overwhelming American and world reality, not the result of majority in the United States, there are grow- supposedly anti-American Marin. By show- ing numbers of people practicing Islam, ing the complexity of religion in Marin Buddhism, and New Age religions, to say County and the comparison between religion nothing of the Jewish population already in in Marin and America as a whole, this report the United States. Religious intermarriage serves as an excellent basis for talking about abounds, significant proportions of the religion in a practical way. It is useless to American population are “unchurched,” and demonize the spiritual seekers, on the one religious switching is a mainstream phenom- hand, or condemn Christian practices, on the enon. John Walker and Marin County are other hand, as the source of religious turmoil. both convenient targets for the religious phe- Instead, it is important to recognize that both nomena that are both frightening and discon- characterize religion in Marin and the United certing to many Americans. Coupled with the States. They are not a threat, but a reality. specter of a billion “hostile” Muslims in the world with whom “we are not at war,” the religious landscape seems rapidly to be turn- ing topsy-turvy.

7 Evan Thomas, “A Long Strange Trip to the Taliban,” Newsweek, December 17, 2001. The day after John Walker was formally charged, Former President Bush said he had no sympathy for the “poor misguided Marin County hot-tub- ber.” (Reported by ABC Television San Francisco affiliate Channel 7. January 25, 2002.) 8 Ryan, “Don’t Blame Marin”, A27.

8 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

M E T H O D O L O G Y

The survey consisted of a 15-minute tele- The margin of error expresses the interval phone interview. The instrument was devel- within which there is a certain probability oped by the Institute for Jewish & (the confidence level) that an estimate from a Community Research and incorporated many sample varies by chance from the true popu- questions that have been used in previous lation parameter. The margin of error is larg- polls conducted by the Gallup Organization. er as the sample size gets smaller. This means This was done to enable us to make compar- that estimates for subgroups of the popula- isons with national samples. As with the tion based on smaller numbers will be subject studies conducted by the Gallup to a larger error due to sampling. Therefore Organization, the terms used in this study, particular care must be taken against giving such as God, and prayer, meditation, are self- too much significance to differences between defined by the respondent. groups based on a small number of cases.

The sample was obtained through random Throughout this report, where percentages digit dialing of approximately 10,300 tele- do not add to 100%, it is because of computer phone records obtained from Survey rounding, multiple answers, or “not report- Sampling. The sampling error is usually ed,” (i.e. respondent refused to answer a expressed as the margin of error around an question). In addition, the terms “residents,” estimate obtained from a sample, and it is “households,” “population” and so on refer reported with a confidence level of 95%. This to the respondents of the survey. confidence level means that if repeated sam- ples of the same population and with the A total of 604 completed interviews were same size were taken, the estimate for the obtained. The interviewing phase of the same parameter obtained from these samples study was managed by CFMC of San will fall 95% of the time within the range Francisco, California. All fieldwork was con- constructed around the statistics for the ducted by Merrill Research and Associates of whole population, plus or minus the margin San Mateo, California. Interviews were con- of error. ducted between April 7, 2000 and May 1, 2000.

9 RELIGIOSITY AND SPIRITUALITY IN MARIN BY RELIGIOUS GROUP

Our findings confirm the anecdotal evidence vs. 2%), three times more Other (23% vs. 7%), that Marin is a vibrant religious and spiritual more than two times more None (15% vs. space. Eighty-two percent (82%) of the Marin 6%), 5% less Catholic (22% vs. 27%) and 50% respondents say that they are religious or less Protestant (27% vs. 59%) than the nation- spiritual. Eighty-four percent (84%) believe in al population. The sample size did not allow God or a “Higher Power” and 96% have reli- analysis by specific denomination within gious scriptures in their home. Judaism and Christianity. Baby Boomers and those in the subsequent generations make up Marin is also very diverse religiously and the vast majority of the Other and None pop- spiritually, much more in fact than the nation ulation in the county (see Figure 1). as a whole.9 Twenty-seven percent (27%) identify themselves as Protestant, 22% as Many people in Marin are what sociologist Catholic, 13% as Jewish, 23% Other, and 15% Robert Wuthnow has termed “spiritual seek- state no religious preference (None). These ers.” These are people, influenced directly or statistics indicate that Marin has a population indirectly by the 1960s, who rather than prac- that is almost seven times more Jewish (13% ticing the religions in which they were raised,

Figure 1 Religious Pre f e r e n c e

27% Protestant 59%

22% Catholic 27%

13% Jewish 1%

23% Other 7%

15% None 6%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Nation Marin n=637

Source for Nation: The Gallup Poll, 1998

9 In this report, we use the definitions of spiritual and spirituality given by Robert Wuthnow in After Heaven: Spirituality in America Since the 1950s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).

11 Institute for Jewish & Community Research are instead actively seeking the truth on their Hindus were too statistically insignificant to own, by trying and borrowing from different, include in separate categories. Further particularly non-Western, religious research is necessary to understand the traditions.10 In terms of the composition of beliefs and practices of these faiths as well as the Marin Other population, for example, the subgroups within Judaism and Christianity. largest subset (26%) practices Buddhism, This will require a larger sample as well as either alone, or in a few cases, in combination qualitative research including personal inter- with other religions such as Christianity, or views and focus groups. New Age religions such as Celtic spirituality. Nineteen percent (19%) identify as Agnostic, In looking at data for the Other group, we 18% as Atheist, 3% as Hindu and 2% as should note that less than 5% of Marin resi- Muslim.11 Beyond these groups, adherents in dents are of Asian descent, thus the populari- small numbers identify their religious prefer- ty of Buddhism and other Eastern religions ences as Taoism, Baha’i, Rastafarianism, should not be attributed to the presence of a “goddess religion,” paganism, “love,” “no large number of Asian-Americans.12 Rather, name, new paradigm,” and “metaphysical,” as we will explore further in the next section among others. The pre-tests indicate that the about people who have switched religions, numbers of the Buddhists, Muslims and they are faiths to which Caucasians have

Figure 2 "Other Religions Provide Equally Good Paths to Reaching God"

Nation 62%

Marin n=456 80%

Protestant n=162 75%

Catholic n=128 84%

Jewish n=71 85%

Other n=93 77%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Source for Nation: Gallup Polls, 2000

10 Wuthnow, After Heaven: Spirituality in America Since the 1950s. 11 The placement of people identifying themselves as “atheist” and “agnostic” has varied between studies. Some have placed them in the None category while others have done what we have and placed them within the Other category. 12 United States Census Bureau, Census 2000.

12 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Figure 3 "A Person Can Be Good and Ethical Without Believing in God"

Nation 74%

Marin n=637 96%

Protestant n=160 94%

Catholic n=135 93%

Jewish n=81 100%

Other n=94 97%

None n=145 98%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Source for Nation: George H. Gallup International Institute, Survey for William Moss, 1994 journeyed in their search for spiritual truth. Sites of Agre e m e n t Unlike most Western religions, Eastern reli- gions as practiced in America do not require Tolerance, Ethics and Being Religious absolute loyalty to a system of belief. Rather the truth is constantly being searched for First, the vast majority of all the religious through experiences such as meditation and groups in Marin, including the Jews (85%) personally defined. Moreover, in moving to and Catholics (84%), believe that other reli- America, a number of these Eastern religions gions provide equally good paths to reaching have transformed. The so-called American God. These figures approximate those of the Buddhism, which primarily serves non- Marin average (80%) while significantly Asians, has moved away from the Asian cul- exceeding the national average (62%) (see tural traditions and traditional hierarchy and Figure 2).14 controls of celibate Buddhist monks, to become a do-it-yourself religion that is larg e l y These statistics may partially explain why lay-led and democratic.1 3 The behavior and 51% of the Marin households have switched beliefs of the different religious groups in religions as well as why so many have no Marin differ in a number of areas. However, specific religious preference. Some people there are some key areas of commonality. may have chosen to practice their non-birth faith or a mix of religions for reasons other

13 Richard Cimino and Don Lattin, Shopping for Faith: American Religion in the New Millennium (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1998), 21; Barry Kosmin and Seymour P. Lachman, One Nation Under God: Religion in Contemporary Society (New York: Crown Trade Paperbacks, 1993), 152-154. 14 No members of the None group answered this question, most likely because it assumed that respondents prac- ticed a specific religion.

13 Institute for Jewish & Community Research than that they were displeased with the reli- Marin believe that belief in God and, by gion in which they were raised. Perhaps, extension, religious authorities, is not the some may have switched because there is a only way to ethical behavior. Such behavior general atmosphere of tolerance which and standards of right and wrong can be allows them to feel secure in trying other reli- taught by secular teachers, parents (who may gions without feeling that by doing so they or may not believe in God), friends, the nat- are going to be ostracized socially, or worse, ural world or literature. lose their soul. Fewer people in Marin, especially Protestants Even more significant than the high rate of and Catholics, believe that one can be reli- religious tolerance in Marin and in America gious and not believe in God. But in all cases, generally today is that nearly all, and in the the numbers are still clearly a majority (see case of Jews, 100%, of the religious groups in Figure 4). Marin agreed that “a person can be good and ethical and not believe in God.” In this case, How do we explain these figures? The term the numbers vastly exceed the 74% figure for “religious” is commonly defined to mean the national population (see Figure 3). believing in or being devoted to God. However, 53% of the Marin population Although the meaning and existence of God believes in a “Higher Power” rather than is paramount in the religious structures with God. Some of these people might well con- which people in Marin identify, individuals sider themselves religious despite referring to do not see belief in God as necessary for their divine as a “Higher Power” and not themselves or others. Essentially all people in God. In addition, we should ask how differ-

Figure 4 Figure"A Pe 4.r s"Aon Person Can B Cane R Beeli Religiousgious Wi Withoutthout B Believingelieving inin God" God"

Marin n=579 71%

Protestant n=156 67%

Catholic n=126 60%

Jewish n=68 77%

Other n=86 81%

None n=127 76%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

14 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Figure 5 FigureC o n g r 5.eg Congregationalational Memb Membership:ership: Any tAnytimeime as aasn an A dAdultult v vs.s. NNowow

43% Marin 88% 66% Protestant 97% 73% Catholic 97% 40% Jewish 89% 27% Other 83% 2% None 74%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Anytime as an Adult Now

ent respondents define the term “religious.” A large majority of each religious group also Does it necessarily have to refer to one’s gave monetary assistance to charities. The beliefs or can it mean simply devotedly per- Protestants were just slightly lower (84%) in forming certain rituals? giving than the Jews (90%) and the Catholics (89%). All of these groups gave at higher Charitable Giving and Volunteering rates than Marin overall (82%) and the national average (79%). The monetary dona- The last areas where the religious groups are tion levels for the Other and None group in broad agreement are charitable works and were lower than the other groups, but at 75% giving. Nearly 90% or more people belonging and 74%, still indicate that the majority of the to each religious group gave food, clothing, members of these groups also believes in the and other non-monetary items to charities in importance of supporting charities with cash the past year. The Jews at 96% were slightly as well as in-kind contributions. higher in their giving than the Marin total of 91% and the national average of 84%. Despite The giving levels of Protestants, Catholics the fact that Protestantism also believes that and Jews are significantly higher than those charity is important, its practitioners con- in the Other and None groups. The None tributed at a slightly lower rate (88%) than numbers may partially be explained by the the Catholics (94%). The Protestant figure fact that non-congregational members, which approximated the giving rates of the Other in this case covers almost all of the None (89%) and None (88%) groups. population and more than 70% of the Other

15 Institute for Jewish & Community Research population, generally give less to charities same time the county rate was much higher than congregational members.15 than some may have believed. Considered by individual religious group, the membership In the area of volunteering for charities, prac- rates varied widely. In fact, Marin Protestants titioners of the Other and None populations and Catholics, at the rates of 66% and 73%, behaved much more like the Protestants, approximated the level of national average of Catholics and Jews with 61% of the Other 69%. In contrast, those preferring Other and group and 63% of the None group volunteer- no specific religion had very low level of cur- ing, contradicting studies that argue that the rent membership, with the later group rate of volunteering is directly related to the belonging at a rate of only 2%. The Jewish rate of congregational membership. Catholics population, at 40%, belonged at a rate volunteered at exactly the same 61% rate as approximating the county’s average (see those in Other religions. Figure 5).16

However, Protestants (70%) and Jews (68%) The Marin Jewish findings are consistent did slightly better. Volunteerism for Marin with national studies: the rate of congrega- respondents in aggregate (65%) exceeded the tional affiliation is low for non-Orthodox national volunteering rate of 56%. This statis- Jews across the country. There are also low tic confirms the findings of national studies levels of belonging in the Other and None which show a directly link between income populations. Members of these populations, level and volunteering rate. however, may belong to groups/communi- ties which provide the spiritual and social Thus the vast majority of each of the religious sustenance that congregations traditionally groups believes in religious tolerance, per- have offered. forms charitable activities, and believes that one can be good and ethical without believ- Robert Wuthnow and others have shown that ing in God. It is in the areas of worship-relat- a large number of people of all backgrounds ed behavior, the language used to describe in America are turning to these groups to God and belief, their critiques of religion, and seek spiritual sustenance. Among these their concepts of the afterlife that the groups “new” spiritual communities are meditation diverge. groups, self-help groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous, spiritually oriented classes, Sites of Diverg e n c e retreats and small prayer gatherings. These communities tend to be organized on less Congregational Membership, Past formal and hierarchical lines than congrega- and Present tions.

Marin, in aggregate, had a much lower con- Marin offers many opportunities to join such gregational membership rate compared to the communities. Local residents offer classes in national population, 43% vs. 68%. Yet at the in spiritual drumming, singing and yoga. The

15 Independent Sector, Giving and Volunteering in the United States, 1999. 16 In looking at both statistics, we should be aware that people generally over-report their congregational member- ship by nearly 100%.

16 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California spiritually oriented bookstore has become a The majority of all groups did belong to con- community center with regularly scheduled gregations as children. Seventy percent (70%) gatherings and talks. Women gather in infor- of the Other and None groups were members mal prayer groups. At the local community of congregations as children. Protestants college, a number of courses with a spiritual (83%), Catholics (91%), and Jews (79%) were character are offered. Among them are even more likely to be members. Nearly four “Stirring the Water: Writing to Find Your of every five (79%) Marin residents were Spirit” and “Lunchtime Enlightenment,” members of congregations growing up. which the teacher describes as blending “the When we include congregational member- best of modern Western science with the ship at anytime during one’s adulthood, the ancient teaching of Chinese medicine and numbers grow even higher, 88% of Marin res- yoga therapy.” Recent conferences have been idents were members. Ninety-seven percent organized around talks by the Dalai Lama (97%) of Protestants were members sometime and Dr. Deepak Chopra, one of the earliest when they were adults, along with 89% of advocates of incorporating the spirit as well Jews, 83% of the members of the Other as the body in healing. Anyone wanting to go group, and 74% of members of the None on retreat can turn to the local Buddhist group. retreat center or drive north to the Immaculate Heart Hermitage, or the Esalen Yet sometime after this peak in membership, Institute, where they can soak in the natural large numbers of all groups left congrega- hot springs and learn “mind brainwave train- tional life. Jewish congregational belonging ing” or tai chi. None of these places requires has dropped from 89%, at some time in one’s that guests be members of the institution or adult life, to 40% currently. Catholic congre- the faith tradition running the centers. People gational belonging dropped from 97% to are free to come and deepen their personal 73%. Protestant belonging dropped from 97% relationship with God in the space that they to 66%. Inclusion in the Other group dropped need. Of course, the same opportunities and from 83% to less than a third of this level at more are available throughout the San 27%, and belonging in the None population Francisco Bay Area. dropped precipitously from 74% to 2%. The Marin average dropped from 88% to 43%. Participation in any of the above events is missed in our method of measuring religious We asked respondents who did not belong to behavior through congregational member- a congregation at the time of being surveyed ship. Yet clearly, these are practices in which why they did not belong. The top four rea- individuals are trying to reach the divine or sons given by the county as a whole were: participate in a spiritual, moral, and ethical “not interested” (27% of respondents), “do life. For a number of people in Marin, yoga not like organized religion” (15%), “not reli- and meditation centers, twelve-step meet- gious enough” (11%), and “some other rea- ings, classes on spirituality, spiritual book- son” (28%). “Not interested” and “some stores, and retreat centers may have become other reason” remained top explanations their present-day church, temple, or mosque. when we looked at the population by reli- Further re s e a rch will be re q u i red to determine gious group. Twenty-three percent (23%) of the level of participation in these activities.

17 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Protestants said they were not members One thing that is noticeable in our findings is because they were “not interested” as did that members of the Other group were much 28% of the Catholics, 20% of the Jews, 17% of more likely than people in other religious the Other group and 34% of the None group. groups to state “some other reason” as their In addition, 25% of Protestants did not join primary reason for not becoming a congrega- because of “some other reason;” this explana- tion member. Considering that the majority tion was also given by 22% of the Catholics, of the Other population are affiliated with 24% of the Jews, 38% of the Other group and religions that are organized on less formal 25% of the None group. structures those of Western origin, this is understandable. One can identify as a Given that “some other reason” was chosen Buddhist in Marin, for example, regularly as an explanation by so many of each group, meditate and attend retreats without being a it would be worthwhile to find out what formal member of a temple. Additionally, some of the other reasons were. What we can 37% of those in the Other category identified discount, because they were among the other themselves as atheists or agnostics, making it available choices, are, lack of interest, insuffi- more unlikely that they would belong to a cient religiosity, dislike of organized religion, congregation. geography, lack of time, and inability to find a compatible congregation. Moreover, these The other top reasons why people did not respondents did not indicate that they had belong to a congregation varied by religious just moved to the area nor were they in the group. Some Catholics (28%) and Protestants process of looking to join a congregation. (12%) indicated that lack of time was the major factor for their decision. Other Some possible “other” reasons may be relat- Catholics (9%) did not join because they felt ed to age, marital and/or familial status. Our they were “not religious enough;” they were findings indicate that younger and/or single joined by 16% of the Jews and 16% of the individuals and people without young chil- None group. Fifteen percent (15%) of the dren are less likely to become members. None group joined nearly one-third (30%) of Thirty-five percent (35%) of people under 36 the Other group and 14% of the Protestants years of age join congregations compared to in withholding their membership because 46% of people over age 36. Moreover, only they “do not like organized religion.” Ten 37% of singles are members compared to 47% percent (10%) of Protestants could not find a of married/partnered people. Finally, 41% of congregation they liked. Finally, 11% of the people without children or with grown chil- Jews were alone in saying that cost prevented dren compared to 50% of parents with chil- them from joining a congregation. dren under age eighteen belong to congrega- tions. Perhaps churches, synagogues, Low congregation membership rates can be mosques and temples are seen as places pri- attributed, depending on religious group, to marily serving, and more welcoming to, lack of interest, dislike of organized religion, somewhat older, partnered people with lack of time, low level of religiosity or inabili- young children. ty to find a suitable congregation. Moreover, approximately 25% or more of each religious

18 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California group indicated their reason for not joining Service Attendance was not among the choices available. These “other reasons” may be related to age, mari- Marin residents attend services at levels tal and/or familial status. In part, the large lower than the nation.17 Over three of every numbers of people that indicated a lack of five (62%) of the Marin population either interest in membership and organized reli- never attended services (22%) or attended ser- gion may be attributed to the inability, per- vices less than once a month (40%). Only 24% ceived or real, of congregations to meet the attended at least once a week, and only 38% spiritual and religious needs of these people. attended once a month or more. In contrast, Congregational membership varies in Marin. 35% of the national population attends once a Some residents are finding that religious con- week with nearly two-thirds (60%) attending gregations are not the type of communities at least once a month. Only 10% of the for which they are looking. Yet others find national population never attends services. exactly these qualities in congregations. Still others belong but do not attend or attend infrequently.

Figure 6 F r equency of Service Attendance Figure 6: Frequency of Service Attendance

10% Nation 29% 60% 22% Marin n=653 40% 38% 7% Protestant n=173 30% 63% 7% Catholic n=139 34% 60% 14% Jewish n=80 68% 19% 27% Other n=95 38% 35% 53% None n=145 47%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Once a month or more Less than once a month Never

Source for Nation: Gallup Polls, 2000

17 People generally over-report their service attendance by nearly 100%.

19 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

However, not all the religious groups in (14%) to never attend services. Not surpris- Marin had low levels of service attendance. ingly, half (53%) of the None population Protestants and Catholics equaled or exceed- never attends services, but the other half ed national levels. Forty-three percent (43%) (47%) did attend, albeit less than once a of Protestants and 38% of Catholics attended month (see Figure 6). at least once a week. The majority of both Protestants (63%) and Catholics (60%) attend- The same pattern of service attendance can ed services once a month or more and only also be seen when looking at activity over the 7% of each group never attended services. In week prior to when the respondent was sur- contrast, Jews attend at a much lower rate, veyed. Here we see that 57% of Protestants with only 9% attending at least weekly and and 55% of Catholics attended during this only a slightly larger number, 19%, attending period, statistics nearly identical to the 60% once a month or more. The vast majority of the nation who attended during the same (68%) attended less than once a month, most period. The Other population, at a rate of likely only on special occasions and holidays 38%, approximated the Marin average of such as Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. 42%, and attended at higher rates than Jews Interestingly, the Other group is nearly twice (21%). As in the previous graph, only a tiny as likely (18%) as Jews to attend services (3%) number of those following no specific weekly as well as twice as likely (35%) as religion attended services in week prior to Jews to attend services monthly. The Other being surveyed (see Figure 7). group is also, at 27%, twice as likely as Jews

Figure 7 S e r vice Attendance in the Past Seven Days Figure 7. Service Attendance in the Past Seven Days

Nation 60%

Marin n=514 42%

Protestant n=161 57%

Catholic n=132 55%

Jewish n=70 21%

Other n=69 38%

None n=70 3%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Source: The Gallup Poll, 1998

20 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

When analyzing the data for Figures 6 and 7, Similar care must also be taken when consid- the above two charts, we need to keep sever- ering the figures for the None community. al things in mind. First, traditional religion in With 53% of people never attending, services Marin is still strong. Protestant and Catholic obviously play a less important role even service attendance is as high as the national than for members of the Other group. But average. Second, Jews in America have tradi- how many of these people are, like those in tionally attended services at significantly the Other group, worshiping in alternative lower rates than Protestants and Catholics. ways? Moreover, almost half (47%) are Among non-Orthodox Jews, regular service attending services at least once a year. attendance does not play an important role in determining whether one is a “good Jew.” If Congregational Giving there is one such litmus test in terms of ser- vice attendance, that would be the percentage Given its relatively low congregational affilia- of Jews who never attended services, even on tion level, one might expect that the Marin Rosh Hashanah or Yom Kippur. When we population would donate money to congre- look at that number, we see that it approxi- gations at significantly lower rates than the mates that of Catholics and Protestants – only nation. However, what we find is that both 14% of Jews never attend services during the groups gave at essentially the same rate. year, a figure below the Marin average and Only 45% of the national population and 48% significantly below that of the Other and of the Marin population gave to congrega- None groups. When the holiest days of the tions. Moreover, when we take into account year come around, most Jews can be found in congregational membership levels, we see synagogue. that Marin was substantially more generous than the nation. In terms of interpreting the figures for the Other community, we should certainly note While only 43% of county residents are mem- that services do seem to play a somewhat bers, 48% gave to congregations. In contrast, important role for this population, with more while 68% of the nation are members, only than one-third (35%) attending once a month 45% contributed funds. This translates into a or more, and 73% attending at least once a contribution to membership ratio of 112% in year. However, we should also note less for- Marin compared to only 66% among the mal and hierarchical forms of worship. This nation. Marin Catholics, Protestants and Jews is particularly true as a number of this group contribute to congregations at the same levels formally practice Buddhism. Others borrow at which they belong. More surprising are the rituals from Buddhist practice. In this faith, numbers for the Other and None groups. worship can include non-service gatherings While only 27% of the Others belong to a such as meditation sittings, retreats or light- congregation, 44% gave to such an institu- ing incense for home or temple altars. The tion. Similarly, while only 2% of the None lower level of service attendance should not group belong to a congregation, 12% gave to be interpreted as lower levels of religiosity. one. Thus, the respective contribution to membership ratios for these groups are 163% and 600% respectively.

21 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Prayer: Forms Consider, for example, the popularity of books such as That’s Funny, You Don’t Look Our study indicates that people in Marin Buddhist: On Being a Faithful Jew and a were more likely than the national popula- Passionate Buddhist by Sylvia Boorstein, a tion to use alternative, in particular Eastern, founding teacher of Marin’s Buddhist retreat forms of prayer. We asked Marin residents center, Spirit Rock,18 and The Jew in the Lotus: which type of prayer they used most fre- a Poet’s Rediscovery of Jewish Identity in quently: formal, conversational, meditative/ Buddhist India by Roger Kamenetz.19 reflective, or a combination of some of these methods. We found that people in Marin The Other (7%) and None (2%) groups were were nearly twice as likely as the national much less likely than the other groups to use sample (27% vs. 15%) to use reflective or formal prayers, giving support to the argu- meditative prayers (meditation). Still, the ment that formal services are not the primary vast majority of those in Marin are not using format in which their practitioners worship, meditation (73%). At the same time, they and thus figures about attendance at services were considerably less likely than the nation are not the best yardstick by which to mea- to use the formal or conversational prayers sure religiosity in these communities. On the (51% Marin vs. 68% Nation) most commonly other hand, considerably more Catholics and used in Western religious worship. Jews used formal prayers, at the rates of 15% and 19% respectively. The largest segment of If we look at preference of prayer method by Catholics, 41%, as well as the majority of religious group, we find that Protestants and Protestants, 57%, used conversational Catholics were the most likely to use tradi- prayers. tional forms of prayer while the remaining groups were more likely to seek alternatives. Prayer: Frequency The members of the Other (53%) and None (39%) groups, as well as the Jews (42%), were Marin residents were much less likely than three times as likely as Protestants (16%) and the nation to pray. While 75% of Americans Catholics (13%) to use meditative or reflec- say that they pray at least once daily,20 only tive types of prayers. The large number of 50% of Marin residents say they pray “fre- Jews using meditative prayers is not totally quently” or “a lot.” As with method of surprising considering the substantial num- prayer, Protestants and Catholics behaved ber of people in the area who identify them- more like the national population than the selves “Jew-Bu’s.” These individuals, noting Marin average. Approximately two-thirds of the similarity between some Buddhist tech- each of these groups prays “frequently” or “a niques and Jewish mysticism, are re-integrat- lot.” Unexpectedly, a similar number of the ing meditation in their method of prayer. Other group also chose these categories. On

18 Sylvia Boorstein, That’s Funny, You Don’t Look Buddhist: On Being a Faithful Jew and a Passionate Buddhist (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1998). 19 Roger Kamenetz, The Jew in the Lotus: a Poet’s Rediscovery of Jewish Identity in Buddhist India (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1995). 20 The LIFE Survey on Prayer conducted by the Gallup Organization for the LIFE, March 1994 issue.

22 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California the other hand, Jews, at a rate of 26%, were Prayer: Importance less likely to pray frequently; far more prayed only occasionally (40%), with more It is notable that even among the None popu- than a third, 35%, never praying. Only 13% lation, more than a third (35%) of the people of the None group prays frequently or “a believe that prayer is more important to them lot;” 27% pray occasionally and 60% never now compared to five years ago. This num- pray (see Figure 8). ber is less than the Protestant (46%), Catholic (45%), Other (42%) and Marin (42%) figures, In analyzing these figures, we should recall but higher than the Jewish figure (31%). The that many Jews consider themselves cultural, national figure was 55%. Significantly, less rather than religious, Jews, and do not incor- than 6% of any of the Marin religious groups porate prayer on a regular basis into their believed that prayer had become less impor- cultural lives. In terms of the statistics for the tant to them. The remainder of all groups None population, we need to find out more believed that prayer had the same level of about what those in this population define as importance as five years ago. prayer. Moreover, the 40% who say they do pray at least occasionally further attests to Prayer: Meals the fact that the None group is not made up of people who necessarily reject religion and The various groups differed, however, on spirituality. where they prayed. In the more traditionally

Figure 8 FigureF r e 8.q uFrequencyency of P ofra Prayeryer

50% Marin n=644 26% 25% 67% Protestant n=171 23% 9% 69% Catholic n=137 25% 6% 26% Jewish n=81 40% 35% 65% Other n=93 19% 16% 14% None n=143 26% 60%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Never Occasionally Frequently/A lot

23 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 9 Do you pray aloud before meals? Figure 9. Do you pray aloud before meals?

Nation 86%

Marin n=479 49%

Protestant n=153 59%

Catholic n=127 50%

Jewish n=53 49%

Other n=77 39%

None n=56 27%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Source for Nation: Gallup Organization survey for LIFE Magazine, March 1994 issue associated activity of praying before meals, it have religious scriptures in their homes, was the Western religions where such prayer almost one-half (46%) never read them, with is most prevalent. One-half or more of the an additional 34% only reading them occa- Protestant (59%), Catholic (50%) and Jewish sionally. In contrast, 47% of the national pop- (49%) populations engaged in this activity ulation read scriptures at least once a week, while approximately one-third of the Other 17% read them at least once a month and (39%) and None (27%) groups did so. Again, 19% read them less than once a month. Only while the None statistic is significantly lower 16% said they never read them. However, the than the other groups, it further attests to a statistics varied by religious group (see certain level of religiosity and spirituality Figure 10). within the None population. Of course, this question did not ask how frequently respon- While our numbers have indicated that medi- dents prayed at family meals, whether it was tative practices are an important form of reli- once a day, once a week or once a year. gious practice for the Other population, the Nationally, 86% of people pray at meals (see majority also study their holy texts. Twenty- Figure 9). four percent (24%) of the Other group study texts “frequently” or “a lot” with an addi- Reading Scripture tional third (34%) doing so occasionally. Not surprisingly, these figures do not exceed that Reading religious scriptures also plays a less of adherents to Protestantism, a religion important role in Marin residents’ lives than which was founded on and continues to it does nationally. While nearly all residents emphasize the idea of congregants being able

24 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California to read and interpret the Bible themselves. noted above, 86% of Jews attend services at Thirty-nine percent (39%) of the Protestants least once per year, the vast majority of read the Bible “frequently” or “a lot” and an whom at least attend on the High Holidays. additional 34% did so “occasionally.” On the High Holy Days, and at regular Saturday Shabbat services, congregants hear The rates for the Other group approximated the chanting of portions of the Torah, as well those of the Catholics, at least in terms of as a sermon/teaching on that portion. The who read their texts most often. Nineteen faith practice of the None group does not percent (19%) of Catholics read the Bible focus on texts – a full 75% never read their “frequently” or “a lot” and an additional holy scriptures; only 3% read their scriptures 48% did so occasionally. Here the differences “frequently” or “a lot.” between the Catholics and Protestants are not surprising. The Catholic Church places Belief in a Divine more emphasis on ritual as the way to reach God. The Other group exceeded the scripture Belief in a divine force is high in Marin, reading frequency of the Jews. Only 10% of albeit slightly lower than that of the nation the Jews read their holy texts, including the as a whole. Eighty-four percent (84%) of Torah, “frequently” or “a lot,” and 40% read county residents believe as compared to 95% them only “occasionally.” Note, though, that of all Americans. When we look at beliefs by this does not at all mean that the rest of the religious groups, we see that Protestants and Jews are not learning any scripture. As we Catholics were most likely to believe in a

Figure 10 FigureF r e q10:ue Frequencyncy of Re ofad Readinging Rel iReligiousgious Sc rScripturesipture s

20% Marin n=652 34% 46% 39% Protestant n=172 34% 28% 19% Catholic n=139 48% 33% 10% Jewish n=80 40% 50% 24% Other n=94 34% 43% 3% None n=146 21% 76%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Never Occasionally Frequently/A lot

25 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 11 FigureB e11.li eBelieff in ain Da iDivinevine

5% Nation 8% 86% 16% Marin n=641 28% 57% 4% Protestant n=171 15% 81% 1% Catholic n=137 12% 87% 28% Jewish n=78 36% 36% 9% Other n=90 38% 53% 40% None n=145 48% 12%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% God A Higher Power Neither Source for Nation: Gallup Polls, 2000 divine presence, at rates of 96% and 98% (28%) of the Marin population, but only 8% respectively. Nearly all of the “Others” (91%) of the nation, said they believed not in God, also believe. Jews, at 74%, believe at a lesser but rather a “Higher Power.” This is most rate. Fifty-nine percent (59%) of those in the likely the result of the questioning of tradi- None group believe, highlighting again that tional authorities and concepts. Since the the population’s lack of specific religious 1960s, an increasing number of people have preference does not mean that members of become uncomfortable with using the word this group are not religious/spiritual despite “God.” For the generation who became what other findings in this study may indi- young adults during that period, the word cate. has connotations of a masculine supreme being that was distant, severe and punishing. However, Marin residents were less likely to Some chose to stop believing in God alto- describe the divine in conventional ways. gether. But others created or resurrected new Only 57% of Marin residents referred to their terms to refer to God, terms that did not have divine force as “God” compared to 86% of negative connotations (see Figure 11).21 those in the nation. Twenty-eight percent

21 Wade Clark Roof, Spiritual Marketplace: Baby Boomers and the Remaking of American Religion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 54-56.

26 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Protestants and Catholics, at 81% and 87% believed in a “Higher Power” rather than respectively, were the most likely to refer to God. the divine using the traditional name “God.” They were joined by half of the Other group People in Marin also preferred to use non- (53%), somewhat fewer Jews (36%) and only traditional language when referring to the 12% of the None population. The rest of the character of their beliefs, i.e. are you reli- None population (48%) rejected this language gious? The vast majority (82%) of those in the and stated instead that they “did not believe county declared that they are religious or in a personal God but did believe in a spiritual. Ninety percent (90%) of the national “Higher Power.” A significant number of the population said the same. But the majority, “Others” (38%) and the Jews (36%) did the 53% of those in Marin, stated that they are same. Interestingly, even a notable number of spiritual but not religious. The figure for the Protestants (15%) and Catholics (12%), more nation was 30%. than the national average, stated that they

Figure 12 Religious/Spiritual Beliefs Figure 12. Religious/Spiritual Beliefs

54% Nation 30% 6% 9% 29% Marin n=625 53% 18% 46% Protestant n=160 41% 13% 56% Catholic n=133 37% 8% 26% Jewish n=76 54% 20% 13% Other n=90 82% 4%

None n=146 59% 41%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% "I am neither" "I am both" "I am spiritual but not religious" "I am religious"

Source for Nation: Gallup Polls, 2000

27 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Religious Beliefs and Jews 55%, and almost half of the None group (46%). This was one statistic where the What distinguishes the terms “religious” and Other group, not the Christian groups, “spiritual?” Studies have shown that the matched the national average (82%). term “religious” usually is associated with religious institutions and adherence to beliefs The statistics about “religious experience” – and rules established by hierarchical religious defined to the Marin respondents by the sur- bodies. In contrast, the term “spiritual” usu- vey takers as “a particularly powerful, sud- ally signifies a personal, emotional journey to den religious insight or awakening” – add the divine which may include use of psychol- further evidence of the role of the “spiritual” ogy, alternative medicine, or recovery in the lives of a number of people in Marin. resources and allows considerable borrowing This can be shown through the case of the from different religious traditions, particular- Other population. We see in our chart that ly those outside the Christian and Jewish the vast majority of the Other group (70%) mainstream.22 said they had a “religious experience.” The figure greatly exceeds the Marin (39%) and The Other group, at 82%, is most likely to say national (36%) averages, and as well as that they are “spiritual but not religious.” A of the remaining groups: 44% of the smaller majority of the None group (59%) Protestants said they had a religious experi- and the Jews (54%) says the same. In con- ence; 30% of the Catholics; 33% of the Jews; trast, more than half of the Catholics (56%) and 25% of the None population. This find- and nearly half (46%) of the Protestants refer ing would be surprising if we only defined to themselves as “religious” only. Even “religious experience” to mean a “born among these groups, however, there is a sig- again” experience. However, for many mem- nificant move away from using traditional bers of the Other population, “religious expe- terms to refer to their beliefs; more than one- rience” has a broader, more spiritual defini- third of the Catholics (37%) and 41% of the tion, separated from Christianity. These Protestants refer to themselves as “spiritual occurrences can include a particularly but not religious”(see Figure 12). insightful meditation, revelation, a near- death or healing experience, or a sudden sen- Spiritual Growth, Religious Experiences, sation of a deep connection with a deceased and Miracles family member. For some members of the national Other population, it was this type of The importance of the “spiritual” in the lives non-traditional, non-Christian, religious of the Other population and the Marin popu- experience that resulted in their adopting lation in general is viewed again in the sur- non-Western beliefs and practices (see Figure vey query about spiritual growth. Here, the 13).23 vast majority, 85%, of the Other group felt a need to experience spiritual growth. This Belief in miracles among the Other popula- type of growth was also important to the tion was also very substantial, equaling the majority of Catholics 67%, Protestants 66%, belief rate of the nation and exceeding the

22 Wuthnow, After Heaven; Cimino and Lattin, Shopping for Faith, 9-51. 23 Wuthnow, After Heaven, 174-175.

28 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Figure 13 Figure"I H 13.av "Ie HaveHad Hada Re Religiousligious E Experience"xperience"

Nation 36%

Marin n=636 39%

Protestant n=168 44%

Catholic n=135 30%

Jewish n=79 33%

Other n=91 70%

None n=143 25%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Source for Nation: Gallup survey conducted for the University of Chicago Divinity School, 1996 rate of the total Marin population. Eighty- incredible events do not have to result from two percent (82%) of the Other members the work of God, Jesus, or biblical figures, believe in miracles compared with 79% of the but can come about through the intervention nation and 66% of the total Marin popula- of a less formally conceived, and less- tion. Looking at the rest of the county’s reli- Western, divine spirit, or through the work of gious groups, Protestants and Catholics also non-Western or lay healers felt to be inspired strongly believed in miracles; the rates were by the divine. While miracles are described in 81% and 76% respectively. Only 43% of Jews the Torah, contemporary non-Orthodox and 40% of the None group believe in the Judaism does not emphasize them in its same. teachings.

The widespread belief in miracles among the Strength of Identification with Christians, especially the Catholics, is not and Importance of One’s Religion surprising given that miracles are used to explain many core parts of the faith such as Despite preferring the “spiritual” to the “reli- Jesus’ conception, his resurrection, and tran- gious” in their lives, the Other group (58%) substantiation. What is more striking is the was the most likely to say that they are “very level of belief among the Other group. Here strongly” identified with their religion. Their we should distinguish between the more bib- affinity level was significantly higher than lically based definition of “miracles” that that of the Protestants (49%), Catholics (45%), Christians use and the more spiritual and/or Jews (41%) and the Marin average (42%), and “New Age” definitions probably held by the almost three times the rate of the None popu- Other population. In the latter definition, lation (20%), which by definition is com-

29 Institute for Jewish & Community Research prised of people with no specific religious numbers were not far from the national fig- affinity. The strength of the Other popula- ure of 59% and greatly exceeded the Marin tion’s association is particularly striking average of 39%. Less than one-fifth of Jews given that 81% were not raised in their cur- felt the same way (17%), albeit the majority rent faith, while in all but the None group, (52%) did say it was fairly important. The most had been members since birth. Of difference between the Jews and the other course, the fact that the majority of the Other groups can be explained once again by the group chose their current religion may large number of people who identify them- explain their strong attachment to it. Usually selves as cultural, but not religious, Jews. for someone to switch a religion, one has to Seventy-six percent (76%) of the None group have a stronger connection to the religion said that religion was not at all important in into which one is going to be switching than their lives. Given that 60% of this same group the religion that is being left behind. stated that they believe in God or a “Higher Power” and that 59% of them say that they The majority of the Other group (52%) also are “spiritual but not religious,” we need to stated that their religion is “very important” ask whether the high number of people say- in their lives, a statistic partially explained by ing that religion is not important in their their deliberate choice to practice religions in lives is a result of semantics – “religion” ver- this category. Fifty percent (50%) of Catholics sus “spirituality” – and/or problems they and 60% of Protestants also rated their reli- may have with “organized religion”(see gion as “very important” in their lives. These Figure 14).

Figure 14 FigureI m p 14.o r tImportanceance of R ofe lReligionigion i nin MMyy LifeLife

12% Nation 27% 60% 31% Marin n=648 30% 39% 14% Protestant n=171 26% 60% 9% Catholic n=141 40% 50% 31% Jewish n=81 52% 17% 25% Other n=93 24% 52% 76% None n=143 17% 8%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Very Important Fairly Important Not at all Important Source for Nation: The Gallup Poll, 1998

30 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Religious Satisfaction that American Catholics are particularly dis- satisfied with the Vatican’s positions on birth Given that such a large percentage of the control, divorce, and celibacy for priests.24 Other group so strongly identifies with their Protestants (34%) were less likely to be dis- religion and states that their religion plays a satisfied than people practicing other very important part in their lives, we should Western religions (see Figure 15). not be surprised that the Other group is very satisfied with their religion. The Other group It would be wrong to conclude from the was considerably more satisfied than the Other group’s high level of satisfaction with remaining religious groups. Only 24% of the their own religion that they are pleased with Other category agreed that there were many religion in general. In fact, 72% of the Other things in their religion that they did not like. group joined similar percentages of Jews and This was much less than the Marin and the None group (74% each) in stating that national dissatisfaction averages of 39%. This “religions have unnecessary rules and statistic is not so surprising given that 81% of responsibilities.” Protestants and Catholics the Other group chose to switch into their are hardly satisfied. At rates of 48% and 52%, current religion. In contrast to the Other these Christians did, however, approximate group, the majority of Jews (61%), as well as the national average of 52% and were consid- large numbers of Catholics (45%) voiced their erably more content than the other groups dissatisfaction. National studies have shown and the Marin average (61%). These statistics

Figure 15 Figure" T h e 15.r e "ThereAre M areany Many Thin gThingss in M iny MyRe lReligionigion Th Thatat I ID Doo NNotot AgreeAgree With" Wi t h "

Nation 39%

Marin n=462 39%

Protestant n=167 34%

Catholic n=132 45%

Jewish n=72 61%

Other n=89 24%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Source for Nation: Gallup Polls, 2000

24 Gallup and Lindsay, Surveying the Religious Landscape, 81. No members of the None group responded to this question most likely because the question assumed that the respondents practiced a specific religion.

31 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 16 "FigureRelig 16.io n"Religionss Have UHavenne Unnecessarycessary R uRulesles aandnd Responsibilities"Responsibilities"

Nation 52%

Marin n=630 61%

Protestant n=167 48%

Catholic n=132 52%

Jewish n=78 74%

Other n=92 72%

None n=140 74%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Source for Nation: Gallup Polls, 2000 might explain why considerable numbers of to believe in hell. These figures were much all groups, but especially the Jewish, Other, closer to the national average of 71% than the and None groups, say that they are “spiritual belief rates of the other groups. Only 9% of but not religious”(see Figure 16). Jews and 14% of the None population believed in the same. The Other group, with The Afterlife: Heaven, Hell and 32% believing, fell somewhere in between, Reincarnation and in doing so, approximated the Marin average of 35%. It should be noted, however, Finally, in their beliefs about the afterlife, that all these religious groups, as well as the Protestants and Catholics were most likely to Marin and the national populations in gener- think in traditional terms. The vast majority al, are significantly less likely to believe in of both groups, 71% of Protestants and 78% hell than in heaven. of Catholics, believe in heaven, for example. These figures approached the national rate The widespread belief in heaven and, to a (82%) and greatly exceeded the Marin aver- lesser extent, hell, in the Protestant and age (50%). In contrast, only a minority of the Catholic communities is to be expected given remaining groups believes in heaven. that this structure of the afterlife is empha- However, the Other group, at 46%, was sized in the teaching of the faith, and that the much more likely to believe in heaven than afterlife itself plays a very important role in the Jews (26%) and the None group (17%) each faith. For some faiths, behavior in this (see Figure 17). world is said to be a determinant of the place of the soul in the afterlife. The Jewish rejec- Protestants and Catholics, at rates of 49% and tion of both heaven and hell is understand- 60% respectively, were also much more likely able given that most branches of Judaism de-

32 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Figure 17 Figure 17. Beliefs About the Afterlife Beliefs About Afterlife

27% Nation 71% 83% 36% Marin n=654 35% 50% 30% Protestant n=172 49% 71% 29% Catholic n=140 60% 78% 25% Jewish n=81 9% 26% 72% Other n=94 32% 46% 30% None n=146 14% 17%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Heaven Hell Reincarnation Source for Nation - (Heaven & Hell): Gallup News Service Survey, May 2001; (Reincarnation): The Gallup Poll, 1994 emphasize the concept of the afterlife. To two percent (72%) of the Other population understand the Other group’s belief in the believes without doubt in reincarnation. This afterlife, we need to turn to the results for the is some 2.5 times the rate of all the other gro u p s . survey question about reincarnation. Given that 26% of the Other population is Buddhist, and 3% is Hindu, we should not be Many people in Marin are open to reincarna- surprised that some of this population tion, a tenet of the Eastern religions of believe in reincarnation. However, the large Buddhism and Hinduism. Thirty-six percent percentage of this group which believes in (36%) of those in Marin believe without reincarnation, combined with the large per- doubt that reincarnation exists compared to centage that prefers meditative and reflective only (27%) of the national population.25 The types of prayers, indicates that besides those Other group particularly stands out. Seventy- people officially aligning themselves to the

25 There is a much larger difference between Marin and the nation in terms of firm non-believers in reincarnation. Fifty three percent (53%) of the nation firmly does not believe in reincarnation compared to only 37% of those in Marin.

33 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Eastern religions, there are many who are The majority of the county continues to prac- borrowing from their practices. However, tice Western religions. Particularly among the given that a significant number of the Other Protestants and Catholics, traditional behav- group also believes in heaven and hell, we ior, such as congregational membership and can characterize a significant minority of this service attendance, remains strong, though group as believing in a combination of not necessarily as strong as at the national Western and Eastern beliefs. level. However, the practices and beliefs of people in these Western faiths, especially the To summarize our above findings, Marin Jews, are clearly being influenced by those of County is a religiously and spiritually rich the Other and None groups. Some and innovative area. Two of the county’s Protestants say they are “spiritual but not smaller religious groups, the Other and None religious;” some Jews meditate; some populations, have contributed richness and Catholics believe in reincarnation; and these diversity. are only a few examples. These people are not content being passively religious. They, The Other population’s rituals and beliefs like many members of the Other and None combine influences from East and West. It is groups, are “spiritual seekers.” a group which, in behavior and belief, shares some of the characteristics of Western and Religious Education for Children especially Christian religions, but which in other areas, including organization, form of Unfortunately, many of the children of Marin worship, strength of attachment to their reli- are not reaping the rewards of their parents’ gion, the importance of the “spiritual” in deep spiritual lives. Seventy-nine percent their lives, and the use of non-traditional lan- (79%) of both the Marin and national popula- guage to describe the divine and their beliefs, tion received religious training as a child. Yet is using new, in some cases, Eastern or par- only 54% of the Marin parents were currently tially Eastern, religious forms. Many of this providing, or did provide in the past, reli- group describe the divine as a “Higher gious education for their children. In con- Power,” meditate, and believe in reincarna- trast, the parents in the national population tion. want to educate their children at an even higher rate than they themselves were edu- The None population shares a number of cated (89% vs. 79%). characteristics with the Other population. They prefer to describe themselves as “spiri- When considered by specific religious group tual,” use Eastern ways of prayer and also in Marin, the numbers look quite different. describe their divine as a Higher Power. They The Protestants (72%), Catholics (72%), and are less likely than the other groups to to a lesser extent, Jews (54%), continue to engage in formal religious behavior or share provide religious educations for their chil- traditional beliefs, but the majority of them, dren. Still, this marks a significant drop in despite lacking a religious preference, are levels for all groups when compared to reli- spiritual in some manner or form. gious training of the parents. As children,

34 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

84% of current Protestants received a reli- Disenchantment with religious institutions gious education, as did 91% of Catholics and has not prevented adults from a relationship 79% of Jews. A drop is also seen when look- with the divine. They have pursued their ing at the Other and None groups. Sixty-four own spiritual paths, borrowing on the way percent (64%) of the Other group received a from a number of different traditions and religious education, while only 48% are pro- practices. However, the dislike of, or as the viding one to their children. The None group parents might say, deficits of the existing reli- was the least likely to religiously educate gious institutions has prevented almost a their children; 71% had received such train- majority of parents from providing their chil- ing, but only 21% have decided to provide dren with even the religious and spiritual one for their children (see Figure 18). basics with which they were raised.

Figure 18 Religious Education Received as a Child vs. Religious Education Provided for Own Childre n

79% Nation 89%

Marin n(a)=656, 79% n(b)=180 54%

Protestant n(a)=173, 84% n(b)=53 72%

Catholic n(a)=140, 91% n(b)=36 72%

Jewish n(a)=81, 79% n(b)=24 54%

64% Other n(a)=95, n(b)=21 48%

None n(a)=145, 71% n(b)=42 21%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Religious Education Provided to Own Children (b) Religious Education Received As Child (a)

35 AN ANALYSIS OF PEOPLE WHO HAVE SWITCHED RELIGIONS

Fifty-one percent (51%) of the Marin popula- (86%) groups, as well as almost half of cur- tion has switched religions from that in rently practicing Protestants (45%). The which she or he was born. This figure is Jewish and Catholic communities, with 25% approximately two times the national figure. and 15% of current members joining after Reasons for switching commonly cited by childhood, were the destinations of choice for scholars include marriage/long-term partner- considerably fewer switchers. These lower ship with someone of a different faith, chang- rates may be explained by the difficulty of ing religious beliefs, and relocation.26 Baby converting to Judaism and the relatively con- Boomers were the most likely to switch reli- servative policies of the Catholic Church (see gions. Fifty-seven percent (57%) of this gener- Figure 19). ation has switched compared to a minority of other generations. Of those who switched, approximately one- quarter was raised as Protestants, Catholics Marin switchers include the vast majority of and in Other religions, 16% with no specific those who are in the Other (81%) and None religion, and 4% as Jews.

Figure 19 Figure 19. Current Members of Religious Groups that Switched C u r rent Members Wfromho theirSwi tBirthche dReligions From Their Birth Religions

Marin n=646 51%

Protestant n=169 45%

Catholic n=136 25%

Jewish n=80 15%

Other n=94 81%

None n=146 86%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

26 Kosmin and Lachman, Under One God, 239.

37 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 20 RFigureeligi o20.us Religious Origins Origins and D andest iDestinationsnations of of S Switcherswitchers

23% Protestant 26%

6% Catholic 28%

6% Jewish 4%

23% Other 24%

38% None 16%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Childhood Religion n=341 Current Religion n=331

Except for Jews, the groups switched at rates Twenty-six percent (26%) of the switchers left that reflected the current religious makeup of Protestantism and 23% joined. Twenty-five Marin County. Jews switched at a much percent (25%) of switchers left the Other cate- lower rate. While they comprise 13% of the gory and 23% joined. Four percent (4%) of Marin population, Jews made up only 4% of switchers left Judaism while 6% joined. These the switchers. Traditionally, Jews in America patterns are quite different from that of do not formally convert to other religions. national switchers, 81% of whom became Protestants (see Figure 20).27 Where did the switchers from all the reli- gious groups go? One of the biggest shifts Of course, these statistics do not reveal the that we see is that there was a substantial fluidity of respondents’ religious lives; for move away from Catholicism. While 28% of example the answers do not reveal if respon- those who switched were raised as Catholics, dents had once switched away from their only 6% of the switchers became Catholic. At birth religions and then switched back, nor the same time, we see a marked switch how many different religions they might toward having no religious preference have practiced since birth. Yet, studies have (None). While 16% of switchers moved away shown that for some people, particularly from this group, 38% of switchers moved into Baby Boomers, fluidity, not simple switching, this category. The remaining groups stayed characterizes the religious journey.28 We can approximately the same size. imagine in the heat of the 1960s, that a Jewish

27 Gallup and Lindsay, Surveying the Religious Landscape, 19. 28 Kosmin and Lachman, One Nation Under God, 239; Roof, Spiritual Marketplace, 111-144; Wuthnow, After Heaven.

38 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California woman named Rebecca rejected God and Protestant, are all approximately 25%. What religion altogether. Then maybe in the 1980s, we see here is the revolving door phenome- after she settled down, found a partner and non: there are a significant number of people had children, she decided that she wanted to in the population who are content with exist- raise her children as Jews. Since the late ing Protestant practices and institutions; 1990s, however, she has not been a member there are a significant number of people who of a synagogue, prefers meditation as her are leaving their denominations in search for method of prayer and has been on several more fulfillment; and there are an equally Buddhist retreats. How many people in significant number of those not raised as Marin have been on a journey similar to our Protestants who are joining a denomination imaginary Rebecca? How many are still on to see if it will meet their needs. that journey? C o n g r egational Membership Religious Pre f e r e n c e When we look at current congregational When comparing the religious preferences, membership, we see that only a minority of practices, and beliefs of switchers and non- switchers (26%) now belong to a congrega- switchers, we find clear differences. Non- tion. This number is far less than the compa- switchers continue to adhere to many of the rable statistics for non-switchers (61%) and traditional Christian and Jewish practices and the Marin population as a whole (43%) (see beliefs. In contrast, the switchers, no matter Figure 21). what religion they switched into, made their spiritual journeys on non-traditional paths. The same pattern exists when we consider If we look specifically at the current religious adult congregational belonging. Here only preferences of the switchers and non-switch- 32% of the switcher population has ever ers, we see that switchers were more likely to belonged to a congregation as an adult. join the non-traditional Other and None Considerably more non-switchers (55%) have groups, while non-switchers continue to belonged as adults. favor Western religions. Of the switchers, 23% are now members of the Other group This difference cannot be attributed to and 25% include themselves in the None respondents’ congregational affiliation as group while only 6% are Catholics and 6% children. The vast majority of both switchers are Jews. In contrast, among the non-switch- and non-switchers, 73% and 86% respective- ing population, 37% are Catholic and 19% are ly, belonged to congregations as children. Jewish while only 6% are members of each Moreover, we cannot attribute the difference the Other and None groups. to the switchers’ lack of spiritual life. Most of the switchers identify themselves as religious Interestingly, the proportion of switchers who or spiritual and believe in God or a Higher left Protestantism, the proportion of switch- Power. Where we do find some guidance is ers who became Protestant and the propor- in the explanations given by switchers and tion of non-switchers who remained non-switchers for their choices.

39 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 21 FigureC o 21.n g Congregationalr egational M Membershipembership

74% Switchers n=332 26%

39% Non-Switchers n=314 61%

57% Marin n=659 43%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Yes No

Approximately the same proportion of both S e r vice Attendance groups said they were not members because they were “not interested” or for “some other Switchers were much less likely than non- reason.” Twenty-seven percent (27%) of switchers to attend formal services. More switchers and 29% of non-switchers gave the than half (52%) of non-switchers attend ser- former answer, and 29% of both groups gave vices once a month or more while only 24% the latter answer. However, switchers were of switchers do the same. Meanwhile, more five times more likely than non-switchers than one-third of switchers never attend ser- (20% vs. 4%) to say they were not members vices. The figure for non-switchers was only of congregations because they “did not like 3%. The remainder of both groups attends organized religion.” These figures suggest services less than once a month (see Figure that the barriers to increasing membership 22). among switchers are more structural, while for non-switchers they are more circumstan- However, given the near 50% of switchers tial. Changes in event scheduling may draw who include themselves in the Other and some non-switchers, but to attract most None groups, and were thus more likely to switchers, as well as many non-switchers, use Eastern styles of prayer, we should ask program changes are needed that demon- ourselves if the numbers would have strate that congregational and organized reli- changed had we rephrased our question. gious life meets their needs. Would the numbers have increased had we asked not only about attendance at religious

40 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California services – which for most means a choreo- Religious Beliefs graphed activity that is led by someone for- mally trained – but also about attendance at a In looking at the beliefs of switchers, if we meditation sitting group, women’s prayer begin with the very words “religious” and meeting or spiritual chanting gathering? The “religion” themselves, we find that the vast answers to other questions in the survey majority of the switchers reject these terms. indicate that the statistics would rise if this Only 12% of switchers call themselves reli- question were altered in this manner. gious in contrast to 48% of non-switchers. Furthermore, 65% of switchers say they are P r a y e r “spiritual but not religious,” compared to 40% of non-switchers. Since “religious” is When we consider the figures detailing how commonly associated with an institutional people pray, we see that that switchers are path toward the divine while “spiritual” con- significantly more likely to favor meditative notes a more personal path, the latter seems or reflective prayers (34% vs. 21%), and non- to fit people who have taken the significant switchers were significantly more likely to step of leaving their birth religion in order to favor formal prayers (13% vs. 4%). Switchers explore the possibility of a more fulfilling were also much less likely to say a formal spiritual life (see Figure 23). prayer regularly at family meals.

Figure 22 FigureF r eq 22.ue nFrequencycy of At ofte Attendingnding Se Servicesrv i c e s

52% Once a month or more 24%

40% Less than once a month 41%

3% Never 35%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Switchers n=331 Non-Switchers n=315

41 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 23 FigureR e23.lig Religious/Spiritualious/Spiritual Be Beliefsliefs

48% "I am religious" 12%

"I am spiritual but not 40% religious" 65%

12% "I am neither" 23%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Switchers n=317 Non-Switchers n=297

Religious Dissatisfaction, Importance fy themselves as “spiritual but not religious,” and Experience we need to interpret with care questions that use the term “religion.” For example, when What about religions and religious institu- asked how important “religion” was to their tions do the switchers dislike? For one, only lives, a full 47% of switchers said “not all 23% of switchers believe that religions can important,”31% saying it was “very impor- answer all of today’s questions. This com- tant.” In contrast, only 13% of non-switchers pares to 43% of the non-switchers. Given this said that religion was “not at all important,” disenchantment, it is more likely that a and a full 48% said it was “very switcher would seek answers elsewhere. important”(see Figure 24).

Furthermore, about two-thirds (67%) of the From this we might easily conclude that switchers believe that religions have unneces- things commonly associated with religion are sary rules and responsibilities, compared to not important to the switchers. However, 55% of non-switchers. However, the non- when we asked how many in each group felt switchers remained with formal religion a need to experience spiritual growth, a full despite their frustrations, indicating that 63% of the switchers and non-switchers switchers were more likely to be risk-takers responded in the affirmative. How could this in their religious quest. be given that nearly 50% of the switchers stated that religion was “not all important” in Given the switchers’ higher dissatisfaction their lives? It is with questions like this that with “religion” and their proclivity to identi- we need to consider how the switchers’ disaf-

42 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California fection with the terms “religion” and “reli- selves whether the rate for religious experi- gious” might prevent us from understanding ences is higher because these experiences — the full extent of what in their former years which are defined by some as “supernatural” would be considered religious practices, experiences — provide answers which those beliefs, and needs. How would the answers seeking the divine on their own cannot have differed had the question not simply answer by themselves. asked about the importance of religion in their lives, but about “religion and/or spiri- The Divine, Being Religious, tual matters” in their lives. Indeed, when and Being Ethical asked if they had ever had a “religious expe- rience,” almost half of switchers answered Switchers were also more likely to use non- “yes,” in contrast to only one-third of non- traditional means to describe the divine. switchers. While nearly 80% of all switchers believe in God or a “Higher Power,” 40% of the switch- Given that many people in America switch ers chose the term “Higher Power” rather religions because of a “born again” experi- than “God.” This contrasts sharply with only ence, the answers are not unexpected. But 16% of non-switchers who chose this term. given that our statistics show that the large Moreover, among those who believe in God, majority of switchers became adherents of switchers were one-half as likely as non- non-Christian religions or chose no specific switchers to believe without doubt (28% vs. religious preference, we should also ask our- 55%). On the other hand, switchers, at a rate

Figure 24 I m p o r tance of Religion in My Life

48% Very Important 31%

39% Fairly Important 22%

13% Not at all Important 47%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Switchers n=326 Non-Switchers n=314

43 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 25 Belief in a Divine

75% God 38%

16% A Higher Power 40%

9% Neither 22%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Switchers n=321 Non-Switchers n=313 of 22% to 9%, are more than twice as likely as the concept of hell. Here the majority of non-switchers to not believe in God’s exis- switchers (53%) definitely did not believe tence (see Figure 25). that hell exists, while only 25% said that it definitely did exist. In contrast, only one- However, for the majority of switchers as third (37%) of non-switchers stated that hell well as non-switchers, lack of belief in God definitely did not exist. Nearly half (46%) did not at all mean that a person could not be believed without doubt that hell does exist. religious. More importantly in terms of treat- ment of one’s fellow human beings, virtually If switchers are skeptical about the concepts all switchers and non-switchers agreed that a of heaven and hell, what then is their concept person can be good and ethical despite not of the afterlife? Nearly half (41%) of the believing in God. switchers believe in the Eastern concept of reincarnation. This figure is larger than the The Afterlife: Heaven, Hell and 30% of non-switchers who hold this belief. R e i n c a r n a t i o n While less than the majority of switchers believe in reincarnation, it should be pointed Switchers and non-switchers diverged again out that switchers were more likely to state in their beliefs about the afterlife (see Figure that they believe in reincarnation without 26). Only 38% of switchers definitely believe doubts than say they believe in heaven or in heaven, for example, while a full 63% of hell without doubts. non-switchers definitely do so. Switchers were also significantly more likely to reject

44 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Social Action, Volunteering and that the switchers are actually more gener- C o n g r egational Giving ous. Twenty-five percent (25%) of switchers are congregational members. The ratio of giv- In the area of social action, switchers closely ing to membership, in percentages, is thus approximated non-switchers. Almost all of 131%. both groups, eighty-nine percent (89%) of switchers and 94% of non-switchers, con- More than 50% of people in Marin have tributed food and other non-monetary goods switched from the religion in which they to charities. The vast majority of both groups, were raised. While some, as we have noted, 78% of switchers and 87% of non-switchers, became atheists, the vast majority continued gave money to charitable groups. Two-thirds their spiritual quest but in different forms of both groups, 66% of switchers and 64% of and using different language. They are “spiri- non-switchers, volunteered for a charity in tual seekers.” Some are choosing Western the past year (see Figure 27). religions while many are not. Significant numbers were raised as Catholics. Large The one area where switchers did not appear numbers of the switcher populations, includ- as generous as non-switchers or the national ing the Western ones, are now using Eastern, average was in contributing money to con- and particularly, Buddhist religious practices gregations. Only one-third (34%) of switchers and beliefs. They are also borrowing from a gave compared to two-thirds (64%) of non- combination of different spiritual traditions switchers. Again, however, if we consider the rather than linking themselves with one firm rates of congregational membership, we find line of thought. In their search for spiritual

Figure 26 Beliefs About the Afterlife

38% Heaven 63%

25% Hell 46%

41% Reincarnation 30%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Non-Switchers n=316 Switchers n=330

45 Institute for Jewish & Community Research satisfaction, they are looking inward and are Marin population in general, have not forgot- practicing meditation, as well as most likely ten about their fellow human beings and con- going on retreats and taking spiritually ori- tinue to perform acts of community service ented classes. But the switchers, like the despite leaving their birth religion.

Figure 27 Charitable Giving and Vo l u n t e e r i n g

Gave Non-Monetary 89% Goods 94%

78% Gave Money 87%

66% Volunteered 64%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Non-Switchers n=316 Switchers n=331

46 AN ANALYSIS OF PEOPLE IN INTERFAITH RELAT I O N S H I P S

The 1990 National Survey of Religious I n t e r m a r riage Rates Identification revealed that 22% of Americans lived in mixed-faith households.29 Our survey, Our statistics reveal that intermarriage is sig- a decade later, reveals that 33% of marriages nificant for each of the religious groups but in Marin are religiously mixed. The majority especially the Other and None groups. Sixty- of the mixers (55%) are Baby Boomers. seven percent (67%) of individuals who favor a religion in the Other category share a Marin residents enter mixed marriages at household with someone practicing a differ- approximately the same rate as their religion ent religion. The majority of the None house- is represented in the county population. Of holds (54%) were also mixed. The intermar- the people who are in mixed marriages in riage rates for those preferring traditional Marin, 23% are Protestant, 18% are Catholic, Western religions were not much lower: 15% are Jewish, 23% are in the Other group, Forty-six percent (46%) of Protestant house- and 21% are in the None group. holds in Marin are mixed as well as 39% of Catholic households and 51% of Jewish

Figure 28 FigureI n t e28. r m Intermarriage a r riage Rat Rateses by By R eReligionligion

Protestant n=206 46%

Catholic n=159 39%

Jewish n=102 51%

Other n=100 67%

None n=183 54%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

29 Kosmin and Lachman, One Nation Under God, 243.

47 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 29 FigureC o29. n g Congregationalr egational Mem Membershipbership Rat Rateses

Mixers n=108 32%

Non-Mixers n=217 57%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

households. Of course, when Protestants and the responses of the mixers and the non-mix- Catholics intermarry with each other, the ers closely matched that of the switchers and family remains Christian and can pass on non-switchers. Like the switchers and non- some of the core Christian beliefs and or ritu- switchers, more than a quarter of each group als to its children. In Jewish, Other, or None gave “not interested” or “some other reason” interfaith households, more religious differ- as their primary explanation. Twenty-five ence exists between partners, and it is much percent (25%) of mixers and 29% of non-mix- more likely that the child will be raised with ers said they were not members because they more than one set of beliefs or rituals (see were “not interested” and an additional 25% Figure 28). Like the Other and switcher pop- of mixers and 28% of non-mixers said they ulations, the mixed marriage population had “some other reason” for their choice. (mixers) is much more likely to be character- Beyond this, however, mixers, like switchers, ized as spiritual seekers, that is they are more were significantly more likely to not belong likely to be on non-traditional, non-institu- because they “did not like organized reli- tional spiritual journeys. gion.” Twenty-one percent (21%) of mixers presented this explanation compared to only C o n g r egational Membership 11% of non-mixers. and Service Attendance Mixers also attend services much less fre- Less than one-third of mixers (32%) belong to quently than the non-mixers. Forty-eight per- a congregation compared to a majority of cent (48%) of the mixers attend services less non-mixers (57%) (see Figure 29). When than once a month and 24% never attend ser- asked about their reasons for not belonging,

48 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Figure 30 F r equency of Attending Serv i c e s

48% Once a month or more 29%

34% Less than once a month 48%

18% Never 24%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Mixers n=109 Non-Mixers n=216

Figure 31 Belief in a Divine

63% God 39%

22% A Higher Power 45%

15% Neither 17%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Mixers n=104 Non-Mixers n=214

49 Institute for Jewish & Community Research vices. In contrast, only 34% of non-mixers spiritual rather than religious. Sixty-six per- attend less than once a month and 18% never cent (66%) described themselves this way attend (see Figure 30). compared to only 47% of non-mixers. In con- trast, only 17% of mixers described them- Belief in a Divine and Religious Beliefs selves as religious compared to 35% of non- mixers. The remainder of both groups reject- Also like the Other and switcher populations, ed both terms (see Figure 32). the mixers were much more likely, compared to non-mixers, to use non-traditional terms to Meditation, Religious Experience, and refer to the divine and to describe their R e i n c a r n a t i o n beliefs. Forty-five percent (45%) of mixers said they did not believe in God, but did In terms of prayer, the mixers again followed believe in a “Higher Power.” Fewer mixers along the path of the Other group and the (39%) said they believed in God. In contrast, switchers. Mixers were significantly more only one-half as many non-mixers (22%) likely than non-mixers to use meditative or believe in a Higher Power; they were much reflective prayers (37% vs. 22%) (see Figure more likely to prefer the term “God” (63%). 33). The remainder of both the mixers and non- mixers did not believe in God (see Figure 31). Mixers were also significantly more likely to have had a religious experience compared to Mixers were also considerably more likely non-mixers (45% vs. 31%). Likewise, mixers than non-mixers to describe themselves as were much more likely to believe in reincar-

Figure 32 Religious/Spiritual Beliefs

35% "I am religious" 17%

"I am spiritual but not 47% religious" 66%

18% "I am neither" 17%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Mixers n=104 Non-Mixers n=199

50 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

Figure 33 Prayer Types Most Often Used

100%

80%

60% 52%

40% 40% 37% 25% 24% 22% 20%

0% Combination Meditative/Reflective Formal and Conversational Prayers Prayers

Mixers n=81 Non-Mixers n=166 nation. Nearly one-half (45%) of mixers defi- religion. Thirty-four percent (34%) of mixers nitely believe in reincarnation compared to and 30% of non-mixers identify somewhat only one-quarter (25%) of non-mixers. strongly. And 26% of mixers and 25% of non- mixers identify not at all strongly. Thus we Religious Disenchantment and Strength cannot conclude that people who are in inter- of Identification faith relationships have weaker religious identities than those whose long-term rela- Mixers were also more likely to be disen- tionships are with people of the same faith, chanted with their own religion and religion nor can we conclude that people are in inter- in general. Forty-four percent (44%) of mixers faith relationships because they have weak agreed that there are many things in their religious identities. religion that they did not agree with; only 33% of non-mixers said the same. Even more The above statistics are particularly impor- striking, 72% of mixers said that religions in tant because they might explain why fewer general have unnecessary rules and responsi- numbers of mixers than might be expected bilities; this number was much higher than have switched religion. We noted at the the 54% of the non-mixers (see Figure 34). beginning of the switcher section that mar- riage/long-term romantic commitment to a It is noteworthy, however, that in terms of person of another faith is a leading reason strength of identification with one’s religion, why people switch religions. Yet in the Marin mixers were very similar to non-mixers. population, we see that while of the level of Forty percent (40%) of mixers and 45% of non-mixers identify very strongly with their

51 Institute for Jewish & Community Research

Figure 34 "Religions Have Unnecessary Rules and Responsibilities"

Mixers n=106 72%

Non-Mixers n=213 54%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

switching among the mixer population was One-third of long-term relationships in Marin greater than the non-mixer population (55% is mixed. Rates of mixing are high for all the vs. 44%), this difference was not overwhelm- religious groups, but especially for those in ing. This is an indication that in Marin at the Other and None groups. In terms of age, least, inter-marriage does not necessarily lead Baby Boomers form the majority of those to conversion. who are in mixed relationships.

Religious Education for Childre n In terms of religious and spiritual belief and behavior, the people who are in interfaith A difference does exist between religious partnerships behave much like the Other and training for children of mixers and non-mix- switcher populations. The interfaith popula- ers, but again it is not huge. Forty-seven per- tion tends to favor the innovative over the cent (47%) of mixer children were or are traditional. The people in this group belong being religiously educated compared to 59% to congregations and attend services much of the children of non-mixers. Of course, we less than their non-mixer counterparts. They do not know how the faith of the religious are more likely to describe themselves as school was chosen nor the religious influ- “spiritual but not religious” and believe ences on the child outside of the classroom. Is not in God but in a Higher Power. In their it in the next generation that faiths are being method of praying and beliefs of the afterlife, switched (see Figure 35)? they have been influenced by Eastern tradi- tions.

52 Religious and Spiritual Change in America: The Experience of Marin County, California

This group is also much more disenchanted uncertain. Nearly 50% of mixers are provid- with religion than non-mixers. Significantly, ing their children with religious education, however, despite being in interfaith relation- but our survey does not ask in what faith, or ships, mixers are as strongly identified with faiths, the children are being educated or their own religion as are non-mixers. raised. The faith of the mixers’ children is more

Figure 35 Religious Education Received as a Child vs. Religious Education Provided for Own Childre n

76% Mixers n(a)=109, n(b)=47 47%

83% Non-Mixers n(a)=217, n(b)=90 59%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Religious Education Received as a Child (a) Religious Education Provided for Own Children (b)

53 C O N C L U S I O N

This study highlights that most adults in to rethink the concepts of congregation, lead- Marin are experiencing significant spiritual ership and organized religion altogether. growth. They are spiritual seekers on jour- What can congregations learn from the suc- neys to the divine that have taken them to cess of informal prayer groups and retreats? traditional institutions, practices, beliefs and How many people are attracted to these languages, and to other destinations as well. activities because of their informality, empha- They do not belong to congregations as much sis on lay leadership and limited size that as other Americans nor attend formal ser- facilitates authenticity and connection? More vices as frequently. Yet one would be hard research will also be needed to discover the pressed to say that they are not religiously reasons behind the actions of the more than engaged. Nearly all believe in a “Higher 20% of each religious group that did not Power” or God, have scriptures in their become members for “some other reason” homes, and pray. than those offered. The success of certain individual Marin congregations in rapidly Significantly, however, a number of people increasing their memberships should not consider themselves “spiritual but not reli- hide the fact that the overall county member- gious” despite their beliefs and behavior. It ship rates are still very low. would be worthwhile to explore the reasons why people reject the word “religious” and Negative conceptions of and past experiences prefer the word “spiritual.” Do some people with organized religion may also have great- believe that religion is too entwined with ly influenced the size and beliefs of the Other institutions that feel foreign and distasteful to and None groups. We know that some mem- them? Are these feelings engendered by past bers are practicing non-Western, particularly negative experience, myth, or current reality? Eastern and New Age (e.g. pagan), religions. How do these feelings impact behavior? How many are part of the Other group because they are disillusioned with organized One area of direct impact is congregational religion or because they have had unpleasant membership rates. A significant number of experiences in a Western faith, or multiple people are not members because they are faiths, and have abandoned religion altogeth- “not interested” or “do not like organized er? How many are interested in more infor- religion” despite their active extra-institu- mal religious opportunities because they tional religious lives. Do these people’s per- seem less institutional or less threatening? It ceptions of present-day congregations and would be particularly useful to explore the organized religion match current reality? If causes for disaffection among those who are so, what changes would these people like to included in the None group. see? It may not be enough to simply offer more diverse programs and places of wor- Finally, negative views of and experiences ship; it may be necessary for religious leaders with organized religion may be important

55 Institute for Jewish & Community Research reasons why a significant number of Marin’s call attention to the unique qualities of differ- spiritually engaged parents are not providing ent religions and congregations so that indi- a religious education for their children. Other viduals can make informed choices about barriers may include lack of appropriate their religious lives. teachers or acceptable curricula, lack of suit- able or accessible venues, scheduling con- Is the current institutional network, including flicts, and the increasing number of mixed many of the clergy, equipped with all the req- marriages. All of these pose serious chal- uisite training and skills to handle the issues lenges and suggest an area for further presented in this report? In particular, the research about religion in Marin. This numbers of switchers, mixers, and non-mem- research will be particularly important if bers in Marin are so high as to require special future generations are to have the foundation approaches. This study suggests that there to later be spiritual seekers. may be a need both for more religious profes- sionals and for professionals specifically This report also highlights the diversity of trained in the areas of diversity, religious the religious make-up of Marin, a diversity mixing, and spiritual searching. Marin may that brings with it many opportunities and be just the place to initiate new forms of post- challenges for religious leaders. Given the seminary professional development to meet large percentage of households that are reli- the needs of a religiously fluid population. A giously intermarried, for example, it may be study of the feasibility of creating such a new useful to consider developing more programs professional initiative should be undertaken. for interfaith couples. There may also be issues in families of divorce where the reli- Religion in Marin weaves a remarkable fab- gious identity of the children needs to be ric, one that is multi-colored and multi-tex- explored. Typically interfaith issues deal with tured. Traditional religion is both successful subjects such as the Christmas dilemma for and unsuccessful; people are both engaged Christian/Jewish households around the and disengaged, tradition as well as change Hanukkah and Christmas holidays. Given exists. Marin residents are not disinterested the large number of interfaith households, we in religion by any means, but their religious expect there may be a significant number of identities are multi-dimensional. Attempts to such topics that are worth exploring for engage the people in Marin in religious or many faiths. spiritual activities, as well as to educate their children, must also be multi-dimensional. The county’s religious diversity also makes it The Marin religious institutions are chal- an ideal and important place for organizing lenged to attract people to congregations, interfaith activities. These interactions would make worship meaningful, and serve a popu- increase opportunities for those of different lation that constantly questions. While all religions to learn about and understand one spiritual paths will not lead to the same des- another. We may also want to establish pro- tination, we hope that religious leaders and grams specifically designed to help those on institutions in Marin can provide more and their spiritual journeys. The goal would be to better guideposts along the way.

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Zaleski, Peter A. and Charles E. Zech. “Efficiency in Religious Organizations.” Nonprofit Management and Leadership 8:1 (Fall 1997): 3-17.

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THE INSTITUTE FOR JEWISH & COMMUNITY RESEARCH Dr. Gary A. Tobin, President

The Institute C u r rent Researc h The Institute for Jewish & Community The Institute engages in research in areas that Research, San Francisco, is an independent are often unexplored. For example, we are research institute devoted to the study of currently conducting research about: contemporary American Jewish life. The Institute serves as a national and internation- • Jewish philanthropy, including patterns of al think tank providing policy-oriented giving, motivations for giving, and the research findings to the Jewish and other growth and character of foundations. communities. • Racial and ethnic diversity in the Jewish M i s s i o n community. Asian, African-American and Latino Jews are a growing segment of the The Institute is devoted to research that helps Jewish population through adoption, inter- inform and build an inclusive, growing, marriage, and conversion. vibrant, and safe Jewish community. We gen- erate ideas that lead to positive change in the • The American public’s attitudes about Jewish world and other religious communi- Israel, U.S. support for Israel, and the atti- ties. tudes of American Jews about Israel.

F u n c t i o n s • Ethnic heritage and religion in the United The Institute for Jewish & Community States. Our studies focus on Americans in Research collects, analyzes, and disseminates general and Jews specifically switching information that will transform and improve their religions, practicing more than one religion, and creating new religious forms. the quality of Jewish life. The Institute con- ducts research; holds conferences; and pub- • Changing aspects of anti-Semitism in the lishes books, articles, monographs and United Sates, looking at age, political afilia- reports. We produce information that is easily tion and other factors. We are also studying readable and accessible. We vigorously dis- anti-Semitism and anti-Israelism on college seminate our work for practical use. We focus campuses. on major findings and policy recommenda- tions — what are the most important things we learned and what do we recommend for action.

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G A R Y A. TOBIN

Gary A. Tobin, Ph.D. is president of the about the effects of the racial schism in Institute for Jewish & Community Research America, What Happened to the Urban Crisis? in San Francisco. He is also Director of the and Divided Neighborhoods. Leonard and Madlyn Abramson Program in Jewish Policy Research, Center for Policy Gary Tobin is the author of numerous books, Options at the University of Judaism in Los articles, and planning reports on a broad Angeles. He earned his Ph.D. in City and range of subjects in the Jewish community. Regional Planning from the University of He has published widely in the areas of California, Berkeley. He was the Director for Jewish organizational planning, foundations, eleven years of the Maurice and Marilyn and philanthropy. His books include Jewish Cohen Center for Modern Jewish Studies at Perceptions of Antisemitism, Rabbis Talk About Brandeis University. Prior to joining Intermarriage and Opening The Gates: How Brandeis, Dr. Tobin spent eleven years at Proactive Conversion Can Revitalize The Jewish Washington University in St. Louis and was Community. Dr. Tobin is now working on a the Director of the University College Urban book entitled Philanthropy in the Modern Affairs Program. Jewish Community. He is also currently involved in research concerning racial and Dr. Tobin has worked extensively in the area ethnic diversity in the Jewish community and of patterns of racial segregation in schools anti-Semitism. and housing. He is the editor of two volumes

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PATRICIA Y.C.E. LIN

Patricia Y.C.E. Lin, Ph.D. received her B.A. Ritual Committee at Congregation Sha’ar from Princeton University and her M.A. and Zahav in San Francisco, she has co-led ser- Ph.D. in European History from the vices and delivered sermons in the United University of California, Berkeley. A recipient States and England. She has also published of many academic awards including a on the topic of the impact of war on families Fulbright Scholarship and Mellon and children. Prior to pursuing her advanced Fellowship, she has also engaged in private degrees in history, Dr. Lin worked in product study with Rabbi Mark Solomon of Leo marketing at Lotus Development Baeck College, London, England. Dr. Lin has Corporation and computer programming at taught at the University of California, Raytheon and Dow Chemical Companies. Berkeley and the University of San Francisco She is currently involved in research concern- and lectured widely on Asian and Asian- ing racial and ethnic diversity in the Jewish American Jewish issues. A member of the community.

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