Identity Contestations in the Turkish Cypriot Community and the Peace Process in Cyprus
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Turkey's Deep State
#1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. -
Cyprus: Solution As Liberalization
Athens Journal of Social Sciences- Volume 7, Issue 2, April 2020 – Pages 131-150 Cyprus: Solution as Liberalization By Lambros Philippou The Cyprus issue, as it has been conceptualized for over a century and as it has materialized itself through specific historical events, could be identified with the will of the prolonged and troublesome movement of the Cypriot consciousness to achieve for itself a higher stage of development, and by virtue of this, to subject actual reality to a process of gradual improvement. From this suggested point of view, the problem needs to be addressed in terms of the stage of the growth of consciousness in different historical periods and its drive to construct a functional mode of rationalism. That is to say, to readjust and enlarge the parameters of survival on the Cyprus land and render them compatible with its interactive environment. More specifically, the prospect of solution should be understood as an evolutionary process of development of Cyprus consciousness through which systems of thought and the network of practices, institutions and the prevailing Cypriot reality will be liberalized as a whole. Thus solution equates with the Cypriot consciousness entering into a stage of development whereby it can autonomously attain an authentic will for liberalizing the reified world upon which it has built and has been constructed. This, in its turn, will result in a rational and an evolutionary resolve for communication with both the other Cypriot world and other international systems of reason. This very fact amounts to an entering into a new evolutionary phase in which the process of liberalization of Cyprus as a whole will be accelerated. -
TOWARD the REUNIFICATION of CYPRUS: DEFINING and INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO the PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch
110 Virginie Ladisch 6 TOWARD THE REUNIFICATION OF CYPRUS: DEFINING AND INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO THE PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debate has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics. There has been little focus on reconciliation. This research, conducted one year after the ref- erendum in which Cypriots were given an historic opportunity to vote on the reunifi cation of the island, places the concept of reconciliation at the center of the debate about the Cyprus problem. Based on data gathered through forty interviews with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot politicians, businessmen, activists, academics, organizational leaders, economists, and members of civil society, this article presents Cypriots’ views on reconciliation. Drawing from literature on reconciliation in confl ict-divided societies as a framework, this article also analyzes the various perceptions Cypriots hold about reconciliation. Finally, this article identifi es initiatives that could be used to promote reconciliation in Cyprus. The process needs to begin immediately so that it can lay the groundwork for the open dialogue, trust building, and understanding that are essential to the successful settlement of the Cyprus problem.1 Virginie Ladisch is a Master in International Affairs candidate at the School of Inter- national and Public Affairs, Columbia University ([email protected]). 7 Toward the Reunifi cation of Cyprus: Defi ning and Integrating Reconciliation into the Peace Process 111 INTRODUCTION In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debates and discussions has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics, but there has been little to no focus on reconciliation. -
Ethnic Nationalism and Consociational Democracy in Cyprus
BUJSS 9/2 (2016), 99-115 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18221/bujss.33634 * ETHNIC NATIONALISM AND CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN CYPRUS 1 Pinar Erkem ABSTRACT The 1960 Cyprus Republic, which had a bi-communal power-sharing system, could not have lasted for long and it turned from consociational democracy to majoritarian in 1963 after ethnic conflict. Attempts to find a solution to Cyprus problem still focus on ethnic power-sharing but the conditions and bi-communal relations prior to 1960 system, which are conducive to its failure, are not adequately consumed. The paper argues that, the reasons for the prolonged conflict derive from ethnic rivalry and lack of an overarching loyalty. Modernization, kin-state relations and colonial policies are the contributing factors. This paper aims to contribute to future institutional designs for not only Cyprus but for all divided societies. Keywords: Cyprus; ethnic conflict; ethnic nationalism; consociational democracy; power-sharing; colonial policies KIBRIS’TA ETNİK MİLLİYETÇİLİK VE ORTAKLIKÇI DEMOKRASİ ÖZ İki topluluğun varlığını tanıyan ortaklıkçı demokrasiye dayalı 1960 Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti etnik çatışmalar sonrası 1963 yılında son bularak çoğunlukçu demokrasi uygulamaya konuldu fakat Kıbrıs sorununa çözüm çabaları halen ortaklıkçı demokrasi üzerinde durmaktadır. 1960 sisteminin çökmesine yol açan topluluk- lar-arası sorunlar henüz tam olarak ortadan kaldırılamamıştır. Bu çalışmayla, Kıbrıs’ta güç paylaşımı sistemi- nin çökmesinin arkasındaki milliyetçiliğe dayalı nedenler incelenecektir. Bu çalışmanın iddiası, uzun suren Kıbrıs çatışmasının nedeninin etnik rekabetin varlığı ve ortak bağlayıcı bir değerin yokluğudur. Anahtar sözcükler: Kıbrıs; etnik çatışma; etnik milliyetçilik; ortaklıkçı demokrasi; güç paylaşımı Cyprus has been under influence and administration of different civilizations throughout its history, centuries long Byzantium and Ottoman rules and 82 years of British colonial rule, until its independence in 1960. -
The Origins of Greek Cypriot National Identity
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 12-1998 The Origins of Greek Cypriot National Identity Elena Koumna Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Koumna, Elena, "The Origins of Greek Cypriot National Identity" (1998). Master's Theses. 3888. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3888 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORIGINS OF GREEK CYPRIOT NATIONAL IDENTITY by Elena Koumna A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillmentof the requirements forthe Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan December 1998 Copyrightby Elena Koumna 1998 To all those who never stop seeking more knowledge ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis could have never been written without the support of several people. First, I would like to thank my chair and mentor, Dr. Jim Butterfield, who patiently guided me through this challenging process. Without his initial encouragement and guidance to pursue the arguments examined here, this thesis would not have materialized. He helped me clarify and organize my thoughts at a time when my own determination to examine Greek Cypriot identity was coupled with many obstacles. His continuing support and most enlightening feedbackduring the writing of the thesis allowed me to deal with the emotional and content issues that surfaced repeatedly. -
Nationalism in the Troubled Triangle
Nationalism in the Troubled Triangle New Perspectives on South-East Europe Series Editors: Spyros Econmides, Senior Lecturer in International Relations and European Politics, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK Kevin Featherstone, Professor of Contemporary Greek Studies, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK Sevket Pamuk, Professor of Contemporary Turkish Studies, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK Series Advisory Board: Richard Crampton, Emeritus Professor of Eastern European History at St Edmund Hall, University of Oxford Vladimir Gligorov, Staff Economist specialising in Balkan countries, The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, Austria Jacques Rupnik, Senior Research Fellow at the Centre d’études et de recherches internationales of Sciences Po, France Susan Woodward, Professor, The Graduate Programme in Political Science at The City University of New York, USA. South-East Europe presents a compelling agenda: a region that has challenged European identities, values and interests like no other at formative periods of modern history, and is now undergoing a set of complex transitions. It is a region made up of new and old European Union member states, as well as aspiring ones; early ‘democratising’ states and new post-communist regimes; states undergoing liberalising economic reforms, partially inspired by external forces, whilst coping with their own embedded nationalisms; and states obliged to respond to new and recurring issues of security, identity, well-being, social integration, faith and secularisation. This series examines issues of inheritance and adaptation. The disciplinary reach incorporates politics and international relations, modern history, economics and political economy and sociology. It links the study of South- East Europe across a number of social sciences to European issues of democratisation and economic reform in the post-transition age. -
“Everywhere Is Taksim”: the Politics of Public Space from Nation-Building
JUHXXX10.1177/0096144214566966Journal of Urban HistoryBatuman 566966research-article2015 Original Research Article Journal of Urban History 1 –27 “Everywhere Is Taksim”: The © 2015 SAGE Publications Reprints and permissions: Politics of Public Space from sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0096144214566966 Nation-Building to Neoliberal juh.sagepub.com Islamism and Beyond Bülent Batuman1 Abstract This article discusses the politics of public space through the particular example of Taksim Square in Istanbul. Tracing Taksim’s history since the early twentieth century, the article analyzes the instrumentalization of public space in nation-building, the socialization of politics within the context of postwar rapid urbanization, and the (re)politicization of public space under neoliberal Islamism. Finally it arrives at an assessment of the nation-wide antigovernment protests that centered on Taksim Square in May–June 2013. Throughout this historical examination, the politics of public space is discussed with reference to the work of Henri Lefebvre, in order to scrutinize the spatial aspects of the relation between state and society. Accordingly, the rise of democratic public space is defined as a result of the mutual interaction between two bottom-up impetuses; the immanent politics of the social (the political character of everyday life) and the socialization of the political (civil political action). Keywords public space, right to the city, banal politicization, Taksim Sqaure, Gezi Park The last days of May 2013 witnessed an unprecedented event in Istanbul. What began as a simple environmentalist protest grew rapidly and spread across the country as a result of police brutality faced by the small group of activists. It all began with the appearance of dozers in Gezi Parkı (literally “esplanade”), the seventy-year-old park adjacent to Taksim Square, the major public space in Istanbul. -
A Critical Discourse Analysis of Turkish Cypriot Radio News
Self-serving National Ideologies: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Turkish Cypriot Radio News Lyndon C. S. Way A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies Cardiff University 2009 UMI Number: U584403 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U584403 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis examines the historical formation and contemporary circulation of competing variants of Turkish Cypriot nationalisms as they are realised in different Turkish Cypriot radio news outlets. Unlike North Atlantic models of journalism, these media are not governed by the values of neutrality nor of a fourth estate role, being closely aligned to political interests. Presently, there is an ideological struggle between two versions of Turkish Cypriot nationalism in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Turkish nationalism’ se es TRNC as part of a pan-Turkish nation. Within this ideology, TRNC’s future is linked to Turkey and independent of the Republic of Cyprus. ‘Pro-federation’ nationalism sees TRNC as part of an inclusive Cypriot identity. -
Secularist Divide and Turkey's Descent Into Severe Polarization
One The Islamist- Secularist Divide and Turkey’s Descent into Severe Polarization senem aydın- düzgİt n multiple different measures of polarization, Turkey today is one of Othe most polarized nations in the world.1 Deep ideological and policy- based disagreements divide its political leaders and parties; Turkish so- ciety, too, is starkly polarized on the grounds of both ideology and social distance.2 This chapter focuses on the bases and manifestations of polar- ization in Turkey, the main reasons behind its increase, and its ramifica- tions for the future of democracy and governance in the country. The current dominant cleavage between secularists and Islamists has its roots in a series of reforms intended to secularize and modernize the coun- try after the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. These reforms created a deep division within Turkish society, but until the beginning of the twenty- first century, the secularist elite dominated key state institu- tions such as the military, allowing it to repress conservative groups and thus keep conflict over the soul of Turkey from coming into the open. Since 2002, however, the remarkable electoral success of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) has brought the Islamist- secularist divide to the fore. Despite the AKP’s initial moderation, several developments, including 17 Carothers-O’Donohue_Democracies Divided_i-viii_1-311.indd 17 7/24/19 10:32 AM 18 SENEM AYDIN- DÜZGI˙T the collapse of the European Union (EU) accession process, the success of polarization as an electoral strategy, and undemocratic threats from the secularist state establishment, pushed the AKP toward increasingly populist, divisive rhetoric and politics, beginning with the 2007 general elections. -
TURKEY Human Rights Defenders, Guilty Until Proven Innocent International Fact-Finding Mission Report ˙ I HD ©
TURKEY HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS, GUILTY UNTIL PROVEN INNOCENT International Fact-Finding Mission Report HD ˙ I © May 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 1. Cemal Bektas in his cell 2. Pinar Selek Acronyms ............................................................................................................................... 4 3. Ragıp Zarakolu 4. Executive Summary ...............................................................................................................5 Muharrem Erbey and other activists on December 26, Introduction: objective and methodology of the mission .................................................7 2009 before the hearing that confirmed the charges I. Political context: Recent institutional reforms and policies have against 152 Kurdish figures. so far failed to address Turkey’s authoritarian tendencies ................................................ 9 Contrary to the principle of presumption of innocence, II. Malfunctioning political and judicial systems .................................................................. 15 the media was informed of A. The international legal framework: a good ratification record ................................. 15 the hearing and this photo 1. The protection of freedom of association ................................................................ 15 was broadly published in the 2. The protection of freedom of expression .................................................................. 16 media. B. The domestic legal and institutional framework: a deficient framework ................ -
Here All Continue to Defend Human Rights in Turkey, Despite the Increasing Difficulty and Mounting Pressure Posed by the Government
Imagine being attacked by the police for dancing in the streets for women’s rights or peacefully marching for LGBTI+ rights. Imagine being arrested for tweeting disapproval of your government; protesting to save a park; signing a peace petition. Imagine your professor being fired, or your doctor being arrested. These are all examples from Turkey’s reality. This series highlights stories of twenty individuals who have chosen to stand up for human rights. The individuals presented here all continue to defend human rights in Turkey, despite the increasing difficulty and mounting pressure posed by the government. Learn more about the everyday people taking everyday actions in Turkey to stand up for human rights. Read DEFENDING HUMAN RIGHTS IN TURKEY their stories, each one a story that needs to be heard. STORIES THAT NEED TO BE HEARD Defending Human Rights in Turkey Not long ago, Turkey was considered a success story of democratic transformation. Today human rights in Turkey are at risk. Turkey displays an increasingly restrictive environment with a distorted system of checks and balances, where the rule of law is undermined. Thousands of journalists, academics, lawyers, and government critics have been sacked, imprisoned, and charged with terror-related or libel crimes. Defending human rights doesn’t have to be a profession; it comes from a belief that all people have the right to live in peace and be treated equally. From doctors to teachers, from plumbers to journalists, everyone can defend human rights. Sustained attention and a proactive strategy by the European Union and its Member States, and the international community as a whole are needed to defend the space in which human rights defenders can continue their peaceful human rights work without risk of reprisals and unfounded litigation for their work. -
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 1 Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 1 Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Mustafa Kemal Atatürk [[file:MustafaKemalAtaturk.jpg alt=]] President Atatürk 1st President of Turkey In office 29 October 1923 – 10 November 1938 (15 years, 12 days) Prime Minister Ali Fethi Okyar İsmet İnönü Celâl Bayar Succeeded by İsmet İnönü 1st Prime Minister of Turkey In office 3 May 1920 – 24 January 1921 (0 years, 266 days) Succeeded by Fevzi Çakmak 1st Speaker of the Parliament of Turkey In office 24 April 1920 – 29 October 1923 (3 years, 219 days) Succeeded by Ali Fethi Okyar 1st Leader of the Republican People's Party In office 9 September 1923 – 10 November 1938 (15 years, 62 days) Succeeded by İsmet İnönü Personal details Born 19 May 1881 (Conventional. This date was adopted by the president himself for official purposes in the absence of precise knowledge concerning the real date.)Salonica, Ottoman Empire (present-day Thessaloniki, Greece) Died 10 November 1938 (aged 57)Dolmabahçe Palace Istanbul, Turkey Resting place Anıtkabir Ankara, Turkey Nationality Turkish Political party Committee of Union and Progress, Republican People's Party Spouse(s) Lâtife Uşaklıgil (1923–25) Religion See Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's religious views. Signature Military service Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 2 Allegiance Ottoman Empire (1893 – 8 July 1919) Republic of Turkey (9 July 1919 – 30 June 1927) Army Service/branch Rank Ottoman Empire: General (Pasha) Republic of Turkey: Mareşal (Marshal) Commands 19th Division – 16th Corps – 2nd Army – 7th Army – Yildirim Army Group – commander-in-chief of Army of the