Gender Equity and Social Inclusion in Joint Forest Management: Lessons from Two Indian States

India is a front-runner in developing policies This brief addresses two questions: to engage forest dependent communities in 1) Is JFM, as implemented in two Indian the management of their forest lands. Under landscapes, equitable? India’s Joint Forest Management (JFM) programme, the state, represented by the 2) How can gender equity and social Forest Department (FD), and the village inclusion be improved in JFM? community formally share responsibilities and benefits of jointly protecting and Project Landscapes and Peoples managing forests adjoining villages. The This brief explores local perceptions of equity agreement is operationalized through JFM within the JFM governance model as Committees (JFMCs)– referred to as Village implemented in Uttara Kannada District, Forest Committees (VFCs) in some states – Karnataka, and Mandla District, Madhya Pradesh. where elected community representatives Uttara Kannada is home to a lush and bio-diverse tropical rainforest and a relatively well and a FD official make forest-related functioning Joint Forest Management (JFM) decisions in a supposedly collaborative programme. According to a local FD official, 80 manner. In some cases, when women percent of the district is under forest cover and participate in forest management 300 permanent staff as well as 300 temporary staff manage the district’s 170,000 ha of forest. committees, these institutions have been shown to enhance forest conditions (Agrawal and Chhatre 2006; Agarwal 2009), incomes from the forest (Upadhyay 2005), and cooperation in forest management (Molinas 1998; Coleman and Mwangi 2013). Yet, despite reserved seats on JFMCs for marginalized groups such as women, Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Schedule Tribes (STs), these groups face significant barriers to active engagement in JFM processes (Agarwal 2010).1

1 These are official government designations for various groups of historically disadvantaged peoples in India. The local population consists mainly of composed of STs (Census of India 2011). RESULTS native Hindus (70%) of different castes The state’s main ethnic groups include the (hereditary social groups or classes in Gondh (ST), Baiga (a Particularly Site-specific Participation in JFM Hindu culture), with 8.1% of the Vulnerable Tribal Group – PVTG), Panchas population coming from SCs and 2.4% (Other Backward Classes or ‘OBCs’), and There are important contextual from STs (Census of India 2011). These Lohars (OBC), among others. These groups differences in JFM implementation across groups show differences in terms of show different levels of dependency on the two project sites. In Uttara Kannada, landholdings as well as in education, socio the forest, but as small-scale or landless the forest is lush, livelihood opportunities -economic and political opportunities. The laborers they all depend on the forest for are more readily available, and there is a larger landholders are from the Havik subsistence. history of environmental activism dating Brahmin Hindu community (highest social back to the Appiko movement. There, class in the ritual hierarchy), who are participants as well as the FD report some more privileged on the whole than the Methodology success with JFM. In contrast, others. The small landholders and landless interviewees in Mandla describe a severe are predominantly from the lower castes In depth, semi-structured interviews lack of livelihood options, a sense of and from ST communities—also known as about local forest governance were helplessness with respect to their forest’s Adivasis or ‘original inhabitants’. These carried out privately with 45 participants degradation, and a dysfunctional JFM groups show a different level of in six villages—five that have a Village system. Few people really know about dependency on forests, with forest Forest Committee (VFC) and one that does JFM and participation in JFM is low across reliance being higher among the landless not—in Uttara Kannada and with 41 ethnic and gender groups due to a lack of than among large-scale farmers. In the participants in five villages in Mandla, all interest, incentives, awareness and Uttara Kannada area, STs comprise various of which have a JFM Committee. Male and influence. One (male) FD official notes ethnic groups, including the Marathi, female participants, in nearly equal that, “There is no interest. The secretary Naiks, Poojari, Sherugars, and Siddhi, who numbers, included local farmers from informs the people, but they aren’t participated in this study. different ethnic, socio-economic and age interested.” This disinterest, which is The district of Mandla is located in the groups, Forest Department (FD) officials, reflected in the narratives of local state of Madhya Pradesh, which has the board members from the VFCs, VFC residents, stems from a lack of faith in the highest amount of forest cover in India Presidents, members of the Panchayat system for many reasons described below. and the largest ST population living in the (local self-government organization), forest and in forest fringe areas. forest conservation NGO staff, and 1. No sense of forest ownership Compared to Uttara Kannada, Mandla is women’s self-help group members. Data drier and its people are poorer and have underwent inductive thematic coding Participants lack knowledge about the less formal schooling. The majority (57.9 using NVivo software to support the Forest Rights Act (FRA) (2006), which percent) of the district’s population is analysis. allows traditional forest dwellers (SCs and sometimes women of a particular ethnic group occupy seats reserved for their specific group. In Uttara Kannada, Havik Brahmin women occupy the seats reserved for women.

Yet, women are not typically nominated to fill non-reserved seats. Women from the SC, ST and OBC communities in particular are very involved in forest- related activities. In Mandla, they report having frequent confrontations with, and braving the FD when collecting fuelwood in the forest. An FD official from the Mandla landscape states that of all local user groups, Baiga women are the most dependent on the forest. Hence, their interests clearly need to be represented in JFM. In practice, however, a number of barriers hinder the active participation of women in JFM.

Aside from being on the VFC board, the main forum for having a voice in JFM is as a general VFC member. All adult women and men over the age of 18 who pay a symbolic fee are considered members. Most VFCs reportedly meet monthly or bi -monthly for board meetings and annually for the general assembly. Relations with the FD are particularly STs) to claim for individual and Formally influencing the group requires strained in Mandla, where the FD is highly community land ownership in the form of attending, speaking up, and being discriminatory against STs. pattas (land titles). Hence, one middle- listened to in VFC meetings, where aged Gondh man explains that people women are largely outnumbered by men. “are under pressure. […] the Deputy 3. Inactivity of, and lack of knowledge Ranger tells us that; “the jungle is not about, the JFMCs Opinions about women’s engagement at your land and so you have to do what we meetings are mixed, as some participants say or else we will kick you out.” Lack of Many villagers report that the JFMC in report that women are listened to and knowledge about their rights—and lack of their village is barely active, if at all. When respected, but the majority indicates formal rights to land—makes people VFCs carry out meetings, many residents otherwise. Participants cite numerous reticent to truly engage, and express are not aware of them. barriers to women’s active participation dissent, through JFM. Given the lack of at these meetings, including: incentives or sense of ownership over the 4. Competing priorities forest and its management, a number of 1. ‘Women are too busy’ participants believe that they should be Participants indicate that they have too getting paid to monitor the forest or to many other problems to deal with, such as “It is a combination of already having a be part of the JFM committee as “No one a water shortage and unemployment, and day-filling workload and time constraints is going to work for free” (Gondh man, that those who do attend meetings make for participating in evening meetings. The Mandla). requests but “No one comes here to help” (Gondh woman, Mandla). same is true for women members of the VFC board. They will have daily 2. Conflictual relations with the FD responsibilities that they cannot just put down to attend a meeting” (male Khare Participants experience conflicts with the Gendered Participation in JFM Vokkaliga farmer, Uttara Kannada). FD and feel that they lack influence over Within a given site, there are gender- JFM so they see little point in attending specific constraints to participation in JFM. meetings. As an older Gondh man In theory, JFM is designed to encourage 2. Meetings are held at inconvenient explains, “The meetings are just for the the representation and participation of times people of the VFC, they are just a women and of different ethnic groups. formality. Basically, the FD does all of the There are provisions for women on the Women cannot easily attend meetings in administrative stuff. Sometimes some of board of VFCs. In the study villages, the evenings, when they are busiest with the village people say something, but the women are occupying seats reserved for childcare, dinner preparations and FD doesn’t really listen to them.” them (at least 2 seats out of 10 or 11) and milking cows. 3. Limited mobility 6. Lack of formal education, Ethnic Exclusions in JFM confidence and capacity to Women “cannot ride motorbikes or cars participate in public fora Ethnicity also strongly shapes so they are limited in moving around and participation in JFM. In terms of coming to the meetings” (male VFC In Uttara Kannada, formal education (early representation, there are seats reserved president, Uttara Kannada). Some years) is more common among Havik for marginalized communities in the VFCs, participants also cited safety concerns Brahmin men than others. In Mandla, a some of which are filled by women from related to women’s mobility. male Gondh farmer explains that, “[women] don’t speak a lot […]. The those communities. In Uttara Kannada, the VFC representatives from ST, SC and 4. Havik Brahmin women are “only women haven’t gone to school, they can’t read and write, they feel shy to go [to OBC communities interviewed generally little bit engaged” in forest activities JFMC meetings].” feel that they do participate and are (Siddhi woman, Uttara Kannada) heard in matters of forest management. 7. Culturally, men predominate in Members of the Havik Brahmin Perceptions in Uttara Kannada are that community, including many VFC board Havik Brahmin women are not commonly public fora members and presidents, share that involved in forest product collection. They opinion, especially as they indicate that spend limited time in the forest and do “It is traditionally the role of men to attend such meetings” (Havik Brahmin the ST, SC and OBC communities have the not visit forest areas distantly located largest stake in maintaining and from the homestead. They are therefore woman, Uttara Kannada) and “Women feel like they are in the wrong place in a generating income from the forest. reportedly less interested in forest-related Nonetheless, participants alluded to the issues. VFC meeting. If problems are there, then women trust that men will come up with many barriers these communities face in some solutions” (woman NGO staff, Uttara attending, participating in, and influencing 5. Lack of knowledge and awareness the VFC board and annual meetings and about JFM and forest conservation Kannada). Women are also silenced because they are thought not to have decisions. important ideas to contribute. In Mandla, “We are most of the time busy with a Pancha woman states, “when the 1. Competing work schedules cooking and all the housekeeping so we women speak, the men tell the women don't know exactly” (Havik Brahmin ‘Shut up, you don’t know what you are “For those [landless labourers] who are woman, Uttara Kannada). Low levels of talking about’, and they say ‘don’t speak dependent on daily wages, they will formal education, inadequate in front of everyone’”. Speaking out at follow their work first and not attend” communication channels and limited meetings, when women do attend, can be VFC meetings (NGO staff, Uttara circulation of information regarding JFM perceived as a sign of disrespect towards Kannada). and JFMC meetings, especially among men. Attending meetings can itself be those who do not have cellular phones, considered a sign of disobedience towards 2. Lack of formal education and aggravates the situation. one's husband. related insecurities.

“[T]hey are uneducated and often much more hesitant” (Havik Brahmin woman, Uttara Kannada). This barrier holds even more prominence in Mandla, where most of the participants and their communities have received little or no formal education.

3. Physical isolation and communication barriers

Landless families commonly live in more remote areas of the forest and many do not have cellular phones.

4. Discrimination and social stigmas

Decision-making authority is concentrated in the hands of certain groups (e.g. Havik Brahmin men in Uttara Kannada), making other groups feel uncomfortable speaking in public. In Mandla, there is a hierarchy of participation among marginalized groups in JFMC meetings. According to a male Pancha farmer, “The Pancha and Aheer talk more here. The Gondh and Baiga: they are the most illiterate, so they don’t know very much. The Hindus [lower caste] and the Adivasis [Gondh and Baiga] speak less.” There is a latent insinuation that “they” (the ST and SC communities or specific STs) are to blame for cutting down the forest and that “they” lack education and awareness to meaningfully participate in JFM. In Uttara Kannada, the Havik Brahmin women interviewed state that the Khare Vokkaliga “have money problems so they cut the trees and are not taking that much care of the forests.” In Mandla, the Baiga are blamed by other ethnic groups, who cite their lack of formal education and poverty as reasons why they cut down the forest.

Gender Meets Ethnicity

Gender and ethnicity do not operate independently of each other to influence participation in JFM, however. On the contrary, participation is shaped at the intersection of gender and ethnicity, such that women and men from different ethnic groups have distinct experiences with JFM. Participation in JFM also varies according to other facets of women’s identity, such as age and stage in the life and capacities and underlies all other cycle (e.g. number of young dependents Conclusion measures proposed. Knowledge can be versus adult children), education, and reinforced through various channels, such socio-economic status, all of which Findings from the study underscore the as theatre plays, music and radio. The VFC condition workloads and livelihood necessity to reframe the issue of can play a central role raising interest in strategies. ‘women’s participation’ to capture these the forest and its governance. intersecting social differences . The forest The experience of better off Havik dependency, responsibilities and Brahmin women who generally do not 2. Strengthen a sense of ownership of livelihood activities of different groups of the forest spend much time in the forest contrasts women differ, as do their interests in JFM. with that of women from other socio- Many Havik Brahmin women in Uttara Interest in sustainable forest management economic and ethnic groups who are Kannada have yet to be convinced of the is heightened when local people—men more involved in forest-related activities relevance of JFM to their lives or of the and women—have a sense of ownership and in JFM. In the case of ST and SC value of participating in JFM, especially over their forest. At the heart of the communities in Uttara Kannada, women when their husband is already matter in Mandla is villagers’ are particularly strong and active in JFM. participating. Yet, they—rather than the understanding of their rights to the forest One male Havik Brahmin VFC president more forest-dependent ST women— and more secure tenure over land and observes: “it is even the women from the occupy the seats reserved for their gender forests, such as through implementation backward castes that are very active and group. Engaging Havik Brahmin women in of the Forest Rights Act. participating.” In fact, ST women occupy JFM in Uttara Kannada will require a some of the seats reserved for their different approach than needed to 3. Value local ecological knowledge communities even though it is not motivate Baiga women in Mandla, for and spirituality specified that these should be filled by example, who lack faith in the system and Role models, such as spiritual leaders, women. Yet, Havik Brahmin women, who are doubly discriminated against by the FD traditional healers and elders must engage show less interest in JFM, are the ones and fellow villagers based on their gender in maintaining and transmitting occupying seats reserved for women. By and ethnicity. homogenizing ‘women’, the system of knowledge and appreciation for the forest and its material and spiritual resources to reservations thus reproduces prevailing Recommendations power relations and privileges. Differences younger generations, and can work with the VFC to integrate these dimensions in participation across ST and SC Enhancing the equity of JFM will require into JFM. In Mandla, elder Baiga women communities also reflect unequal power multi-pronged efforts and measures: relations among different groups of and men, who are discriminated against, hold extensive and specialized knowledge women. In Mandla, Baiga women are 1. Educate and strengthen awareness most highly forest dependent but also of the forest. Public recognition of their most marginalized in JFM decision-making Education goes hand in hand with knowledge can also help reduce instances. awareness, knowledge, self-confidence discrimination. 4. Explore differentiated interests and 9. Create enabling spaces incentivize In one VFC in Uttara Kannada, a young Improved incomes may not be the only female Khare Vokkaliga board member incentive for local people to participate in explains: “The president will ask JFM. Finding out what the VFC and JFM individually each member of the VFC more generally can bring to different board to express his or her opinion. groups can encourage their engagement. Everyone will get a chance to talk. He Havik Brahmin women in Uttara Kannada values the suggestions and ideas of called for more knowledge of markets and everyone a lot. He gives respect to the prices for the forest products they labour class as well as to women. All process. Women and men farmers also members are treated the same.” requested better market access and more Measures to allow each member a space favorable marketing arrangements for for participation, and the positive example producers. Facilitating these through JFM of leaders such as the VFC President, can can create interest in the programme. set the tone for more equitable participation. 5. Foster collective action 10. Foster dialogue, cooperation and Bringing people together around a sharing of resources among actors common interest can be particularly important in a place where houses are Creating an enabling environment for scattered and residents have few participation requires working not only opportunities to interact. Strong with marginalized but also with more collectives—both single-sex and mixed- privileged groups. This implies working gender—can promote social learning, with both women and men from different healthy social pressure, and confidence ethnic groups to create normative change among members. Collective action in through dialogue and awareness raising other areas of daily life can have ripple activities. Engaging with present and effects and lead to enhanced collective future FD officials (i.e. in training) to action in JFM, and vice versa. dismantle their prejudices can help redress the skewed and conflictual 6. Support champions, role models, relations they often have with local and community resource persons people.

Successful collectives and collective 11. Invest in change actions require strong leaders and resource persons. Role models can inspire Achieving all of this requires buy-in and women and marginalized groups to innovation from the bottom-up and envision themselves another way: gaining adequate external support and resources. Citation: Elias, M. 2017. Gender and confidence that it is it possible for them to social inclusion in Joint Forest Mana- adopt certain behaviors because others With time, these efforts may foster the gement: Lessons from two Indian like them have already done so. equitable partnership among villagers and states. Policy brief. Bioversity Inter- with the FD that JFM is intended to be. national: Rome, 6p. 7. Increase the number of FD officials ISBN: 978-92-9255-076-9 who are women and from marginalized groups

Having FD officials who are women and/or References from similar ethnic backgrounds as Agrawal, A., Chhatre, A., 2006. Explaining success on the commons: community forest villagers can help reduce discrimination governance in the Indian Himalaya. World Development 34, 149–166. and conflicts with the FD and create Agarwal, B. 2009. Gender and forest conservation: The impact of women’s participation in common ground for collaboration. community forest governance. Ecological Economics 68: 2785-2799. 8. Maintain affirmative action Agarwal, B. 2010. Gender and green governance: The political economy of women’s pre- sence within and beyond community forestry. Oxford University Press, New Delhi and Although not sufficient in and of itself, Oxford. reserved seats for women and Census of India. 2011. Retrieved online on 6 September 2017 at: http:// marginalized communities—and women censusindia.gov.in/. of marginalized communities—can improve these groups’ opportunities to Coleman EA and Mwangi E. 2013. Women’s Participation in Forest Management: A Cross- participate in JFM. Reaching a critical mass country Analysis. Global Environmental Change 23:193–205 of members from these groups can help Molinas, J.R., 1998. The impact of inequality, gender, external assistance and social capital improve conditions of their participation. on local-level cooperation. World Development 26, 413–431.