National Security Law in Hong Kong: Quo Vadis - a Study of Article 23 of the Basic Law of Hong Kong
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The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926
The Guangzhou-Hongkong Strike, 1925-1926 Hongkong Workers in an Anti-Imperialist Movement Robert JamesHorrocks Submitted in accordancewith the requirementsfor the degreeof PhD The University of Leeds Departmentof East Asian Studies October 1994 The candidateconfirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where referencehas been made to the work of others. 11 Abstract In this thesis, I study the Guangzhou-Hongkong strike of 1925-1926. My analysis differs from past studies' suggestions that the strike was a libertarian eruption of mass protest against British imperialism and the Hongkong Government, which, according to these studies, exploited and oppressed Chinese in Guangdong and Hongkong. I argue that a political party, the CCP, led, organised, and nurtured the strike. It centralised political power in its hands and tried to impose its revolutionary visions on those under its control. First, I describe how foreign trade enriched many people outside the state. I go on to describe how Chinese-run institutions governed Hongkong's increasingly settled non-elite Chinese population. I reject ideas that Hongkong's mixed-class unions exploited workers and suggest that revolutionaries failed to transform Hongkong society either before or during the strike. My thesis shows that the strike bureaucracy was an authoritarian power structure; the strike's unprecedented political demands reflected the CCP's revolutionary political platform, which was sometimes incompatible with the interests of Hongkong's unions. I suggestthat the revolutionary elite's goals were not identical to those of the unions it claimed to represent: Hongkong unions preserved their autonomy in the face of revolutionaries' attempts to control Hongkong workers. -
The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 3 Article 5 Issue 2 Spring/Summer 2006 2006 The aB sic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong Michael C. Davis Chinese University of Hong Kong Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Michael C. Davis The Basic Law and Democratization in Hong Kong, 3 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 165 (2006). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol3/iss2/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BASIC LAW AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN HONG KONG Michael C. Davist I. Introduction Hong Kong's status as a Special Administrative Region of China has placed it on the foreign policy radar of most countries having relations with China and interests in Asia. This interest in Hong Kong has encouraged considerable inter- est in Hong Kong's founding documents and their interpretation. Hong Kong's constitution, the Hong Kong Basic Law ("Basic Law"), has sparked a number of debates over democratization and its pace. It is generally understood that greater democratization will mean greater autonomy and vice versa, less democracy means more control by Beijing. For this reason there is considerable interest in the politics of interpreting Hong Kong's Basic Law across the political spectrum in Hong Kong, in Beijing and in many foreign capitals. -
APRES Moi LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL Review in HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY
"APRES MoI LE DELUGE"? JUDICIAL REvIEw IN HONG KONG SINCE BRITAIN RELINQUISHED SOVEREIGNTY Tahirih V. Lee* INTRODUCTION One of the burning questions stemming from China's promise that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) would enjoy a "high degree of autonomy" is whether the HKSAR's courts would have the authority to review issues of constitutional magnitude and, if so, whether their decisions on these issues would stand free of interference by the People's Republic of China (PRC). The Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984 promulgated in PRC law and international law a guaranty that implied a positive answer to this question: "the judicial system previously practised in Hong Kong shall be maintained except for those changes consequent upon the vesting in the courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the power of final adjudication."' The PRC further promised in the Joint Declaration that the "Uludicial power" that was to "be vested in the courts" of the SAR was to be exercised "independently and free from any interference."2 The only limit upon the discretion of judicial decisions mentioned in the Joint Declaration was "the laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and [to a lesser extent] precedents in other common law jurisdictions."3 Despite these promises, however, most of the academic and popular discussion about Hong Kong's judiciary in the United States, and much of it in Hong Kong, during the several years leading up to the reversion to Chinese sovereignty, revolved around a fear about its decline after the reversion.4 The * Associate Professor of Law, Florida State University College of Law. -
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’S Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗
Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong: China’s Response to Occupy Central and the Future of “One Country, Two Systems”∗ Carole J. Petersen† and Alvin Y.H. Cheung†† I.!!!!!!Introduction .............................................................................. 2! II.!!!!The “One Country, Two Systems” Model: Formal Autonomy but with an Executive-Led System ...................... 8! III. Legal Protections for Academic Freedom and Critical Speech in Hong Kong’s Constitutional Framework ............ 13! IV. University Governance: The Impact of Increased Centralization and Control ................................................... 20! V. !Conflicts between The Academic Community and the Hong Kong and Central Governments ................................ 28! VI. Beijing’s Retribution: Increased Interference in Hong Kong Universities ................................................................ 40! VII. The Disapearing Booksellers ............................................... 53! VIII. Conclusion ........................................................................... 58! *Copyright © 2016 Carole J. Petersen and Alvin Y.H. Cheung. The authors thank the academics who agreed to be interviewed for this article and research assistants Jasmine Dave, Jason Jutz, and Jai Keep-Barnes for their assistance with research and editing. This is an updated version of a paper presented at a roundtable organized by the Council on Foreign Relations on December 15, 2015, and the authors thank the chair of the roundtable, Professor Jerome A. Cohen, and other participants for their comments. The William S. Richardson School of Law at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa supported Professor Petersen’s travel to Hong Kong to conduct interviews for this article. † Carole J. Petersen is a Professor at the William S. Richardson School of Law and Director of the Matsunaga Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, University of Hawai’i at Manoa. She taught law at the University of Hong Kong from 1991–2006 and at the City University of Hong Kong from 1989-1991. -
The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: a Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 14 Number 2 Winter/Spring Article 4 May 2020 The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: A Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues Roda Mushkat Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Roda Mushkat, The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: A Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues, 14 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 171 (1986). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Denver Sturm College of Law at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],dig- [email protected]. The Transition from British to Chinese Rule in Hong Kong: A Discussion of Salient International Legal Issues RODA MUSHKAT* I. INTRODUCTION Hong Kong has been a British colony since 1841 and as such has pursued a markedly different economic, legal, political and social path from that of China. While China has embraced communist ideology and practice, often in an extreme form, Hong Kong has unwaveringly main- tained its capitalist orientation and has remained an integral part of the Western world. The bulk of the colony's population has always been Chi- nese and its cultural roots lie deeply in Chinese soil. In most other re- spects, however, the two systems are almost completely at variance with each other. Despite the structural differences between Hong Kong and China, Hong Kong will shed its colonial status in 1997 and come under de facto Chinese sovereignty. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau)
Page 1 of 66 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 (Note: Also see the section for Tibet, the report for Hong Kong, and the report for Macau.) The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which, as directed by the Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or Party) is the paramount source of power. Party members hold almost all top government, police, and military positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 24-member political bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its 9-member standing committee. Leaders made a top priority of maintaining stability and social order and were committed to perpetuating the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lacked both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political system and the right to change their national leaders or form of government. Socialism continued to provide the theoretical underpinning of national politics, but Marxist economic planning has given way to pragmatism, and economic decentralization increased the authority of local officials. The Party's authority rested primarily on the Government's ability to maintain social stability; appeals to nationalism and patriotism; Party control of personnel, media, and the security apparatus; and continued improvement in the living standards of most of the country's 1.3 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the Government and the CCP, at both the central and local levels, frequently interfered in the judicial process and directed verdicts in many high-profile cases. -
The Public Sector in Hong Kong
THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG IN HONG PUBLIC SECTOR THE THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN HONG KONG his book describes and analyses the role of the public sector in the T often-charged political atmosphere of post-1997 Hong Kong. It discusses THE PUBLIC SECTOR critical constitutional, organisational and policy problems and examines their effects on relationships between government and the people. A concluding chapter suggests some possible means of resolving or minimising the difficulties which have been experienced. IN HONG KONG Ian Scott is Emeritus Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia and Adjunct Professor in the Department of Public and Social Administration at the City University of Hong Kong. He taught at the University of Hong Kong between 1976 and 1995 and was Chair Professor of Politics and Public Administration between 1990 and 1995. Between 1995 and 2002, he was Chair Professor of Government and Politics at Murdoch University. Over the past twenty-five years, he has written extensively on politics and public administration in Hong Kong. G O V E P O L I C Y Professor Ian Scott’s latest book The Public Sector in Hong Kong provides a systematic analysis of Hong Kong’s state of governance in the post-1997 period Ian Scott R and should be read by government officials, politicians, researchers, students and N general readers who seek a better understanding of the complexities of the city’s M government and politics. E — Professor Anthony B. L. Cheung, President, The Hong Kong Institute of Education; N T Member, Hong Kong SAR Executive Council. -
August 2011 in Hong Kong 31.8.2011 / No 92
August 2011 in Hong Kong 31.8.2011 / No 92 A condensed press review prepared by the Consulate General of Switzerland in HK Economy + Finance Vice-Premier boosts HK role as yuan trade hub: Vice-Premier Li Keqiang announced a raft of more than 30 measures to boost the local economy by encouraging two-way investment and trade between Hong Kong and the mainland and strengthening the city's role in the internationalisation of the yuan. The business community and trade organisations generally welcomed Li's proposals, made on a visit to HK, hoping they would improve gloomy market sentiment. Of the measures he announced at a forum on the nation's 12th five- year plan, 12 are related to financial services and the development of the offshore yuan market. One key scheme to support the stock market is to allow mainland investors to invest in HK stocks by launching the long-awaited index-tracking Exchange Traded Fund backed by a portfolio of HK stocks. The fund, to be listed on the stock exchanges in Shenzhen or Shanghai, will allow mainlanders to invest in Hong Kong stocks. Several other measures will encourage expanded use of the yuan. One is a 20 billion yuan (HK$24.4 billion) quota for HK companies to invest in securities on the mainland via a yuan-denominated Qualified Foreign Institutional Investors (QFII) scheme. This could help achieve a better return for the 554 billion in yuan now sitting as low-yielding deposits in banks in HK. A scheme allowing companies to settle trades in yuan, currently limited to 20 provinces, is being expanded nationwide. -
Two Legal Cultures, the Common Law Judiciary and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Ann D
Cornell International Law Journal Volume 30 Article 3 Issue 2 1997 Lost in the Translation: Two Legal Cultures, the Common Law Judiciary and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Ann D. Jordan Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jordan, Ann D. (1997) "Lost in the Translation: Two Legal Cultures, the Common Law Judiciary and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 30: Iss. 2, Article 3. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol30/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Lost in the Translation: Two Legal Cultures, the Common Law Judiciary and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Ann D. Jordan* Introduction Hong Kong's common law legal system will not survive the 1997 transfer of sovereignty to China intact. It will slowly be transformed into a capitalist common law/socialist civil law system, tempered by political realities rather than forged by a coherent set of legal principles. The formal source of the conflict is the Basic Law,' a Chinese state-level law written by main- land Chinese scholars and officials with input from Hong Kong officials. The Basic Law is the national expression of China's promises contained in the Joint Declaration,2 the 1984 agreement whereby Britain transfers sover- eignty over Hong Kong to China. -
Hong Kong's Civil Disobedience Under China's Authoritarianism
Emory International Law Review Volume 35 Issue 1 2021 Hong Kong's Civil Disobedience Under China's Authoritarianism Shucheng Wang Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Shucheng Wang, Hong Kong's Civil Disobedience Under China's Authoritarianism, 35 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 21 (2021). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol35/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WANG_2.9.21 2/10/2021 1:03 PM HONG KONG’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE UNDER CHINA’S AUTHORITARIANISM Shucheng Wang∗ ABSTRACT Acts of civil disobedience have significantly impacted Hong Kong’s liberal constitutional order, existing as it does under China’s authoritarian governance. Existing theories of civil disobedience have primarily paid attention to the situations of liberal democracies but find it difficult to explain the unique case of the semi-democracy of Hong Kong. Based on a descriptive analysis of the practice of civil disobedience in Hong Kong, taking the Occupy Central Movement (OCM) of 2014 and the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement of 2019 as examples, this Article explores the extent to which and how civil disobedience can be justified in Hong Kong’s rule of law- based order under China’s authoritarian system, and further aims to develop a conditional theory of civil disobedience for Hong Kong that goes beyond traditional liberal accounts. -
Chapter 6 Hong Kong
CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations. -
Chapter 2: the Framework for Change
CHAPTER TWO THE FRAMEWORK FOR CHANGE The Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong 1984 2.1 In 1982, Britain initiated negotiations with the People's Republic of China on the status of Hong Kong. Despite the fact that the nineteenth century treaties1 were not recognised by China, Britain's adherence to them and to the legal framework they provided necessitated some settlement which would accommodate the shortening leases in the New Territories. Those leases were due to expire in 1997. What began as a limited exercise in seeking an administrative extension to the lease in the New Territories2 quickly developed into a consideration of the whole territory and the redressing of China's humiliations in the nineteenth century. 2.2 For Britain, the 'permanent territories' of Hong Kong island and the tip of the Kowloon Peninsula were not viable without the New Territories which contained the basic necessity of agriculture, the bulk of the industry, the power supply and the airport of Hong Kong. The negotiations lasted two years. The agreement was initialled by Britain and China on 26 September 1984, endorsed by the Legislative Council3 of Hong Kong on 18 October 1984, subsequently debated and approved by the British Parliament, and signed by Britain and China on 19 December 1984. It entered into force on 25 May 1985. On 12 June 1985 it was lodged with the United Nations as a treaty. 2.3 In China, 1982-84 was a period of reformist opening, relatively expansive in its embracing of the West. Deng Xiaoping himself took a special interest in the negotiations over Hong Kong and defined the principle of 'one country, two systems' as a way of allaying British and Hong Kong concerns about the transfer and of preserving the economic prosperity of Hong Kong which he recognised as being so valuable to China's development.