Rise and Fall of the AK Party's Kurdish Peace Initiatives
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Identity, Narrative and Frames: Assessing Turkey's Kurdish Initiatives
ARTICLE IDENTITY, NARRATIVE AND FRAMES: ASSESSING TURKEY’S KURDISH INITIATIVES Identity, Narrative and Frames: Assessing Turkey’s Kurdish Initiatives JOHANNA NYKÄNEN* ABSTRACT In 2009 the Turkish government launched a novel initiative to tackle the Kurdish question. The initiative soon ran into deadlock, only to be un- tangled towards the end of 2012 when a new policy was announced. This comparative paper adopts Michael Barnett’s trinity of identity, narratives and frames to show how a cultural space within which a peaceful engage- ment with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) would be deemed legiti- mate and desirable was carved out. Comparisons between the two policies reveal that the framing of policy narratives can have a formative impact on their outcomes. The paper demonstrates how the governing quality of firmness fluctuated between different connotations and references, finally leading back to a deep-rooted tradition in Turkish governance. ince 1984 when the PKK commenced its armed struggle against the Turkish state, Turkish security policies have been framed around the SKurdish question with the PKK presented as the primary security threat to be tackled. Turkey’s Kurdish question has its roots in the founding of the republic in 1923, which saw Kurdish ethnicity assimilated with Turkishness. In accordance with the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), only three minorities were and continue to be officially recognized in Turkey: Armenians, Jews and Greeks. These three groups were granted minority status on the basis of their religion. Kurdish identity – whether national, racial or ethnic – was not recognized by the republic, resulting in decades of uprisings by the Kurds and oppressive and * Department assimilative politics by the state. -
Global Turkey in Europe. Political, Economic, and Foreign Policy
ISSN 2239-2122 9 IAI Research Papers The EU is changing, Turkey too, and - above all - there is systemic change and crisis all G round, ranging from economics, the spread of democratic norms and foreign policy. LOBAL The IAI Research Papers are brief monographs written by one or N.1 European Security and the Future of Transatlantic Relations, This research paper explores how the EU and Turkey can enhance their cooperation in more authors (IAI or external experts) on current problems of inter- T edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Erik Jones, 2011 URKEY GLOBAL TURKEY national politics and international relations. The aim is to promote the political, economic, and foreign policy domains and how they can find a way out of the stalemate EU-Turkey relations have reached with the lack of progress in accession greater and more up to date knowledge of emerging issues and N. 2 Democracy in the EU after the Lisbon Treaty, IN trends and help prompt public debate. edited by Raaello Matarazzo, 2011 negotiations and the increasing uncertainty over both the future of the European project E after the Eurozone crisis and Turkey’s role in it. UROPE IN EUROPE N. 3 The Challenges of State Sustainability in the Mediterranean, edited by Silvia Colombo and Nathalie Tocci, 2011 A non-profit organization, IAI was founded in 1965 by Altiero Spinel- li, its first director. N. 4 Re-thinking Western Policies in Light of the Arab Uprisings, SENEM AYDIN-DÜZGIT is Assistant Professor at the Istanbul Bilgi University and Senior POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND FOREIGN POLICY edited by Riccardo Alcaro and Miguel Haubrich-Seco, 2012 Research Affiliate of the Istanbul Policy Centre (IPC). -
Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
Istanbul Technical University Graduate School of Arts
ISTANBUL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES TRANSFORMATIONS OF KURDISH MUSIC IN SYRIA: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL FACTORS M.A. THESIS Hussain HAJJ Department of Musicology and Music Theory Musicology M.A. Programme JUNE 2018 ISTANBUL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES TRANSFORMATIONS OF KURDISH MUSIC IN SYRIA: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL FACTORS M.A. THESIS Hussain HAJJ (404141007) Department of Musicology and Music Theory Musicology Programme Thesis Advisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. F. Belma KURTİŞOĞLU JUNE 2018 İSTANBUL TEKNİK ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SURİYE’DE KÜRT MÜZİĞİNİN DÖNÜŞÜMÜ: SOSYAL VE POLİTİK ETKENLER YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ Hussain HAJJ (404141007) Müzikoloji ve Müzik Teorisi Anabilim Dalı Müzikoloji Yüksek Lisans Programı Tez Danışmanı: Doç. Dr. F. Belma KURTİŞOĞLU HAZİRAN 2018 Date of Submission : 7 May 2018 Date of Defense : 4 June 2018 v vi To the memory of my father, to my dear mother and Neslihan Güngör; thanks for always being there for me. vii viii FOREWORD When I started studying Musicology, a musician friend from Syrian Kurds told me that I am leaving my seat as an active musician and starting a life of academic researches, and that he will make music and I will research the music he makes. It was really an interesting statement to me; it made me think of two things, the first one is the intention behind this statement, while the second was the attitude of Kurds, especially Kurd musicians, towards researchers and researching. As for the first thing, I felt that there was a problem, maybe a social or psychological, of the Kurdish people in general, and the musicians in particular. -
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. -
Fighting-For-Kurdistan.Pdf
Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq CRU Report Feike Fliervoet Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq Feike Fliervoet CRU Report March 2018 March 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Peshmerga, Kurdish Army © Flickr / Kurdishstruggle Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the author Feike Fliervoet is a Visiting Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit where she contributes to the Levant research programme, a three year long project that seeks to identify the origins and functions of hybrid security arrangements and their influence on state performance and development. -
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising Takes Shape in the PYD-Controlled Areas in Syria
A Kurdish-Speaking Community of Change: How Social and Political Organising takes Shape in the PYD-controlled Areas in Syria Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts In Middle Eastern Studies Author: Harriet Ida Rump Advisor: Lory Janelle Dance Examiner: Vittorio Felci Date: 11.12.14 Acknowledgements I devote my deepest gratitude to the brave and engaged participants of this research, without their reflections, insights, and generous will to share ideas, this thesis would never have been realised. In the same breath I sincerely thank Lina Myritz for taking the travel with me to Syria, and for inspiring me continuously. I strongly thank my supervisor Lory Dance, she is an inspirational role model with her critical thoughts and writings, which open up for new methods of research. I am particularly appreciative of all the inputs and perspectives from Farhiya Khalid, Mia Sung Kjaergaard, Søren Rafn, Frederik Johannisson, and Mette Lundsfryd, who all have encouraged me with significant comments. A special thank goes to Lasse Sander for carefully proofreading the thesis in high speed. Finally, for the love and support of all my wonderful friends and family, I am truly thankful. 2 Abstract This thesis explores current trends in social and political organising in Northern Syria, an area controlled by the PYD.1 The research is built on discussions between eight participants from the Syrian Kurdish-speaking community living in the areas. While most discourses on Syria and the Kurdish-speaking community have a macro-political focus and produce racialising descriptions of “Kurdishness” in Syria, less attention is granted to bottom-up organising and the plurality of Kurdishness. -
Games Without Frontiers: Renegotiating the Boundaries of Power in Iraqi Kurdistan
GAMES WITHOUT FRONTIERS: RENEGOTIATING THE BOUNDARIES OF POWER IN IRAQI KURDISTAN THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MIKE FLEET AND MEGAN CONNELLY JUNE 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU Photo above: Kurdistan parliament speaker Rewaz Faiq (top C), leads a parliament session in Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s northern autonomous Kurdish region, on May 25, 2021. Photo by SAFIN HAMED/AFP via Getty Images. Introduction Over the past year, intensifying political and economic conflicts between the Kurdistan Region’s two hegemonic parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of The parties’ efforts Kurdistan (PUK), have challenged the legal and institutional order to renegotiate their in which the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) operates. While financial entitlements power has always been concentrated in an exclusive coalition of and the scope of their partisan elites, the KDP and PUK had each tacitly acknowledged administrative control the other’s de facto autonomy over the territories they governed have so far produced independently from the civil war of the 1990s until the reunification no consensus. of the KRG. But a new generation of leadership within the parties, a fraught relationship with the federal government, and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point. While the KDP has claimed a majoritarian mandate to govern on a reform platform that eliminates consociational entitlements, the PUK has issued an ultimatum: respect local autonomy and 2 A new generation of leadership, a fraught relationship with [Baghdad], and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point.” restore an equitable division of power within the KRG or it will in consumer demand during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, withdraw from the governing coalition. -
Turkey's Election Reinvigorates Debate Over Kurdish Demands
Turkey’s Election Reinvigorates Debate over Kurdish Demands Crisis Group Europe Briefing N°88 Istanbul/Brussels, 13 June 2018 What’s new? Snap presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey appear likely to be more closely fought than anticipated. The country’s Kurds could affect the outcome of both contests. Politicians, especially those opposing President Erdoğan and his Justice and Development (AK) Party, have pledged to address some Kurdish demands in a bid to win their support. Why does it matter? Debate on Kurdish issues has been taboo since mid-2015, when a ceasefire collapsed between Turkish security forces and the Kurdistan Work- ers’ Party (PKK), an insurgent group designated by Turkey, the U.S. and the Euro- pean Union as terrorist. That the election campaign has opened space for such debate is a welcome development. What should be done? The candidate that wins the presidency and whichever party or bloc prevails in parliamentary elections should build on the reinvigorated discussion of Kurdish issues during the campaign and seek ways to address some longstanding Kurdish demands – or at least ensure debate on those issues continues. I. Overview On 24 June, some 50 million Turkish citizens will head to early presidential and par- liamentary elections. The contests were originally scheduled for November 2019. But in a surprise move on 18 April, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan called snap polls, leaving prospective candidates just over two months to mount their campaigns. At the time, early balloting appeared to favour the president and the ruling party: it would catch the opposition off guard and allow incumbents to ride the wave of nationalism that followed Turkey’s offensive against Kurdish militants in Syria’s Afrin province. -
EU-Turkey Relations and the Stagnation of Turkish Democracy
EU-Turkey Relations and the Stagnation of Turkish Democracy Senem Aydın-Düzgit and E. Fuat Keyman Istanbul Bilgi University and Sabanci University WORKING PAPER 02 EU-Turkey Relations and the Stagnation of Turkish Democracy Senem Aydın-Düzgit and E. Fuat Keyman* Turkey EU Accession Process Democracy Deficit Abstract Introduction The current stagnation of Turkish democracy goes hand in hand with the current impasse in EU-Turkey relations. A combination of domestic Back in August 2004, we published a working paper on the role of factors with a loss of credibility of EU conditionality led to a situation Turkey’s relations with the EU in transforming Turkish democracy in which political reform is substantially stalled and in cases where it as part of a larger project on EU-Turkey relations conducted by the is realised, it is mostly conducted to serve the interests of the ruling Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) and the Economics and political elite and with no real reference to the EU. The virtuous cycle of Foreign Policy Forum (Aydın and Keyman 2004). The central argument reform that characterised the 1999-2005 period has been replaced by of the paper was that the strengthening credibility of EU conditionality a vicious cycle in which lack of effective conditionality feeds into po- towards Turkey, coupled with favourable domestic and international litical stagnation which in turn moves Turkey and the EU further away dynamics resulted in substantial reforms towards the consolidation from one another. of Turkish democracy. The paper, written prior to the EU’s decision to open accession negotiations with Turkey, concluded that the opening of accession talks with the country on the basis of a fair decision that rests on Turkey’s achievements in its modernity and democracy would constitute a crucial step in remedying the remaining problematic aspects of Turkish democracy. -
The Collapse of the Peace Process with the Kurds in Turkey
Back to Square One? The Collapse of the Peace Process with the Kurds in Turkey Gallia Lindenstrauss The Kurdish question is one of the fundamental problems, if not the most important, facing the Turkish republic. Since the 1980s, some 40,000 people have been killed in the violent struggle between Turkey’s central government and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, the PKK. Serious efforts were made to promote solutions during the tenure of President Turgut Ozal in the early 1990s, but since its rise to power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party has made the most progress on the issue compared to previous governments. Since 2008, and in greater intensity since the end of 2012, Turkey promoted a peace process between the government and the Kurdish minority. However, in July 2015, the process collapsed, leading to renewed violence between the sides, especially in the southeast of the country. Compared to the past, the PKK is putting more emphasis on urban warfare. Consequently, one of the Turkish army’s reactions to the renewed hostilities has been to impose an extended curfew on several neighborhoods and towns with a Kurdish majority, which severely disrupts the population’s routine of life. While past talks between the government and the Kurdish minority have also ended without a resolution and have seen the resumption of fighting, it seems that this time the escalation is more acute. Statements such as that made by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan that Turkey’s objective is “to annihilate” the armed Kurds 1 raise concern that it will be extremely difficult to revive the peace process anytime soon. -
Anatomy of a Civil War
Revised Pages Anatomy of a Civil War Anatomy of a Civil War demonstrates the destructive nature of war, rang- ing from the physical destruction to a range of psychosocial problems to the detrimental effects on the environment. Despite such horrific aspects of war, evidence suggests that civil war is likely to generate multilayered outcomes. To examine the transformative aspects of civil war, Mehmet Gurses draws on an original survey conducted in Turkey, where a Kurdish armed group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has been waging an intermittent insurgency for Kurdish self- rule since 1984. Findings from a probability sample of 2,100 individuals randomly selected from three major Kurdish- populated provinces in the eastern part of Turkey, coupled with insights from face-to- face in- depth inter- views with dozens of individuals affected by violence, provide evidence for the multifaceted nature of exposure to violence during civil war. Just as the destructive nature of war manifests itself in various forms and shapes, wartime experiences can engender positive attitudes toward women, create a culture of political activism, and develop secular values at the individual level. Nonetheless, changes in gender relations and the rise of a secular political culture appear to be primarily shaped by wartime experiences interacting with insurgent ideology. Mehmet Gurses is Associate Professor of Political Science at Florida Atlantic University. Revised Pages Revised Pages ANATOMY OF A CIVIL WAR Sociopolitical Impacts of the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey Mehmet Gurses University of Michigan Press Ann Arbor Revised Pages Copyright © 2018 by Mehmet Gurses All rights reserved This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S.