Solidarity in Europe: the History of an Idea
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Jorunn Bjørgum Veien Til Komintern Martin Tranmæl Og Det
Martin Tranmæl. Bondesønnen som ble bygningsarbeider, fagforeningsaktivist, sosialistagitator , redaktør og grå eminense i partiledelsen. Jorunn BJørguM Veien til Komintern Martin Tranmæl og det internasjonale spørsmål 1914–19 Hvordan kan vi forklare at Martin Tranmæl i 1919 gikk inn for at Det norske Arbeiderparti skulle bryte opp fra den gamle sosialistiske 2. Inter nasjonalen og i stedet slutte seg til Komintern? Det er hovedproblemstil lingen i denne artikkelen.1 Martin Tranmæl var en ruvende lederskikkelse i norsk arbeiderbeve gelse i over to mannsaldre. Forut for 1918 var han opposisjonsleder. gjennom hele mellomkrigstiden var han Arbeiderpartiets reelle politiske leder. og i etterkrigstiden var han en sentral politisk bakspiller eller grå eminense i partiledelsen. Han var medlem av Arbeiderpartiets landsstyre fra 1906 og av sentralstyret fra 1918 og helt fram til 1963. I storparten av tiden var han også medlem av Los sekretariat og av samarbeids komiteen mellom Arbeiderpartiet og Lo.2 Han utøvde sitt lederskap dels gjennom de formelle organene han deltok i, dels gjennom stillingen som redaktør og dels gjennom personlig påvirkning på partiformennene oscar Torp og Einar gerhardsen, som han selv hadde rekruttert til parti ledelsen i 1923. Så hvordan kunne det ha seg at denne sentrale sosialdemokraten i 1919 gikk inn for at Arbeiderpartiet skulle melde seg inn i Lenins nye kommunistiske internasjonale? utgangspunktet var radikaliseringen av norsk arbeiderbevegelse under første verdenskrig, da Tranmæl stod i spissen for partiopposisjonen, den nye retning. Den overtok ledelsen av Arbeiderpartiet på landsmøtet i 1918 og fikk vedtatt sin parole revolu sjonær masseaksjon som partiets nye politiske strategi.3 Tranmæl ble ny partisekretær og hans nære venn og politiske medarbeider, Kyrre grepp, ny partiformann. -
Den Socialdemokratiska Memoaren Som Retorisk Genre: Exemplen Palm, Erlander Och Persson
”Från mörkret stiga vi mot ljuset” Den socialdemokratiska memoaren som retorisk genre: exemplen Palm, Erlander och Persson “From Darkness We Rise Towards the Light” The Social Democratic Memoir as a Rhetoric Genre: the Examples of Palm, Erlander and Persson Magnus Gustafson Masteruppsats i litteraturvetenskap Termin: HT 2014/2015 Kurs: LV 2311 Nivå: Master Handledare: Christer Ekholm Abstract Master’s Thesis in Comparative Literature Title: ”From Darkness We Rise Towards the Light” The Social Democratic Memoir as a Rhetoric Genre: the Examples of Palm, Erlander and Persson Author: Magnus Gustafson Academic Term and Year: Autumn 2014/2015 Department: Literature, History of Ideas and Religion Supervisor: Christer Ekholm Examiner: Dag Hedman Keywords: Political Memoirs, Rhetorical Reading, August Palm, Tage Erlander, Göran Persson Although Social Democratic Memoirs comprise an extensive material, these texts have not attracted any systematic analysis as a distinct and yet varied form of textual genre. The focus in this MA-paper is the Swedish Social Democratic Memoir as a rhetoric genre. The main primary material is memoirs of the pioneer August Palm (1849–1922), the father of the nation Tage Erlander (1901–1985) and the political leader Göran Persson (1949–), published 1905, 1972–82 and 2007, respectively. The general aim is to find out what is the driving power of the memoirs and, more specifically, to shed light on the images of the party history and the history of the welfare state. The method is a comparative analysis of these texts. The overarching rhetoric of Social Democratic Memoirs relate to a general ideological theme corresponding to the progression from darkness to light. -
The Polish Elections: Implications for the Washington–Warsaw Alliance Sally Mcnamara
22 WebMemo Published by The Heritage Foundation No. 1662 October 12, 2007 The Polish Elections: Implications for the Washington–Warsaw Alliance Sally McNamara On October 21, Polish voters will take to the coalition (LiD), which would completely change the polls to vote in a new parliament two years ahead of current complexion of Polish politics. schedule. Although early indications demonstrate Poland and the European Union. The next Pol- widespread apathy on the part of the Polish elector- ish administration will be forced to deal with major ate, important foreign policy issues are at stake. foreign policy questions, not the least of which is The most important foreign policy issue for the possible ratification of the EU Reform Treaty. EU Poland to address is the European Reform Treaty. EU heads of state and foreign ministers—with Poland elites desire to either undo or circumvent Poland’s represented by the current Kaczynskiń govern- opt-out from the Charter of Fundamental Rights and ment—will meet in Lisbon on October 18, just diminish Warsaw’s traditionally muscular negotiat- three days before the Polish elections, with the aim ing stance in favor of national sovereignty. of agreeing on the final text of the European Reform The composition of Warsaw’s next government Treaty. To avoid another EU summit failure, Poland will be just as important to Washington as it is to is currently being put under immense pressure to Europe. The negotiations over stationing 10 inter- negotiate away its interests, even though member ceptors as part of America’s ballistic missile defense states only received the final text of the Treaty on shield is at a critical stage, and a new Polish admin- October 5. -
Strategi for Toppidrett I Kristiansand August 2017 1
KULTUR Strategi for toppidrett i Kristiansand August 2017 1. INNLEDNING Kristiansand bystyre vedtok den 14.12.2016 følgende: Arbeidet med utvikling av Strategi for toppidrett, har vært utført våren 2017. Arbeidsgruppen har vært ledet «Det utarbeides en Strategi for Toppidrett i Kristi- av Idrettsetaten og gruppen har bestått av følgende: ansand. Kristiansand Idrettsråd, Geir Thorstensen En arbeidsgruppe bestående av idrettsetaten og re- Olympiatoppen Sør, Solveig Pedersen presentanter for toppidretten, skal synliggjøre hvilke Olympiatoppen Sør, Arild Jørgensen behov som må ivaretas for at toppidrettslagene og Kristiansand Katedralskole Gimle, Vegard Witzøe Kristiansand Katedralskole Gimle, Jørg Inge Stray Pedersen toppidrettsutøverne får en best mulig tilrettelegging fra Akademiet, Johan Holte kommunens side. Kristiansand kommune – Idrettsetaten, Terje Abrahamsen Kristiansand kommune – Idrettsetaten, Astri E.Sødal Talentsatsingen til idretten, idrettslinjer ved de videre- Kristiansand kommune, kulturdirektør Stein Tore Sorthe gående skolene og tilstedeværelsen av Olympiatop- pen i byen tas inn arbeidet.» Foto: Svein Tybakken 2 Følgende representanter for SiA, Cultiva, toppidrett- På idrettsfeltet har kommunen følgende plandokument strenere og toppidrettsutøvere fra lokale klubber har som er retningsgivende for kommunens idretts- og fri- vært trukket inn til drøftinger: luftspolitikk: Kommunedelplan idrett og friluftsliv 2015-2018. Kr.sands Cykleklubb ved sportssjef Jan Fredrik Stiansen Kr.sand Sandvolleyballklubb ved leder Tor Inge Askeland -
The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 Also by David Renton RED SHIRTS AND BLACK: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Oxford in the ‘Thirties FASCISM: Theory and Practice FASCISM, ANTI-FASCISM AND BRITAIN IN THE 1940s THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A Century of Wars and Revolutions? (with Keith Flett) SOCIALISM IN LIVERPOOL: Episodes in a History of Working-Class Struggle THIS ROUGH GAME: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History MARX ON GLOBALISATION CLASSICAL MARXISM: Socialist Theory and the Second International The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 James Eaden and David Renton © James Eaden and David Renton 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-94968-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St. -
From Democratic Socialism and Rational Planning To
NORDIC COUNTRIES IN FINNISH PERSPECTIVE FROM DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM AND RATIONAL PLANNING TO POSTMODERN IDENTITY POLITICS AND MARKET-ORIENTATION Ideological Development of the Social Democrats in Sweden and Finland in the Late 20th Century Sami Outinen D.Soc.Sc., University of Helsinki Democratic socialism and planning of term goal was a “socialist society” and “equality the economy between people”, which would be achieved by This article will deconstruct the ideological de- seeking the support of the majority of citizens. velopment of the Swedish Social Democratic Finland’s Social Democrats also favoured the ex- Party SAP (officially, “the Social Democratic pansion of public services, state companies and Workers’ Party of Sweden”) and the Social cooperatives, “democratic economic planning Democratic Party of Finland SDP. This will […] including the effective regulation of capital be done by analysing their own alternative movements” and “the societal control of com- scopes of action in relation to the concepts mercial banks and insurance companies”.1 The of major ideologies and economic theories SAP committed similarly in 1975 at its Party such as socialism, capitalism, economic plan- Conference to long-term planning of the econ- ning, market economy, postmodernism and omy (planmässig hushållning). It positioned Keynesianism as well as researching how Nor- itself as the representative of democratic social- dic social democrats redefined their conven- ism between communist planned economy and tional ideological meanings. capitalism.2 Accordingly, one of the motives for The SDP stressed at the Party Conference in stressing democratic socialism by the SDP was 1975 that democratic socialism was the basis to win the support of the radicalised post-war of its programmatic identity. -
The Right to the Whole Produce of Labour
1RNIA SAN DIEGO THE EIGHT TO THE WHOLE PRODUCE OF LABOUR THE EIGHT TO THE WHOLE PBODUCE OF LABOUK THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE THEORY OF LABOUR'S CLAIM TO THE WHOLE PRODUCT OF INDUSTRY BY DK. ANTON MENGEK PROFESSOR OF JURISPRUDENCE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA TRANSLATED BY M. E. TANNER WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND BIBLIOGRAPHY BY H. S. FOXWELL, M.A. PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON ; LECTURER AND LATE FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE Hontion MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1899 A II rights reserved INTRODUCTION DR. ANTON MENGER'S remarkable study of the cardinal Dr doctrine of revolutionary socialism, now for the first W time published in English, has long enjoyed a wide reputation on the Continent; and English students of social philosophy, whether or not they are familiar with the original, will welcome its appearance in this trans- lation. The interest and importance of the subject will not be disputed, either by the opponents or the advocates of socialism ; and those who know how exceptionally Dr. Menger is qualified for work of this kind, by his juristic eminence, and his profound know- ledge of socialistic literature, will not need to be told that it has been executed with singular vigour and ability. Hitherto, perhaps because it was not generally accessible to English readers, the book has not received in this country the notice that it has met with elsewhere. Yet there are reasons why it should be of peculiar interest to English economists. The particular method of criticism adopted by Dr. -
MARX, MARXISM and the BRITISH WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT: SOME CONTINUING ISSUES for the 21St CENTURY1
MARX, MARXISM AND THE BRITISH WORKING CLASS MOVEMENT: SOME CONTINUING ISSUES FOR THE 21st CENTURY1 John Foster John Foster, Emeritus Professor, University of the West of Scotland, International Secretary, Communist Party of Britain, author of Class Struggle and the Industrial Revolution (1974), joint author of The Politics of the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders Work-In (1986), The Caterpillar Occupation (1988), Capital and Labour in the North Sea Oil Industry (1996) and the New Penguin History of Scotland (2002). Email: [email protected] Abstract: For Marx the British working class was both a practical inspiration and a challenge. Britain’s was the world’s first majority proletariat and in the 1840s was also the first to create a mass working class party. Yet in the second half of the 19th century British trade unions changed direction, allied themselves with bourgeois political parties and worked within the assumptions of the existing system. Marx’s explanation of this transformation is, the article argues, of continuing importance for our understanding of working class consciousness—with its key elements carried forward by both Luxemburg and Lenin in their critique of the revisionism of the Second International. The main intent of the article is to use more recent examples of working class mobilization in Britain to show the continuing relevance of this analysis. It focuses in particular on the issue of the relationship between the working class and a Marxist party. In doing so it draws on the Soviet school of Vygotsky and Leontiev to argue for a dialectical and materialist understanding of the development of working class consciousness in which the role of a Communist Party, in Marx’s terms, remains critical. -
Centre for Peace Studies Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Education
Centre for Peace Studies Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Education The portrayal of the Russian Revolution of 1917 in the Norwegian labor movement A study of the editorials of the Social-Demokraten, 1915—1923 Anzhela Atayan Master’s thesis in Peace and Conflict Transformation – SVF-3901 June 2014 ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Kari Aga Myklebost for helpful supervision with practical advice and useful comments, the Culture and Social Sciences Library, the Centre for Peace Studies and Ola Goverud Andersson for support. iii iv Morgen mot Russlands grense Jeg kommer fra dagen igår, fra vesten, fra fortidens land. Langt fremme en solstripe går mot syd. Det er morgenens rand. I jubel flyr toget avsted. Se grensen! En linje av ild. Bak den er det gamle brendt ned. Bak den er det nye blitt til. Jeg føler forventningens sang i hjertets urolige slag. Så skulde jeg også engang få møte den nye dag! Rudolf Nilsen v vi Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………….......1 1.1.Major terms and choice of period……...………………………………………………......1 1.2.Research questions…………………………………………………………………………2 1.3.Motivation and relevance for peace studies………………………………………………..3 1.4.Three editors: presentation…………………………………………………………………3 1.5.The development of the Norwegian labor press: a short description………………………6 1.6.The position of the Norwegian labor movement in Scandinavia…………………………..7 1.7.Structure of the thesis............................................................................................................8 Chapter 2. Previous studies and historical background………………………………………11 2.1. Previous studies…………………………………………………………………………..11 2.2. Historical background……………………………………………………………………14 2.2.1. The situation in Norway…………………………………………………………...14 2.2.2. Connections between the Bolsheviks and the Norwegian left…………….……....16 Chapter 3. -
Lyststedene Rundt Kristiansand
LYSTSTEDENE RUNDT KRISTIANSAND KÅSERI PÅ GIMLE GÅRD 26.10.2013 JAN HENRIK MUNKSGAARD LYSTSTEDET GIMLE VED KRISTIANSAND KRISTIANSAND 1816 EN AV 4 STIFTSTEDER I LANDET GARNISONSBY 10 000 INNBYGGERE HVA ER ET LYSTSTED? PRIVAT SOMMERSTED UTENFOR BYEN BYHUS PÅ LANDET EUROPEISK BAKGRUNN? NORSK TRADISJON? EUROPEISK BAKGRUNN FRANKRIKE. Adelen trett av de store slottene. De begynte på 1700-tallet å bygge mindre. De bygde hôtel ved parkene i byen og adelen oppfant landsstedet. Maison de plaisance. (Paris hadde 670 tusen innbyggere). DANMARK og andre land tok etter de nye Franske ideer fra 1730-årene. Kravene til Intimitet og komfort ble viktigere enn kravet til representasjon (landsted, avlsgård, lyststed) Petit Trianon bygd for Madame du Barry Margård på nordvestfyn. 1745 NORSK TRADISJON Mellom1750 og 1850 ble det bygd ca. 70 lyststeder i Bergens omegn. På 1600-tallet var det vanlig at bergenske kjøpmenn om sommeren flyttet ut til Sandviken og bosatte seg i bodene der. På 1700-tallet fulgte bergenserne de franske maison de plainsace -ideene Stend, prospekt av Dreier fra 1816 Hop på Askøy, bygd 1793 HVOR MANGE LYSTSTEDER BLE BYGD RUNDT KRISTIANSAND? JÆGERSBERG BYGD FOR NIELS JÆGER 1812-14 I PERIODEN 1770-1820 BLE DET BYGD CA. 30 LYSTSTEDER RUNDT BYEN HER ER NOEN AV DEM: ANDØEN, BOEN ,BRAGDØEN, BRØVIG, ENRUM,GILL, GIMLE, GREPPESTØL, GRIM, HAGEN, JÆGERSBERG, KJEVIK, KJOS, SUMATRA, MØVIG, SOMMERRO, STIFTEGÅRDEN, VIGELAND, VOIE, WAHLHALLA, YTRE STRAI, ØVRE KONGSGAARD, ØVRE STRAI. O.A. NICOLAI WERGELAND KALLER DEM VILLAS MEN SKRIVER OGSÅ AT KONGSGAARD OG FREYASTAL ER SMUKKE LYSTSTEDER HVA ER BAKGRUNNEN TIL LYSTSTEDENE I EUROPA? DE FRANSKE FILOSOFER 1 OPPLYSNINGSFILOSOFENE VOLTAIRE, DIDEROT, D`ALEMBERT FORNUFTEN BLE DEN ORDNENDE KRAFT. -
2019 © Timbro 2019 [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019
TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX 2019 © Timbro 2019 www.timbro.se [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019 ABOUT THE TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX Authoritarian Populism has established itself as the third ideological force in European politics. This poses a long-term threat to liberal democracies. The Timbro Authoritarian Populism Index (TAP) continuously explores and analyses electoral data in order to improve the knowledge and understanding of the development among politicians, media and the general public. TAP contains data stretching back to 1980, which makes it the most comprehensive index of populism in Europe. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • 26.8 percent of voters in Europe – more than one in four – cast their vote for an authoritarian populist party last time they voted in a national election. • Voter support for authoritarian populists increased in all six elections in Europe during 2018 and has on an aggregated level increased in ten out of the last eleven elections. • The combined support for left- and right-wing populist parties now equals the support for Social democratic parties and is twice the size of support for liberal parties. • Right-wing populist parties are currently growing more rapidly than ever before and have increased their voter support with 33 percent in four years. • Left-wing populist parties have stagnated and have a considerable influence only in southern Europe. The median support for left-wing populist in Europe is 1.3 percent. • Extremist parties on the left and on the right are marginalised in almost all of Europe with negligible voter support and almost no political influence. -
Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway
Reconsidering Politics as a Man's World: Images of Male Political Leaders in France and Norway Anne Krogstad and Aagoth Storvik Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms that are integrated into politics. This article explores these norms by studying male images of politics and power in France and Norway from 1945 to 2009. Both dress codes and more general leadership styles are discussed. The article shows changes in political aesthetics in both countries since the Second World War. The most radical break is seen in the way Norwegian male politicians present themselves. The traditional Norwegian leadership ethos of piety, moderation, and inward orientation is still important, but it is not as self- effacing and inelegant as it used to be. However, compared to the leaders in French politics, who still live up to a heroic leadership ideal marked by effortless superiority and seduction, the Norwegian leaders look modest. To explain the differences in political self-presentation and evaluation we argue that cultural repertoires are not only national constructions but also gendered constructions. Keywords: photographs; politics; aesthetics; gender; national cultural repertoires 1 When people think of presidents and prime ministers, they usually think of the incumbents of these offices.1 In both France and Norway, these incumbents have, with the exception of Prime Minister Edith Cresson in France and Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland in Norway, been male (and white). Researchers have often pointed to the masculine norms which are integrated into the expectations of what political officeholders should look like and be. Politics, it is claimed, is still very much a man’s world.2 However, maleness does not express general political leadership in a simple and undifferentiated way.