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When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 Also by David Renton RED SHIRTS AND BLACK: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Oxford in the ‘Thirties FASCISM: Theory and Practice FASCISM, ANTI-FASCISM AND BRITAIN IN THE 1940s THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A Century of Wars and Revolutions? (with Keith Flett) SOCIALISM IN LIVERPOOL: Episodes in a History of Working-Class Struggle THIS ROUGH GAME: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History MARX ON GLOBALISATION CLASSICAL MARXISM: Socialist Theory and the Second International The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 James Eaden and David Renton © James Eaden and David Renton 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-94968-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St. -
Samuel Maharero Portrait
SAMUEL MAHARERO (1856-1923) e id Fig noc hter against ge Considered the first genocide of the 20th century, forerunner to the Holocaust, between 1904-08 the German army committed acts of genocide against groups of blackHEROIC people RESISTANCE in German TO South THE . NATIONAL HERO West Africa. Samuel Maharero’s by the German army has made him a MASSACRE First they came for the Gustav Schiefer communists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Esther Brunstein Anti Nazi Trade Unionist communist; Primo Levi Survivor and Witness (b. 1876) Then they came for the socialists, han Noor k Chronicler of Holocaust (1928- ) Gustav Schiefer, Munich Chairman and I did not speak out—because Anne Frank Courageous Fighter (1919-1987) Esther Brunstein was born in of the German Trade Union I was not a socialist; Lodz, Poland. When the Nazis Association, was arrested, Leon Greenman Diarist (1929-1945) (1914-1944) Primo Levi was born in Turin, beaten and imprisoned in Dachau Then they came for the trade eil Italy. He was sent to Auschwitz invaded in 1939 she was forced to Simone v Witness to a new Born in Frankfurt-am-Maim in Born to an Indian father and concentration camp. Members unionists, and I did not speak in 1944. Managing to survive wear a yellow star identifying her Germany, Anne Frank’s family American mother in Moscow, of trade unions and the Social out—because I was not a trade Holocaust survivor and generation (1910-2008) he later penned the poignant as a Jew. In 1940 she had to live went to Holland to escape Nazi Noor Khan was an outstandingly If this be a Democratic Party were targeted by politician (1927- ) Born in London and taken and moving book in the Lodz ghetto. -
Spectre of Hate An Explanatory Guide to the Far Right in the UK
SPECTRE OF HATE An Explanatory Guide to the Far Right in the UK Part of the Cordoba Manuals Series March 2015. ISSN 2048-7711 The Cordoba Foundation is an independent strategic think tank aimed at promoting intercultural dialogue and positive coexistence, through a range of activities including research and publications, training and capacity building, policy briefings and dialogues. The Foundation takes its name from the city of Cordoba. The European metropolis was once a symbol of human excellence and intellectual ingenuity, where cultures, civilisations and ideas thrived. Embodying this spirit, TCF today facilitates the meeting of minds, to advance understanding and respect for one another. Our activities include: Structured consultation and advisory services. Face-to-face interaction with decision-makers and figures of authority. In-house research. Workshops, seminars and debates on pertinent issues. Training and capacity-building. Periodicals and journals. Resourceful website. www.thecordobafoundation.com [email protected] The Cordoba Foundation @CordobaFoundati ISSN 2048-7711 © The Cordoba Foundation 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any way or by any means, without the express permission of The Cordoba Foundation. Date of publication: March 2015. Printed in England. Disclaimer Views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the respective authors/ contributors and do not necessarily represent a corporate view of the publishers. Acknowledgements Special thanks to everyone who contributed material or agreed to be interviewed in this guide. Photo credits William Barylo, Salman Farsi, Rehan Jamil and F. Amin. Cover image: The mural on Cable Street, East End of London depicts the memorable events of 4 October 1936, when a march by Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists was stopped by thousands of local people. -
Loud Proud Passion and Politics in the English Defence League Makes Us Confront the Complexities of Anti-Islamist/Anti-Muslim Fervor
New Ethnographies ‘These voices of English nationalism make for difficult listening. The great strength of Hilary PILKINGTON Pilkington’s unflinching ethnography is her capacity to confound and challenge our political and preconceptions and makes us think harder. This is an important, difficult and brave book.’ Les Back, Professor of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London ‘Pilkington offers fresh and crucial insights into the politics of fear. Her unflinchingly honest depiction of the EDL breaks apart stereotypes of rightist activists as simply dupes, thugs, and racists and Loud proud PASSION AND POLITICS IN THE ENGLISH DEFENCE LEAGUE makes us confront the complexities of anti-Islamist/anti-Muslim fervor. This terrific, compelling book is a must-read for scholars and readers concerned about the global rise of populist movements on the right.’ Kathleen Blee, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, University of Pittsburgh Loud and proud uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at English Defence League events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL and themselves as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ through, among other things, the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined Loud group. In contrast, activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated against by a two-tier justice system that privileges the rights of others. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of being heard in a political system governed by a politics of silencing. -
Why the BNP Is Still Fascist
sistently to deny and downplay the Holocaust. the same rotten ideology. We must expose them They’re fools but (alas) not idiots – they know for who they are, and stand together to stop them. they’ll get nowhere if they admit their ideological Never forget, never again. link to the Nazi regime. But their Holocaust de- nial gives the game away. This article first appeared on the SUN website Behind the shiny suits lurks the same hatred, (www.socialistunitynetwork.co.uk) Why the BNP is Still Fascist Geoffrey Brown HE GAINS made by the BNP in local elections Enter Nick Griffin in recent years – it now has almost fifty coun- For all the carefully cultivated “reasonableness” cillors,T an achievement unprecedented in the hist- of his public persona today, Griffin has a similar ory of the far right in Britain – have been assisted far-right background to Tyndall. He was a nation- by a systematic revamping of the party’s image. al organiser for the NF in the 1970s, and in the The public expressions of Nazi sympathies and 1980s was heavily influenced by Roberto Fiore, a Holocaust denial for which the BNP had become leader of the Italian fascist organisation the Armed notorious have been junked and it now presents Revolutionary Nuclei (NAR), who fled to Britain itself as a respectable, mainstream political party. to avoid prosecution over the 1980 bombing of The question arises – does this amount to a funda- Bologna railway station in which 85 people died. mental change in the BNP’s political character, or Throughout the 1980s Griffin was a leading figure is it a cosmetic exercise designed to fool voters into in what remained of the NF, promoting a NAR- backing an organisation that has in reality failed inspired “Third Positionist” ideology that claimed to break with its fascist past? to offer an alternative to both capitalism and com- munism. -
Faith, Peace Building, and Intra-Community Dialogue in South Yorkshire, UK
Faith, Peace Building, and Intra-Community Dialogue in South Yorkshire, UK Richard Slade and Stephanie Steels This paper discusses the outcomes of action research with an interfaith community dialogue project. The project was established to encourage resilience to the divisive narratives of extreme or radical right-wing groups in South Yorkshire, UK. In communities where there is antipathy towards ‘outsiders’, contact theory encourages intergroup interaction as a way of improving relationships. However, this research found that where people could or would not take part in inter-group contact, an alternative approach was therefore required. This research identified an innovative process of facilitated ‘safe-space’ intra-community dialogue that involved groups whose ‘out-group’ antipathy could feed extremism. Participants could talk amongst themselves about why they felt as they did without the expectation they would interact with other groups. This research identified the role of faith in challenging extremism and a dialogue process that has potential for wider application in settings where identity-related hostility is present. Keywords: Cohesion, conflict resolution, faith, outsiders, dialogue Introduction This study explores findings that arose from action research with an interfaith community dialogue project established to challenge the divisive narratives of extreme and radical right-wing (ERW) support in South Yorkshire, UK. Given the 2015 general election, it may be timely to reflect on drivers behind ERW, and the extent to which support of such groups may change political focus over time. The 2010 UK general election was thought by some to have marked the beginning of the end for ERW momentum. Nick Griffin, then chair of the British National Party (BNP), had stood in a high-profile campaign in the London Borough of Dagenham and Barking. -
Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right
Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Political Science | Volume 71 Maik Fielitz, Nick Thurston (eds.) Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right Online Actions and Offline Consequences in Europe and the US With kind support of Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Na- tionalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-No- Derivatives 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non-commer- cial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ To create an adaptation, translation, or derivative of the original work and for com- mercial use, further permission is required and can be obtained by contacting [email protected] Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material. © 2019 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld Cover layout: Kordula Röckenhaus, Bielefeld Typeset by Alexander Masch, Bielefeld Printed by Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-4670-2 PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-4670-6 https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839446706 Contents Introduction | 7 Stephen Albrecht, Maik Fielitz and Nick Thurston ANALYZING Understanding the Alt-Right. -
Defeating Racism Unions Working Together for a Racism-Free London, South East and East of England Contents
Defeating racism unions working together for a racism-free London, South East and East of England Contents SERTUC, with London at its heart, Foreword 3 is the most diverse of the TUC’s Brendan Barber TUC General Secretary regions. Introduction 4 Liz Smith unionlearn Director This booklet is designed as a resource for reps and activists in Working against racism 6 Wilf Sullivan TUC Race Equality Officer the Southern & Eastern region to support their fight against racism Get the facts 10 and fascism in their workplaces Migrant workers 14 and communities. Arguments for trade unionists To educate, agitate and organise Black History Month 20 we have marshalled the facts, Lord Herman Ouseley, Jarvis Tyner outlined what help and activities Success at work 26 are available from SERTUC, and Case studies: Ford, NGSU, Epping shared the resources that Diversity works 29 already exist. The business case for equality and diversity Anti-racist education in SERTUC 33 Checklist 36 for reps fighting racism in the workplace Policies on racism 38 SERTUC, TUC, ECHR Contacts and resources 41 for a racism-free London, South East and East of England 1 2 SERTUC with unionlearn Foreword Brendan Barber TUC General Secretary when they are covered by collective bargaining, their wages on average are actually higher than they are for white workers. We recognise, however, that much more has to be done to address racism in the workplace – especially for young black workers who find that despite their qualifications they still tend to be regarded as second-class employees. The Southern & Eastern Region of the TUC has produced this booklet, as part of their anti-racist strategy, as a resource for assisting trade unionists to tackle race equality issues in the workplace. -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
CLR James, His Early Relationship to Anarchism and the Intellectual
This is a repository copy of A “Bohemian freelancer”? C.L.R. James, his early relationship to anarchism and the intellectual origins of autonomism. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/90063/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Hogsbjerg, CJ (2012) A “Bohemian freelancer”? C.L.R. James, his early relationship to anarchism and the intellectual origins of autonomism. In: Prichard, A, Kinna, R, Pinta, S and Berry, D, (eds.) Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Palgrave Macmillan , Basingstoke . ISBN 978-0-230-28037-3 © 2012 Palgrave Macmillan. This is an author produced version of a chapter published in Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request.