Spectre of Hate An Explanatory Guide to the Far Right in the UK
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Issue No. 129, Summer, 1988
-' Australasian ~ NUMBER 129 SUMMER 1988/1989 IfO cents Social Patriots Enlist for New Pacific War • own 1 • 1- For Proletarian Internationalism! Dwarfed by a huge Australian flag emblazoned with "heart of a na tion," second-hand dealer Bruce Whiteside proclaimed: "We are again facing a threat of invasion." The 1300 people packed into this hall on Queensland's Gold Coast in May, including the state Labor Party deputy leader .T')m Burns, erupted into massive applause. Later the announcement of a bomb threat provoked cries of "the Japanese have done it" and Tokyo stock exchange, largest in the world. Rise of Japan Inc fuels chauvinist fears in White Australia. "yellow peril," ment, which is now triggering a (Australian, 28-29 May). The 31 ~ational Action posters proclaim- The coming of Japan as the filthy anti-Japanese backlash in October morning edition of ing "White Australia, the workers' Asian economic. "superpower," Australia. The hysterical, racist Yomiuri Shimbun, circulation 9.6 cause!" and "Oppose the Japanese symbolised by the rise of the Gold Coast meeting prompted the million and one of Japan's two property invasion." value of the yen against both the Japanese consulate to complain main bourgeois dailies, carried a, Anti-Japan chauvinism extends US and Australian dollars, has led that "people were confusing mem- page four headline "Rising anti- far beyond the tiny fascist fringe. to a surge in Japanese tourism and ories of World War II with the Japanese feeling in Australia." Its Treasurer Keating weighed in, a mini-boom in property invest- realities of. modern-day Japan" article featured photos of fascist Continued on page six Russian Nazis Raise Their Heads Soviet Workers Must Crush Pamyatl Recent statements in Soviet Leningrad which does not evoke "t" ~':' newspapers report an ominous memories of this hero city's %: development. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
Name of Registered Political Party Or Independent Total
Final Results 2016 GLA ELECTIONS ELECTION OF THE LONDON ASSEMBLY MEMBERS Declaration of Results of Poll I hereby give notice as Greater London Returning Officer at the election of the London Wide Assembly Members held on 5th May 2016 that the number of votes recorded at the election is as follows: - Name of Registered Political Party or Independent Total Votes Animal Welfare Party 25810 Britain First - Putting British people first 39071 British National Party 15833 Caroline Pidgeon's London Liberal Democrats 165580 Christian Peoples Alliance 27172 Conservative Party 764230 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 207959 Labour Party 1054801 Respect (George Galloway) 41324 The House Party - Homes for Londoners 11055 UK Independence Party (UKIP) 171069 Women's Equality Party 91772 Total number of good votes 2615676 The number of ballot papers rejected was as follows:- (a) Unmarked 18842 (b) Uncertain 1127 (c) Voting for too many 9613 (d) Writing identifying voter 145 (e) Want of official mark 6 Total 29733 And I do hereby declare that on the basis of the total number of London votes cast for each party and number of constituency seats they have gained, the eleven London Member seats have been allocated and filled as follows. Seat Number Name of Registered Political Party or Independent 1 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 2 UK Independence Party (UKIP) 3 Caroline Pidgeon's London Liberal Democrats 4 Conservative Party 5 Conservative Party 6 Labour Party 7 Green Party - "vote Green on orange" 8 Labour Party 9 Conservative Party 10 Labour Party -
1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: a Comparative
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The Australian National University 1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online This is a pre-print for: R. Ackland and R. Gibson (2013), “Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online,” International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 16(3), special issue on Computational Social Science: Research Strategies, Design & Methods, 231-244. Dr. Robert Ackland, Research Fellow at the Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia *Professor Rachel Gibson, Professor of Politics, Institute for Social Change, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK. *Corresponding author: Professor Rachel Gibson Institute for Social Change University of Manchester, Oxford Road Manchester M13 9PL UK Ph: + 44 (0)161 306 6933 Fax: +44 (0) 161 275 0793 [email protected] Word count: 6,062(excl title page and key words) 2 Abstract This paper analyses hyperlink data from over 100 political parties in six countries to show how political actors are using links to engage in a new form of ‘networked communication’ to promote themselves to an online audience. We specify three types of networked communication - identity reinforcement, force multiplication and opponent dismissal - and hypothesise variance in their performance based on key party variables of size and ideological outlook. We test our hypotheses using an original comparative hyperlink dataset. The findings support expectations that hyperlinks are being used for networked communication by parties, with identity reinforcement and force multiplication being more common than opponent dismissal. The results are important in demonstrating the wider communicative significance of hyperlinks, in addition to their structural properties as linkage devices for websites. -
Internal Brakes the British Extreme Right (Pdf
FEBRUARY 2019 The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation The British extreme right in the 1990s ANNEX B Joel Busher, Coventry University Donald Holbrook, University College London Graham Macklin, Oslo University This report is the second empirical case study, produced out of The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation: A Descriptive Typology programme, funded by CREST. You can read the other two case studies; The Trans-national and British Islamist Extremist Groups and The Animal Liberation Movement, plus the full report at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/news/internal- brakes-violent-escalation-a-descriptive-typology/ To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: www.crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/internal-brakes-violent-escalation/ About CREST The Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) is a national hub for understanding, countering and mitigating security threats. It is an independent centre, commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and funded in part by the UK security and intelligence agencies (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). www.crestresearch.ac.uk ©2019 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................5 2. INTERNAL BRAKES ON VIOLENCE WITHIN THE BRITISH EXTREME RIGHT .................10 2.1 BRAKE 1: STRATEGIC LOGIC .......................................................................................................................................10 -
Far Right Groups
Far Right Groups The world economic downturn is felt to have had a detrimental effect on minority groups. The co-ordinator of the European Roma Policy Coalition, for example, has observed European far right groups growing in strength, with attacks on Roma people in a number of countries. http://euobserver.com/851/27250 From time to time attempts are made to establish groups here that are antagonistic to the presence of minority-ethnic people. In January 2007 the Belfast Telegraph reported that the Knights of the Invisible Empire, a white supremacist group, was active in the Ballymena and Craigavon areas. The same article suggested that Combat 18, the White Nationalist Party and the National Front were associated with an increase in racist activities. In May 2009 posters appeared in the Co. Down town of Comber, saying ‘Save our land. Join the Klan.’ Fliers featuring images of the Battle of the Somme accompanied by swastikas had been distributed in the town previously. See www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/sunday-life/news/evil-klan-hoods-in-ulster-net-hate- campaign-13902207.html and www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/community-telegraph/north-down/news/lsquomindless- idiotsrsquo-behind-new-racial-slur-flyers-in-comber-14299561.html There were complaints that loyalists distributed British National Party (BNP) leaflets in north Antrim around the time that foreign people were attacked. The BNP say that they distributed several thousand pieces of literature in Mid Ulster in February 2009. Misunderstanding the role of the proposed Larne Immigration Detention Centre, the BNP worked on local fears and made alarmist and tasteless statements about Larne being ‘earmarked as a dumping ground for illegal immigrants and bogus asylum seekers’. -
British National Party: the Roots of Its Appeal Contents Contents About the Authors 4 TABLES and FIGURES
The BNP: the roots of its appeal Peter John, Helen Margetts, David Rowland and Stuart Weir Democratic Audit, Human Rights Centre, University of Essex Published by Democratic Audit, Human Rights Centre, University of Essex, Colchester, Essex CO4 3SQ, and based on research carried out at the School of Public Policy, University College London, The Rubin Building, 29-30 Tavistock Square, London WC1H 9QU.The research was sponsored by the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, The Garden House, Water End, York YO30 6WQ. Copies of the report may be obtained for £10 from the Trust office. Democratic Audit is a research organisation attached to the Human Rights Centre at the University of Essex. The Audit specialises in auditing democracy and human rights in the UK and abroad and has developed a robust and flexible framework for democracy assessment in cooperation with the inter-governmental International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Stockholm. The Audit carries out periodic research projects as part of its longitudinal studies of British democracy. The latest audit of the UK, Democracy under Blair, is published by Politico’s. University College London’s Department of Political Science and School of Public Policy is focused on graduate teaching and research, and offers an environment for the study of all fields of politics, including international relations, political theory and public policy- making and administration 2 The British National Party: the roots of its appeal Contents Contents About the Authors 4 TABLES AND FIGURES -
Samuel Maharero Portrait
SAMUEL MAHARERO (1856-1923) e id Fig noc hter against ge Considered the first genocide of the 20th century, forerunner to the Holocaust, between 1904-08 the German army committed acts of genocide against groups of blackHEROIC people RESISTANCE in German TO South THE . NATIONAL HERO West Africa. Samuel Maharero’s by the German army has made him a MASSACRE First they came for the Gustav Schiefer communists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Esther Brunstein Anti Nazi Trade Unionist communist; Primo Levi Survivor and Witness (b. 1876) Then they came for the socialists, han Noor k Chronicler of Holocaust (1928- ) Gustav Schiefer, Munich Chairman and I did not speak out—because Anne Frank Courageous Fighter (1919-1987) Esther Brunstein was born in of the German Trade Union I was not a socialist; Lodz, Poland. When the Nazis Association, was arrested, Leon Greenman Diarist (1929-1945) (1914-1944) Primo Levi was born in Turin, beaten and imprisoned in Dachau Then they came for the trade eil Italy. He was sent to Auschwitz invaded in 1939 she was forced to Simone v Witness to a new Born in Frankfurt-am-Maim in Born to an Indian father and concentration camp. Members unionists, and I did not speak in 1944. Managing to survive wear a yellow star identifying her Germany, Anne Frank’s family American mother in Moscow, of trade unions and the Social out—because I was not a trade Holocaust survivor and generation (1910-2008) he later penned the poignant as a Jew. In 1940 she had to live went to Holland to escape Nazi Noor Khan was an outstandingly If this be a Democratic Party were targeted by politician (1927- ) Born in London and taken and moving book in the Lodz ghetto. -
European Parliamentary Election
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION – EASTERN REGION Thursday, 22 May 2014 STATEMENT OF PARTIES AND INDIVIDUAL CANDIDATES NOMINATED AND NOTICE OF POLL The following parties and individual candidates have been and stand nominated An Independence British National Party Christian Peoples Conservative Party – English Democrats – Green Party Labour Party Li beral Democrats NO2EU - Yes to UK Independence from Europe – UK - Fighting Alliance For real change in I’m English, NOT Workers’ Rights Party (UKIP) Independence Now Unsustainable Europe British, NOT Housing Because We EUropean! Care Paul Kevin Wiffen Richard Andrew Perry Carl Shaun Clark Vicky Ford Robin Tilbrook Rupert Read Richard Stuart Howitt Andrew Nicholas Duff Brian Denny Patrick James O’Flynn 9 Cedar Park Gardens Millhouse Hotel 41 Ripon Way 86 High Street Quires Green 17 Merton Road 68 Mawson Road 15 Mount Pleasant 177 Western Road 10 Sunderland Road Chadwell Heath Maldon Road Thetford Balsham Willingale Norwich Cambridge Cambridge Leigh-on-Sea London Romford Langford Norfolk Cambridge Essex NR2 3TT Cambridgeshire CB3 0BL Essex W5 4JY Essex Maldon IP24 1DF CB21 4EP CM5 0QP CB1 2EA SS9 2PQ RM6 4DS Essex England CM9 4SS Karl Berresford Davies Christopher Eric Mark Anthony Clamp Geoffrey Charles Van Charles Vickers Mark Ereira Alex Mayer Josephine Mary Hayes Eleanor Mary Donne Stuart Agnew 54 Mayford Road Livingstone 9 The Oaks Orden 23 Norton Way North Camperdown House Elba 2 Greens Yard 86 Rowenhall Paxfield Farm Balham Millhouse Hotel Ashill The Box House Letchworth Garden City 18 -
Case Study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis the Female Face of Right-Wing Populism and Ex
Triumph of The women? The Female Face of Right-wing Populism and Extremism 02 Case study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis 01 Triumph of the women? The study series All over the world, right-wing populist parties continue to grow stronger, as has been the case for a number of years – a development that is male-dominated in most countries, with right-wing populists principally elected by men. However, a new generation of women is also active in right-wing populist parties and movements – forming the female face of right-wing populism, so to speak. At the same time, these parties are rapidly closing the gap when it comes to support from female voters – a new phenomenon, for it was long believed that women tend to be rather immune to right-wing political propositions. Which gender and family policies underpin this and which societal trends play a part? Is it possible that women are coming out triumphant here? That is a question that we already raised, admittedly playing devil’s advocate, in the first volume of the publication, published in 2018 by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Triumph of the women? The Female Face of the Far Right in Europe. We are now continuing this first volume with a series of detailed studies published at irregular intervals. This is partly in response to the enormous interest that this collection of research has aroused to date in the general public and in professional circles. As a foundation with roots in social democracy, from the outset one of our crucial concerns has been to monitor anti-democratic tendencies and developments, while also providing information about these, with a view to strengthening an open and democratic society thanks to these insights.