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Ancient Maya Afterlife Iconography: Traveling Between Worlds
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2006 Ancient Maya Afterlife Iconography: Traveling Between Worlds Mosley Dianna Wilson University of Central Florida Part of the Anthropology Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Wilson, Mosley Dianna, "Ancient Maya Afterlife Iconography: Traveling Between Worlds" (2006). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 853. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/853 ANCIENT MAYA AFTERLIFE ICONOGRAPHY: TRAVELING BETWEEN WORLDS by DIANNA WILSON MOSLEY B.A. University of Central Florida, 2000 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Liberal Studies in the College of Graduate Studies at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2006 i ABSTRACT The ancient Maya afterlife is a rich and voluminous topic. Unfortunately, much of the material currently utilized for interpretations about the ancient Maya comes from publications written after contact by the Spanish or from artifacts with no context, likely looted items. Both sources of information can be problematic and can skew interpretations. Cosmological tales documented after the Spanish invasion show evidence of the religious conversion that was underway. Noncontextual artifacts are often altered in order to make them more marketable. An example of an iconographic theme that is incorporated into the surviving media of the ancient Maya, but that is not mentioned in ethnographically-recorded myths or represented in the iconography from most noncontextual objects, are the “travelers”: a group of gods, humans, and animals who occupy a unique niche in the ancient Maya cosmology. -
With the Protection of the Gods: an Interpretation of the Protector Figure in Classic Maya Iconography
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2012 With The Protection Of The Gods: An Interpretation Of The Protector Figure In Classic Maya Iconography Tiffany M. Lindley University of Central Florida Part of the Anthropology Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Lindley, Tiffany M., "With The Protection Of The Gods: An Interpretation Of The Protector Figure In Classic Maya Iconography" (2012). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 2148. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/2148 WITH THE PROTECTION OF THE GODS: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE PROTECTOR FIGURE IN CLASSIC MAYA ICONOGRAPHY by TIFFANY M. LINDLEY B.A. University of Alabama, 2009 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2012 © 2012 Tiffany M. Lindley ii ABSTRACT Iconography encapsulates the cultural knowledge of a civilization. The ancient Maya of Mesoamerica utilized iconography to express ideological beliefs, as well as political events and histories. An ideology heavily based on the presence of an Otherworld is visible in elaborate Maya iconography. Motifs and themes can be manipulated to convey different meanings based on context. -
Wayeb Notes No. 34
f No. 34, 2010 WAYEB NOTES ISSN 1379-8286 WHAT COULD HAPPEN IN 2012: A RE-ANALYSIS OF THE 13-BAK’TUN PROPHECY ON TORTUGUERO MONUMENT 6 Sven Gronemeyer and Barbara MacLeod Independent Scholars “…great floods have flown From simple sources; and great seas have dried, When miracles have by the greatest been denied. Oft expectation fails, and most oft there Where most it promises…” Helen in William Shakespeare’s “All’s Well That Ends Well”, Act II, Scene I Introduction The so-called “end of the world” – scheduled for the winter solstice of 2012 by cer- tain groups of people – is moving rapidly into public focus. The topic receives ever more publicity in the media; Hollywood has even jumped in with Roland Emmerich’s disaster film “2012”. There is a burgeoning fascination with this event in the litera- ture and on the internet – most of it arising outside the scientifically-based field of pre-Columbian studies, instead approaching the topic from an esoteric or New Age point of view. In 2006, Robert Sitler examined the esoteric side of the “2012 Phe- nomenon” and its (pseudo)-religious impact (Sitler 2006), so we will not put further attention on this aspect of the date. But since it is inevitable that our conclusions will find their way into the apocalyptic current, we hope they will not be excessively mis- construed. Apart from the influential prophecies for the K’atun 4 Ajaw in the Chilam Balam of Tizimín (MS pp. 19-20, Edmonson 1982: 168-171) and other sources, the main and most cited source for this “millennial current” (Sitler 2006: 33) in the popular percep- tion is the right panel of Tortuguero Monument 6 (Gronemeyer 2006: 157-161, pl. -
Maya Calendars and Writing: 4 Tortuguero Monument 6 and 2012 Graham Atkinson October 2012 Background
Maya Calendars and Writing: 4 Tortuguero Monument 6 and 2012 Graham Atkinson October 2012 Background • Start date of the Maya long count: – 11 (or 13) August 3114 BC – 13.0.0.0.0 in inscriptions regarding the creation event – Treat as 0.0.0.0.0 if doing arithmetic with the long count • Next 13.0.0.0.0 is 21 (or 23) December 2012 • Is next Baktun ending 1.0.0.0.0 or 14.0.0.0.0? – i.e., Does the Baktun count go to 13 or roll over after 19, like the Katun and Tun. How did the nonsense start? • Impact of well-intentioned epigraphers: – Linda Schele – George Stuart “Mysterious” Maya – David Stuart “prediction” regarding 2012 – Error in first drawing of the monument • Uncertainty due to damage to the monument • Human and American penchant for catastrophism Tortuguero Monument 6 • Has a specific reference to the 13.0.0.0.0 Baktun ending on 4 Ahau 3 Kankin, as opposed to the 4 Ahau 8 Kumku creation date • 3 panels, left one missing, both remaining ones damaged, small right panel is the one of particular interest • Main panel has a regular sort of content about the king (Kinich Kan Bahlam), etc. • See Mark van Stone, 2012, for drawings and photographs of the panels Right hand panel • 4 columns by 5 rows • Damaged on the right hand side, so some key glyphs are largely missing • Parts in 3 different collections • Look at composite photograph • Distance number 3.8.3.9.2 • Leads to 13.0.0.0.0 • “It ends, the 13 th Baktun, 4 Ahau 3 Kankin” • See Mark van Stone for drawings and photographs of the panel End of the text • U to ma “it will happen” • Damaged glyph: – originally translated as “black” or “blackness” – Now thought to be i, a focus marker or i li “see” • “Descend (or appear)” or Adorn • Bolon Yok’te: A god who appeared at the creation event • Ta … “at …” or “in” • Compare with composite photograph Left hand panel • 4 columns by 5 rows, so 20 glyph blocks • Has not been found (to our knowledge) • What is its content (conjecture): – ISIG - occupying 4 blocks? – Tzolkin date – 1 block – Lunar series – 5 or 6 blocks – HAAB date – 1 block – Verb – Subject . -
Late Classic Maya Political Structure, Polity Size, and Warfare Arenas
LATE CLASSIC MAYA POLITICAL STRUCTURE, POLITY SIZE, AND WARFARE ARENAS Arlen F. CHASE and Diane Z. CHASE Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of Central Florida Studies of the ancient Maya have moved forward at an exceedingly rapid rate. New sites have been discovered and long-term excavations in a series of sites and regions have provided a substantial data base for interpreting ancient Maya civili- zation. New hieroglyphic texts have been found and greater numbers of texts can be read. These data have amplified our understanding of the relationships among subsistence systems, economy, and settlement to such an extent that ancient Maya social and political organization can no longer be viewed as a simple dichoto- mous priest-peasant (elite-commoner) model. Likewise, monumental Maya archi- tecture is no longer viewed as being indicative of an unoccupied ceremonial center, but rather is seen as the locus of substantial economic and political activity. In spite of these advances, substantial discussion still exists concerning the size of Maya polities, whether these polities were centralized or uncentralized, and over the kinds of secular interactions that existed among them. This is espe- cially evident in studies of aggression among Maya political units. The Maya are no longer considered a peaceful people; however, among some modern Maya scholars, the idea still exists that the Maya did not practice real war, that there was little destruction associated with military activity, and that there were no spoils of economic consequence. Instead, the Maya elite are portrayed as engaging predo- minantly in raids or ritual battles (Freidel 1986; Schele and Mathews 1991). -
Astronomy and the Iconography of Creation Among the Classic and Colonial Period Maya
Astronomy and the Iconography of Creation Among the Classic and Colonial Period Maya KHRISTAAN D. VILLELA and LINDA SCHELE University of Texas, Austin Westerners have been fascinated by the Period Maya. John Lloyd Stephens and others astronomical knowledge of the ancient Maya published accounts and views of the ruins of since travelers and scholars first reported ruined southern Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, and cities in the Americas and Precolumbian manu- then British Honduras (Del Río and Cabrera scripts in European libraries. Beginning in the late 1822; Stephens 1841, 1843; Catherwood 1844; nineteenth century, students of the Maya speculat- Norman 1843; Charnay 1863, 1885; Maudslay ed on the astronomical identities of iconographic and Maudslay 1899). At the same time, academ- motifs and characters portrayed in the codices and ics and bibliophiles across the Atlantic discovered on monumental sculptures. In addition to identify- Precolumbian Maya codices and Colonial Spanish ing the signs for the sun, moon, and Venus, they accounts of the Maya. In Germany, Alexander von also produced tentative reconstructions of the Humboldt's account of travels in the New World Maya zodiac and other constellations. Alternate included the first publication of a Maya codex, interpretations of the nature of Maya astronomy five pages of the Dresden manuscript (Humboldt have appeared throughout this century. 1810:Plate 45). Humboldt's folio size work also Based on recent advances in our understand- first reproduced Maya art, a stucco relief from ing of the natural and astronomical foundations of Palenque (Humboldt 1810:Plate 11). In nearby Classic and Post-Classic Period Maya conceptions Paris, the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg published of Creation, we present another model of the so- the Quiché Maya Popol Vuh in 1861, and Diego called Maya zodiac. -
Ancient Maya Politics Simon Martin Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-48388-9 — Ancient Maya Politics Simon Martin Index More Information INDEX Abrams, Philip, 39 destruction of, 200, 258, 282–283 Acalan, 16–17 exile at, 235 accession events, 24, 32–33, 60, 109–115, 140, See fortifications at, 203 also kingship halted construction, 282 age at, 106 influx of people, 330 ajaw as a verb, 110, 252, 275 kaloomte’ at, 81 as ajk’uhuun, 89 monuments as Banded Bird, 95 Altar M, 282 as kaloomte’, 79, 83, 140, 348 Stela 12, 282 as sajal, 87, 98, 259 mutul emblem glyph, 73, 161–162 as yajawk’ahk’, 93, 100 patron gods of, 162 at a hegemon’s home seat, 253 silent after 810 CE or earlier, 281 chum “to sit”, 79, 87, 89, 99, 106, 109, 111, 113 Ahk’utu’ ceramics, 293, 422n22, See also depictions, 113, 114–115, 132 mould-made ceramics identified by Proskouriakoff, 103 Ahkal Mo’ Nahb I, 96, 130, 132 in the Preclassic, 113 aj atz’aam “salt person”, 342, 343, 425n24 joy “to surround, process”, 110–111 Aj Chak Maax, 205, 206 k’al “to raise, present”, 110–111, 243, 249, 252, Aj K’ax Bahlam, 95 252, 273, 406n4, 418n22 Aj Numsaaj Chan K’inich (Aj Wosal), k’am/ch’am “to grasp, receive”, 110–111, 124 171 of ancestral kings, 77 accession date, 408n23 supervised or overseen, 95, 100, 113–115, 113–115, as 35th successor, 404n24 163, 188, 237, 239, 241, 243, 245–246, as child ruler, 245 248–250, 252, 252, 254, 256–259, 263, 266, as client of 268, 273, 352, 388 Dzibanche, 245–246 taking a regnal name, 111, 193, 252 impersonates Juun Ajaw, 246, 417n15 timing, 112, 112 tie to Holmul, 248 witnessed by gods or ancestors, 163–164 Aj Saakil, See K’ahk’ Ti’ Ch’ich’ Adams, Richard E. -
The Quadripartite Badge: Narratives of Power and Resurrection in Maya Iconography
THE QUADRIPARTITE BADGE: NARRATIVES OF POWER AND RESURRECTION IN MAYA ICONOGRAPHY by VICTORIA ANN INGALLS B.S. Texas State University, 2009 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2012 © 2012 Victoria A. Ingalls ii ABSTRACT Ancient Maya iconography primarily depicted elite individuals in idealized states of being and rationalized their power and authority through ideological concepts and otherworld beings. This study aims to reexamine previous assumptions made concerning the Quadripartite Badge. This motif is examined based on iconographic associations and contexts, as well as temporal and spatial distributions. The dataset was created from currently identified examples of the Quadripartite Badge, although only a select group is extensively examined. The spread of this motif is demonstrated through time and its spatial dispersals are noted for their political consequences. Indicating the liminal status of its user, the Badge is frequently placed in scenes of transformation, accompanying rites of passage. It is also established that as elite women became more prominent, women from Tikal and Calakmul circulated this iconography through marriage alliances, as seen in the number of newly ‘arrived’ women carrying the Badge. Other iconographic associations of the Badge revealed strong ties with the Maize God and the cyclical nature of agriculture. For the continuation of the maize cycle and renewal of universal forces, sacrifice was required; the completion of ritual sacrifice was demonstrated through the depiction of the Quadripartite Badge. This one expression of power simultaneously validated earthly and otherworldy authority, ensuring the continuation of the cosmos and the perpetuation of the sun and maize cycles. -
Alternative Epigraphic Interpretations of the Maya Snake Emblem Glyph
ALTERNATIVE EPIGRAPHIC INTERPRETATIONS OF THE MAYA SNAKE EMBLEM GLYPH by CHRISTOPHER T. SAVAGE B.S. University of Central Florida, 1994 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Interdisciplinary Studies in the Office of the Vice Provost at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2007 ABSTRACT This thesis seeks to demonstrate that the Maya snake emblem glyph is associated with religious specialists, instead of geographic locations, as emblem glyphs are typically understood to be. The inscriptions and the media on which the snake emblem glyph occurs will be analyzed to determine the role or function of the “Lord of the Snake.” Temporal and spatial data has also been collected to aid in understanding the enigmatic glyph. The snake emblem glyph has recently been identified as originating from a broad area containing the sites of El Perú and La Corona in Guatemala, and Dzibanche, Mexico, a departure from the longstanding choice of Calakmul, Mexico. Unprovenanced snake emblem glyph texts have been cataloged under a “Site Q” designation („Q‟ for the Spanish word Que, meaning “which”) by Peter Mathews. Site Q is thus not securely identified geographically, which confounds efforts to designate a particular site as the snake emblem glyph site. Other problems with the snake emblem glyph, such as its geographically wide dispersal, hint that it is not a title of a particular city or region. Yet another problem is “a proper fit” between the individuals listed on unprovenanced material and individuals named at sites associated with the snake emblem glyph. -
The PARI Journal
ThePARIJournal A quarterly publication of the Ancient Cultures Institute Volume XV, No. 3, Winter 2015 In This Issue: The Dedication of Tikal TempleVI: The Dedication of Tikal Temple VI: A A Revised Chronology Revised Chronology by SIMON MARTIN University of Pennsylvania Museum Simon Martin PAGES 1-10 • The long hieroglyphic text that adorns distinctive features (Figure 1). It offers an the back and sides of Tikal Temple VI—a unusually detailed statement of relations A Skyband with building known more descriptively as between an ancestral ruler-deity and Constellations: the Temple of Inscriptions and more both contemporary and deep-time local Revisiting the Monjas East Wing prosaically as Structure 6F-27—has some monarchs. It also has a distinctive physical at Chichen Itza by Bruce Love PAGES 11-14 • In the Realm of the Witz’: Animate Rivers and Rulership among the Classic Maya by Jeremy D.Coltman PAGES 15-30 • The Further Adventures of Merle (continued) by Merle Greene Robertson PAGES 31-32 Joel Skidmore Editor Marc Zender Associate Editor The PARI Journal 202 Edgewood Avenue San Francisco, CA 94117 415-664-8889 [email protected] Electronic version available at: www.precolumbia.org/ pari/journal/1503 Figure 1. The rear façade of Tikal Temple VI (Structure 6F-27). Photograph by Jorge ISSN 1531-5398 Pérez de Lara. The PARI Journal 15(3):1-10 © 2015 Ancient Cultures Institute 1 Martin character since, with constituent blocks measuring as BCE), and 9.4.0.0.0 (514 CE), before damage robs us of much as 85 cm across, it boasts the largest hieroglyphs in reliable or legible dates until firm ground returns in the the Maya world. -
An Interpretation of the Protector Figure in Classic Maya Iconography
WITH THE PROTECTION OF THE GODS: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE PROTECTOR FIGURE IN CLASSIC MAYA ICONOGRAPHY by TIFFANY M. LINDLEY B.A. University of Alabama, 2009 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2012 © 2012 Tiffany M. Lindley ii ABSTRACT Iconography encapsulates the cultural knowledge of a civilization. The ancient Maya of Mesoamerica utilized iconography to express ideological beliefs, as well as political events and histories. An ideology heavily based on the presence of an Otherworld is visible in elaborate Maya iconography. Motifs and themes can be manipulated to convey different meanings based on context. An example of this mutability can be witnessed in the depiction of Otherworld gods. Maya gods were not like Old World pantheons; gods were fluid and could function in multiple roles. Protector gods are an example of the fluidity of Maya deities. Scenes of protector gods are closely related, indicative of a specific theme and meaning. This thesis aims to define a specific iconographic theme, centered around a “protector,” based on the similarities of the composition of each scene in the sample set of images found on monuments. In conjunction with archaeological evidence and epigraphy, I suggest the protector theme depicts deities in the role of a protector. iii DEDICATION For my parents, Hollis and Kim, my brother, Chris, and my sister, Shelby. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are a lot of people who have supported and assisted me in the past couple of years. -
A Representation of in the Paris Codex
6 A Representation of the Principal Bird Deity in the Paris Codex KARL A. TAUBE Dumbarton Oaks OR MANY YEARS it has been known that the central portions of pages 2 through 12 of the F Codex Peresianus, or Paris Codex, deal with a succession of katuns (Forstemann 1903; Gates 1910). According to Gates (1910:16-17), the katun series began on the almost entirely effaced page 1 and ended on the missing page 13 (Note 1). If that is correct, these pages embrace a complete round of 13 katuns, beginning with Katun 4 Ahau and concluding with Katun 6 Ahau (Note 2). Each of the extant scenes on pages 2 through 12 shows a standing deity presenting a God K head to another figure, seated on a dais or throne. The presentation of the God K head may allude to a change in political or religious authority since, in Classic Period iconography, the presentation of God K frequently occurs during scenes of accession and other dynastic rites (Schele 1982:61-63; Schele & J. Miller 1983:17-18). Hellmuth (1986: Fig. 192) has pointed out the close similarity of the "katun thrones" of the Paris Codex to the Classic "niche," or accession, stelae of Piedras Negras. In addition, the texts of the katun pages of the Paris Codex begin with a series of hel compounds (T168:573.130). The main sign, the hel glyph itself, is frequently used in Classic texts to denote the succession of rulers at a particular site (Riese 1984). Lounsbury (1973) has established that the accompanying affixes, T168 and T130, are to be read AHAW - an important title of Maya lords.