DOCSLIB.ORG

Muslim League Leaders Before 1947

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Muslim League Leaders Before 1947 Mary Louise Becker. The All-India Muslim League, 1906-1947: A Study of Leadership in the Evolution of a Nation. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. xlii + 295 pp. GBP 16.99, cloth, ISBN 978-0-19-906014-6. Reviewed by Dharitri Bhattacharjee Published on H-Asia (April, 2015) Commissioned by Sumit Guha (The University of Texas at Austin) Mary Louise Becker’s The All-India Muslim Becker argues that “effective, purposeful leader‐ League 1906-1947: A Study of Leadership in the ship” acted as a “a sine qua non” for the modern Evolution of a Nation was initially submitted as a Pakistani nation (p. vii). This leadership, one of doctoral dissertation in 1957 to Radcliffe College, the ingredients, coordinated the other two, an in‐ Cambridge, Massachusetts. After attaining her de‐ tegrated community and a peculiar set of circum‐ gree she proceeded to work for the United States stances, to make their successful bid for Pakistan. Department of State. She served as advisor to the Through the course of eight chronologically ar‐ US delegation to the United Nations Development ranged chapters, Becker maps the transition of Programme. This book thus benefits not just from the Indian Muslim community to a self-conscious her feld work on Pakistan in 1953-54 but from nation. her continued professional and personal relation‐ In this study of leadership and the All-India ship with prominent Pakistanis. Though Becker Muslim League as the leadership’s anchor, Becker waited a long time to convert her dissertation into devotes the frst two chapters to pre-1906 events. this book, she remained engaged with the re‐ In the Mughal times the Muslims developed “visi‐ search on the region and has written surveys on ble elements of exclusiveness” (p. 9) which contin‐ Pakistan. This book therefore is a culmination of ued to act as raw material for later development well-considered opinions on one of the most fasci‐ of Muslim nationalism. Their “continued position nating movements in South Asian history, as also of political dominance” intensified the “outward the modern world. characteristics of nationality” by the time the In this “pilot study” of the national movement British came to power (p. 9). However, in chapter that led to the formation of Pakistan in 1947, 2, “Pre-League Leadership of Muslim India,” Beck‐ Becker explores the understudied “primary ingre‐ er writes, “under British impact; and in every dients” of the movement (p. vii). At the very outset sphere the Muslims steadily lost ground while the H-Net Reviews Hindus gained in power and prestige” (pp. 23-24). well how the Muslim League’s popularity was hin‐ Becker notes the fall in the status of the Muslim dered by the fact that it was deemed “too unortho‐ community under the British but does not explain dox for religious conservatives” and “too conser‐ how this change came about. vative for young progressives” (p. 67). What In these two chapters Becker discusses the served the Muslim League well later was its insis‐ leadership qualities of the well-known Syed Ah‐ tence from its early years, to demand Muslim par‐ mad Khan and the lesser known (at least to non‐ ticipation in the government, and as Becker un‐ specialists) Chiragh Ali, Professor Salal al Din derscores, not just Indian participation. The au‐ Khuda Bakhsh, Mohsin ul-Mulk, and Altaf Hus‐ thor also prepares for Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s en‐ sain Hali. Mohsin ul-Mulk worked to protect Urdu, try into politics by commenting on the “significant and Hali’s poem Musaddas (written in simplified absence” in the League’s early activities of the Urdu in 1879) brought the community together. man “destined to be the future Qaid-e-Azam” (p. While these discussions are fascinating, they do 65). In doing so, however, Becker commits a teleo‐ not add to the larger picture of Muslim leader‐ logical blunder, one she does not correct in later ship. Also, considering that the “peasants knew chapters. This line of thought impacts the work in nothing of” (p. 48) the better known S. A. Khan, that the study of leadership, except for Jinnah’s, Becker’s account lacks a clear definition of what does not evolve into anything more than a re‐ exactly she means by “leader” and “leadership.” counting of key historical events that Muslim “leaders” were involved in, be it Nawab Saleemul‐ The frst two chapters suffer from two other lah, Fazl-i-Hussain, or the Ali brothers of the Khi‐ burdens. First, Becker consistently seeks to con‐ lafat movement fame. vince her readers that although the Pakistani na‐ tional movement was clothed in “western termi‐ The fourth chapter, “Some Political Experi‐ nology,” it was more “indigenous” than the “hu‐ ments,” starts at 1913 and analyzes the Muslim manistic doctrine of national self determination” community’s disenchantment with the British an‐ (p. vii). She would have succeeded more if her dis‐ nulment of the administrative separation of West cussions on Islamic law (sharia) and the ulema or and East Bengal in 1911. It surveys the period un‐ traditional Islamic scholars in the frst four chap‐ til 1929, tracing what Becker sees as an experi‐ ters, were more rooted in Indian society. As it mental phase in the Muslim League’s history. The stands, they have a generic quality. Second, Beck‐ first experiment was the coming together of Con‐ er writes, referring to the grant of separate elec‐ gress and the League to sign the Lucknow Pact of torates in the Act of 1909, “these Muslim leaders 1916. This was a “personal triumph” for Jinnah (p. now felt ... that they needed their own political so‐ 89). While the Muslim League acquiesced in ciety to express their communal policy” (p. 57). standing up for patriotic efforts and self-govern‐ Historically, the grant of separate electorates was ment for India, it did not compromise on its de‐ a response to the Muslim demand for political mand for greater political safeguards as a minori‐ representation, and to not explain how the Mus‐ ty community. This experiment had its merits be‐ lim leadership achieved this feat is a critical cause the British were then fghting a world war drawback in Becker’s book. and Congress and the Muslim League could hope to get their demands addressed. In yet another ex‐ From the third chapter, Becker gets into the periment, Hindus and Muslims came together heart of her argument. She starts with the found‐ again. Two brothers, Mohammad and Shaukat Ali, ing of the Muslim League in Dacca in 1906, a year and Gandhi were the leaders of the Khilafat after Lord Curzon, viceroy of India, partitioned movement (1920-22). Becker’s examination of the Bengal into two provinces. Becker demonstrates subtle differences in goals and objectives of these 2 H-Net Reviews leaders is sharp. Gandhi’s association with the ethical idea and to reject it as a polity in favor of movement was meant only to further his national national polities, in which religious attitude is not and political goal of independence for India. But, permitted to play any part?” (p. 134). Becker ex‐ “Mohammad Ali was concentrating on a side issue plains how Jinnah would have liked to keep Islam which was in essence neither political nor nation‐ at arm’s length but eventually it became the al” (p. 102). His main goal was to improve the means to gain political weight, in the eyes of the power of the Ottoman caliphate (the khilafat). British, the Congress, as also Muslims. Becker’s When Gandhi called off the movement in 1922, discerning statement on Jinnah’s “dictatorial the Muslims naturally felt betrayed. This was fol‐ methods” and how the Muslim community’s tran‐ lowed by the tragic parting of ways between Hin‐ sition to a nation was not “organic or democratic” dus and Muslims, increasingly being represented but imposed from above, establishes that despite by the Indian National Congress and the Muslim the existence of many competent works on Jin‐ League respectively. Becker shows her analytical nah, there is still scope for fresh assessment (p. skills best in discussing how Jinnah, keen on Hin‐ 152). du-Muslim unity even in 1926, was skeptical This transition in the Muslim League’s role is about convincing “fanatic elements in his own explained through key events such as the 1937 community” to work with Congress again (p. 121). elections, the Lahore Resolution of 1940, the Cabi‐ The ffth chapter looks at the years between net Mission Plan of 1946, and eventually the 1930 and 1935. Becker discusses the Round Table Mountbatten Plan for the partition of British In‐ Conferences here and how Muslim leaders, in‐ dia. Becker shows how this decade was not just cluding Jinnah, were gradually marginalized. The about striking bargains at the level of high poli‐ Muslim League was not even officially represent‐ tics, but also bringing into the Muslim League ed. Jinnah’s thinking, his politics, and his absence “fold” provincial fgures such as Sikandar Hayat from Muslim League are not discussed. This ten- Khan and Fazlul Huq (p. 176). Her discussion on page chapter called “Critical Years” is the shortest Jinnah’s personal reorientation and Iqbal’s role in of all chapters and it fails to explain what was forming Jinnah’s political opinions and her close critical about these years in how they shaped the reading of the development of the Pakistan idea Muslim League party and the Muslim community. are revealing and engaging. In the eighth and last Becker moves to the last decade before inde‐ chapter, Becker ends by giving Jinnah his fair pendence/partition in the sixth and seventh chap‐ share of credit for the creation of Pakistan, while ters.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Social Transformation of Pakistan Under Urdu Language
    Social Transformations in Contemporary Society, 2021 (9) ISSN 2345-0126 (online) SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION OF PAKISTAN UNDER URDU LANGUAGE Dr. Sohaib Mukhtar Bahria University, Pakistan [email protected] Abstract Urdu is the national language of Pakistan under article 251 of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973. Urdu language is the first brick upon which whole building of Pakistan is built. In pronunciation both Hindi in India and Urdu in Pakistan are same but in script Indian choose their religious writing style Sanskrit also called Devanagari as Muslims of Pakistan choose Arabic script for writing Urdu language. Urdu language is based on two nation theory which is the basis of the creation of Pakistan. There are two nations in Indian Sub-continent (i) Hindu, and (ii) Muslims therefore Muslims of Indian sub- continent chanted for separate Muslim Land Pakistan in Indian sub-continent thus struggled for achieving separate homeland Pakistan where Muslims can freely practice their religious duties which is not possible in a country where non-Muslims are in majority thus Urdu which is derived from Arabic, Persian, and Turkish declared the national language of Pakistan as official language is still English thus steps are required to be taken at Government level to make Urdu as official language of Pakistan. There are various local languages of Pakistan mainly: Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Balochi, Kashmiri, Balti and it is fundamental right of all citizens of Pakistan under article 28 of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973 to protect, preserve, and promote their local languages and local culture but the national language of Pakistan is Urdu according to article 251 of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan
    Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema Maqsudul Hasan Nuri Muneer Mahmud Khalid Hussain Editors ASIA PAPER November 2008 Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan Papers from a Conference Organized by Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) and the Institute of Security and Development Policy (ISDP) in Islamabad, October 29-30, 2007 Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema Maqsudul Hasan Nuri Muneer Mahmud Khalid Hussain Editors © Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Islamabad Policy Research Institute House no.2, Street no.15, Margalla Road, Sector F-7/2, Islamabad, Pakistan www.isdp.eu; www.ipripak.org "Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan" is an Asia Paper published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Asia Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Institute’s Asia Program, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. This report is published by the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) and is issued in the Asia Paper Series with the permission of IPRI.
    [Show full text]
  • The Khilafat Movement in India 1919-1924
    THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT IN INDIA 1919-1924 VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR T AAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 62 THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT IN INDIA 1919-1924 A. C. NIEMEIJER THE HAGUE - MAR TINUS NIJHOFF 1972 I.S.B.N.90.247.1334.X PREFACE The first incentive to write this book originated from a post-graduate course in Asian history which the University of Amsterdam organized in 1966. I am happy to acknowledge that the university where I received my training in the period from 1933 to 1940 also provided the stimulus for its final completion. I am greatly indebted to the personal interest taken in my studies by professor Dr. W. F. Wertheim and Dr. J. M. Pluvier. Without their encouragement, their critical observations and their advice the result would certainly have been of less value than it may be now. The same applies to Mrs. Dr. S. C. L. Vreede-de Stuers, who was prevented only by ill-health from playing a more active role in the last phase of preparation of this thesis. I am also grateful to professor Dr. G. F. Pijper who was kind enough to read the second chapter of my book and gave me valuable advice. Beside this personal and scholarly help I am indebted for assistance of a more technical character to the staff of the India Office Library and the India Office Records, and also to the staff of the Public Record Office, who were invariably kind and helpful in guiding a foreigner through the intricacies of their libraries and archives.
    [Show full text]
  • Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93
    Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India / 93 Tariq Rahman* Language, Religion and Politics: Urdu in Pakistan and North India Résumé. Langue, religion et politique : l’ourdou au Pakistan et dans le nord de l’Inde. L’ourdou, langue nationale du Pakistan et symbole identitaire des Indiens musulmans est associée à l’islam en Asie du sud. Cette association a été forgée pendant la période coloniale britannique. Les Britanniques ont remplacé le persan - langue du pouvoir moghol - par l’our- dou (aux échelons inférieurs) et l’anglais (aux échelons supérieurs) dans plusieurs régions du nord de l’Inde et de l’actuel Pakistan. L’ourdou s’est diffusé par le biais des réseaux scolaires et de communication dans l’Inde coloniale. Il devint le principal médium d’instruction dans les séminaires musulmans (madrasa-s) et la principale langue des écrits religieux. L’ourdou est également devenu un symbole important de l’identité musulmane et a contribué, juste après l’islam, à mobiliser la communauté musulmane pour demander la création du Pakistan en 1947. Au Pakistan, l’ourdou et l’islam sont des composantes symboliques importantes de l’identité nationale et s’opposent à l’expression des langues autochtones. Cette identité est principalement défendue par les partis politiques de droite et se positionne comme opposée non seulement aux identifications ethniques mais également à une identité occidentale plus globalisée et libérale qui serait symbolisée par l’anglais. En Inde cependant, l’ourdou soutient la minorité musulmane contre la domination hindoue nationaliste. De fait, l’ourdou, dans sa relation avec l’islam, joue un rôle complexe et parfois contradictoire au Pakistan et au nord de l’Inde.
    [Show full text]
  • Fatima Jinnah: Mother of the Nation'
    H-Asia Lambert-Hurley on Pirbhai, 'Fatima Jinnah: Mother of the Nation' Review published on Thursday, April 30, 2020 M. Reza Pirbhai. Fatima Jinnah: Mother of the Nation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Illustrations. viii + 279 pp. $99.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-107-19276-8. Reviewed by Siobhan Lambert-Hurley (University of Sheffield) Published on H-Asia (April, 2020) Commissioned by Sumit Guha (The University of Texas at Austin) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=52865 Any reader who has visited Pakistan will be very familiar with the name—and probably the face—of Fatima Jinnah. In public buildings throughout the land, her painted image graces the walls, often at a spectacular level of magnification. The streets, too, are home to her effigy in the form of posters, statues, and plaques. In Karachi, a road, a housing colony, and a dental college are named for her, while, in Islamabad, a park, in Lahore, a medical school, and, in Rawalpindi, a women’s university. The list of her commemorations appears endless—even stretching, for those in the United Kingdom, to a waxwork at Madame Tussauds. In memorial as in life, she often appears at the side of her more famous brother, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Just as he is revered as Qaid-i-Azam, or “Great Leader,” for his role in founding Pakistan in 1947, so she is honored as Madar-i-Millat: “Mother of the Nation.” Together, they rest at the iconic Mazar-i-Qaid, or National Monument—a stunning example of 1960s modernism in marble not to be missed by any visitor—in the bustling, maritime city of their birth, Karachi.
    [Show full text]
  • The Great Calcutta Killings Noakhali Genocide
    1946 : THE GREAT CALCUTTA KILLINGS AND NOAKHALI GENOCIDE 1946 : THE GREAT CALCUTTA KILLINGS AND NOAKHALI GENOCIDE A HISTORICAL STUDY DINESH CHANDRA SINHA : ASHOK DASGUPTA No part of this publication can be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the author and the publisher. Published by Sri Himansu Maity 3B, Dinabandhu Lane Kolkata-700006 Edition First, 2011 Price ` 500.00 (Rupees Five Hundred Only) US $25 (US Dollars Twenty Five Only) © Reserved Printed at Mahamaya Press & Binding, Kolkata Available at Tuhina Prakashani 12/C, Bankim Chatterjee Street Kolkata-700073 Dedication In memory of those insatiate souls who had fallen victims to the swords and bullets of the protagonist of partition and Pakistan; and also those who had to undergo unparalleled brutality and humility and then forcibly uprooted from ancestral hearth and home. PREFACE What prompted us in writing this Book. As the saying goes, truth is the first casualty of war; so is true history, the first casualty of India’s struggle for independence. We, the Hindus of Bengal happen to be one of the worst victims of Islamic intolerance in the world. Bengal, which had been under Islamic attack for centuries, beginning with the invasion of the Turkish marauder Bakhtiyar Khilji eight hundred years back. We had a respite from Islamic rule for about two hundred years after the English East India Company defeated the Muslim ruler of Bengal. Siraj-ud-daulah in 1757. But gradually, Bengal had been turned into a Muslim majority province.
    [Show full text]
  • Students, Space, and the State in East Pakistan/Bangladesh 1952-1990
    1 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 A dissertation presented by Samantha M. R. Christiansen to The Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of History Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts September, 2012 2 BEYOND LIBERATION: STUDENTS, SPACE, AND THE STATE IN EAST PAKISTAN/BANGLADESH 1952-1990 by Samantha M. R. Christiansen ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate School of Northeastern University September, 2012 3 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the history of East Pakistan/Bangladesh’s student movements in the postcolonial period. The principal argument is that the major student mobilizations of Dhaka University are evidence of an active student engagement with shared symbols and rituals across time and that the campus space itself has served as the linchpin of this movement culture. The category of “student” developed into a distinct political class that was deeply tied to a concept of local place in the campus; however, the idea of “student” as a collective identity also provided a means of ideological engagement with a globally imagined community of “students.” Thus, this manuscript examines the case study of student mobilizations at Dhaka University in various geographic scales, demonstrating the levels of local, national and global as complementary and interdependent components of social movement culture. The project contributes to understandings of Pakistan and Bangladesh’s political and social history in the united and divided period, as well as provides a platform for analyzing the historical relationship between social movements and geography that is informative to a wide range of disciplines.
    [Show full text]
  • Mcqs of Past Papers Pakistan Affairs
    Agha Zuhaib Khan MCQS OF PAST PAPERS PAKISTAN AFFAIRS 1). Sir syed ahmed khan advocated the inclusion of Indians in Legislative Council in his famous book, Causes of the Indian Revolt, as early as: a) 1850 b) 1860 c) 1870 d) None of these 2). Who repeatedly refers to Sir Syed as Father of Muslim India and Father of Modern Muslim India: a) Hali b) Abdul Qadir c) Ch. Khaliquz Zaman d) None of these 3). Military strength of East India Company and the Financial Support of Jaggat Seth of Murshidabad gave birth to events at: a) Plassey b) Panipat c) None of these 4). Clive in one of his Gazettes made it mandatory that no Muslim shall be given an employment higher than that of chaprasy or a junior clerk has recorded by: a) Majumdar b) Hasan Isphani c) Karamat Ali d) None of these 5). The renowned author of the Spirit of Islam and a Short History of the Saracens was: a) Shiblee b) Nawab Mohsin c) None of these ( Syed Ameer Ali) 1 www.css2012.co.nr www.facebook.com/css2012 Agha Zuhaib Khan 6). Nawab Sir Salimullah Khan was President of Bengal Musilm Leage in: a) 1903 b) 1913 c) 1923 d) None of these (1912) 7). The first issue of Maualana Abul Kalam Azads „Al Hilal‟ came out on 13 July: a) 1912 b) 1922 c) 1932 d) None of these 8). At the annual session of Anjuman Hamayat Islam in 1911 Iqbal‟s poem was recited, poetically called: a) Sham-o-Shahr b) Shikwa c) Jawab-i-Shikwa d) None of these 9).
    [Show full text]
  • Lahore Resolution Was Held? 6.Any Other Event If You Know About Lahore Resolution? BACKGROUND These Were the Days of Second World War
    1940 1. What was the political condition of sub- continent in 1940? 2. Who was British Viceroy in Sub continent in 1940? 3. Who was British Prime Minister in 1940? 4. Who was president of All India Muslim League? 5. At which place, Lahore Resolution was held? 6.Any other event if you know about Lahore Resolution? BACKGROUND These were the days of Second World War. The previous events like Nehru Report, Hindu-Muslim riots, Congress Rule convinced the Muslims to start proper freedom movement. The Muslims were conscious of the fact that Islam is a complete code of life and they can spend their lives according to their religion only in independent country. Lahore Resolution 1940 The 27th annual session of All India Muslim League was held at Lahore from 22nd March 1940 to 24th March 1940. Thousands of Muslim political workers and Muslim leaders from all provinces of India participated in it. A resolution named "Lahore resolution" was presented by the Tiger of Bengal A.K Fazal Ul Haque which was supported by Chaudhri Khaleeq Uz Zaman, Syed Zakir Ali, Mrs. Moulana Muhammad Ali Johar and Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni from U.P, Muhammad Ismail Khan from Bihar, I.I Chandreegar from Bombay, Qazi Muhammad Isa from Baluchistan, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan from NWFP, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan and Dr, Muhammad Alam from Punjab. Main text of Lahore Resolution This Resolution was approved on 23rd March 1940. The main text is as under;- "No constitutional plan would be workable or acceptable to the Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic principles,
    [Show full text]
  • Picture of Muslim Politics in India Before Wavell's
    Muhammad Iqbal Chawala PICTURE OF MUSLIM POLITICS IN INDIA BEFORE WAVELL’S VICEROYALTY The Hindu-Muslim conflict in India had entered its final phase in the 1940’s. The Muslim League, on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory, had been demanding a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. The movement for Pakistan was getting into full steam at the time of Wavell’s arrival to India in October 1943 although it was opposed by an influential section of the Muslims. This paper examines the Muslim politics in India and also highlights the background of their demand for a separate homeland. It analyzes the nature, programme and leadership of the leading Muslim political parties in India. It also highlights their aims and objectives for gaining an understanding of their future behaviour. Additionally, it discusses the origin and evolution of the British policy in India, with special reference to the Muslim problem. Moreover, it tries to understand whether Wavell’s experiences in India, first as a soldier and then as the Commander-in-Chief, proved helpful to him in understanding the mood of the Muslim political scene in India. British Policy in India Wavell was appointed as the Viceroy of India upon the retirement of Lord Linlithgow in October 1943. He was no stranger to India having served here on two previous occasions. His first-ever posting in India was at Ambala in 1903 and his unit moved to the NWFP in 1904 as fears mounted of a war with 75 76 [J.R.S.P., Vol. 45, No. 1, 2008] Russia.1 His stay in the Frontier province left deep and lasting impressions on him.
    [Show full text]
  • Development of Underdevelopment:The Case of East Pakistan 1947-1969
    Ayyaz Gull DEVELOPMENT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT1: THE CASE OF EAST PAKISTAN 1947-1969 Abstract The economic exploitation of East Pakistan started right from the outset after the partition of India in 1947. The economic marginalization of east Bengal (later East Pakistan) began in 17th century by the British and it continued in the 1950s and 1960s. This paper discusses that the state of Pakistan especially under Ayub’s did not make serious efforts for the economic uplift of East Pakistan and the economic disparities between East and West Pakistan in terms of international trade, inter-wing trade, foreign exchange earnings, aid flow and developmental expenditures. In pre-colonial period things in East Bengal looked promising. It had sufficient water supply for double or even triple cropping; its higher literacy rate, and absence of land tenure after the exodus of Hindu landlords pointed to east Bengal great potential for agricultural development.2 The part of Bengal which became East Pakistan in 1947 was neglected under British: a dormant economy except for jute; a lack of infrastructure; an under governed territory; a severe shortage of modern elites, especially among the Muslims. Bengal which used to be the most flourishing provinces in the subcontinent for the last two thousand years, it became repository of extreme poverty.3 Colonial Legacy Under the British Raj, not only the agricultural resources, industries, and trade of Bengal were severely exploited and damaged, but, it also received less consideration in the allocation of resources. The main reason behind this unfair attitude was that the British found the bloodiest and aggressive opposition to British coming from Bengal during the ‘Battle of Plassey’ 1757.
    [Show full text]
  • Syllabus for MA History (Previous)
    Syllabus for M.A History (Previous) Compulsory Paper I: Muslim Freedom Movement in India 1857-1947 Events: The War of Independence and its Aftermath – the Indian National Congress and the Muslims of India – The Aligarh Movement, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: Political, Educational and Literary Services, the Deoband Movement and its role in the socio-political and educational progress of Indian Muslims, the partition of Bengal – the Simla Deputation – the creation of All India Muslim League – Nawab Mohsin ul Mulk and Nawab Waqar ul Mulk: their services to the cause of Indian Muslims, Syed Ameer Ali: Political and literary achievements and services, the Indian Councils Act of 1909, Hindu Muslim Unity and the Lucknow Pact – the Khilafat and Hijrat Movements – Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar: Services and Achievements, the Government of India Act 1919, the Simon Commission and the Nehru Report – Political Philosophy of Allama Mohammad Iqbal, Iqbal’s Allahabad Address – Round Table Conference 1930-1932 (First Session, Gandhi Irwin Pact and the Second Session, The Communal Award of 1932 and the Third Session) – Government of India Act 1935 – the Elections of 1937 and the Congress Rule in the provinces – the Lahore Resolution – Cripps Mission – Cabinet Mission – June 3rd Plan – the Controversy about the Governor- Generalship of Pakistan – Mohammad Ali Jinnah: Leadership and Achievements, the Radcliffe Boundary Commission Award Recommended Readings: Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi, Struggle for Pakistan. Karachi: University of Karachi, 1969. Dr. Waheed-uz- Zaman, Towards Pakistan. Lahore: Publishers United Ltd., nd. Adbul Hamid, Muslim Separtism in India. Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1971. Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase 1857-1948.
    [Show full text]