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Cejoc Spring 2020Bbb.Indd 5 2020-06-17 10:32:10 Eleonora Serafi Movska, Marijana Markovikj ORIGINAL ARTICLE Media Framing: How Can the Constitutional Name of One Country Be Changed? Eleonora Serafi movska ORCID: 0000-0003-2208-6012 SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS UNIVERSITY IN SKOPJE, NORTH MACEDONIA Eleonora Serafi movska, Marijana Markovikj ORCID: 0000-0002-3203-485X SS. CYRIL AND METHODIUS UNIVERSITY IN SKOPJE, NORTH MACEDONIA https://doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.13.1(25).2 ABSTRACT: Th e Macedonian-Greek agreement to change the name of the Republic of Macedonia resulted in a referendum. Th e columns of relevant opinion leaders published in electronic media during the offi cial referendum campaign was the focus of interest and research presented in this article. Th e sample comprised 57 columns by 19 columnists. Th e discussion of the fi ndings in this paper is based on framing theory with media content analyses; the template for media monitor- ing was used as an instrument based on human coding. Th e main research question addressed in this paper is: “How are opinion leaders setting frames?” Th e hypothesis is that opinion leaders use diff erent themes and scripts to construct media framing due to narrow public opinion “for” or “against/boycott” the change of the constitutional name. Two negative, emotionally charged frames were identifi ed: the frame “for” promoted positive messages reinforced with ideas about the EU and NATO membership; the frame “against/boycott” promoted messages that Macedonian identity will be lost. KEYWORDS: media frames, opinion leaders, referendum campaign, emotionally-charged words, Prespa Agreement, Republic of Macedonia. INTRODUCTION Th e dispute over the name between the Republic of Greece and the Republic of Macedonia became ‘real’ aft er the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Due to the name dispute, Macedonia was admitted to the United Nations under the temporary reference to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Mace- donia (FYRM). Th is term has been for use only in the United Nations, and does not imply that the Republic of Macedonia has any ties to the former Yugoslavia (Floudas, CENTRAL EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION 1 (2020) ISSN 1899-5101 .............. 5 Central European Journal of Communication vol. 13, no 1 (25), Spring 2020 © for this edition by CNS cejoc_spring 2020bbb.indd 5 2020-06-17 10:32:10 Eleonora Serafi movska, Marijana Markovikj 2002). By December 2011, 133 countries had come to recognize Macedonia as the Republic of Macedonia, representing over 66% of the total number of UN member states. To resolve the dispute, the United Nations acted as a mediator. Th e entry of the Republic of Macedonia into NATO and the EU was on condition that the name dispute between the two countries be resolved. In the spirit of Euro-Atlantic inte- gration processes, the new government of the Republic of Macedonia, led by Zoran Zaev, signed the agreement in Prespa on June 17th, 2018. With this agreement (TNH, 2018), the name of the Republic of Macedonia is changed to the Republic of North Macedonia, erga omnes. In order to declare a change of name, the Government held a referendum with the following question: “Are you for membership of the EU and NATO by accepting the Agreement between the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Greece?” (Souli, 2018). In Macedonia, the referendum is a constitutional category regulated by Article 73 of the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia (Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia, 2014). A referendum can be called aft er most parliamentar- ians have voted, or the Assembly is obliged to announce a referendum when a pro- posal is submitted by at least 150,000 voters. Th e decision reached through the referendum is compulsory (Pravo.org.mk, n.d.). Th e referendum on changing the state name of the Republic of Macedonia was scheduled for September 30th, 2018, and the referendum campaign was conducted three weeks before that date. For a referendum to be successful, according to the Constitution, over 50% of the electorate should vote. Th e turnout in the referendum was 36.9%, of which 94.1% were “for” (BBC news, 2018) and according to the government this referendum was a success. Th e change of name was promoted by the ruling parties (SDSM and DUI), by Albanian political parties in opposition supported by the international factor (EWB, 2018) and the president of Albania (BIRN, 2018). Th e Prespa Agreement, from which came the referendum for changing the name of the Republic of Macedonia, was fully supported by the offi cial international pub- lic. According to the statements of the representatives of the Government, such historical changes will lead the Republic of Macedonia towards democratic pro- cesses and Euro-Atlantic integration. Contrary to these, there is the opinion that with these changes the national identity and the historical continuity of Macedonia and the Macedonian people will be lost. Th is opinion was based on the long-lasting struggle of the Macedonian people for their independence. Th e great number of historical facts speaks about the actions and activities of the Macedonian people to show and prove to the world that it is unique and diff erent from other nations. Considering all these political and historical struggles, media reporting during the referendum campaign is a somewhat daunting topic for scientifi c analysis. Of particular interest to this research were the individuals who stood out as leaders in public opinion and whose columns were published in electronic media. During the referendum campaign, several directions (instructions, suggestions for the audi- ence) in those columns (published in electronic media) were identifi ed: Go and vote 6 .............. CENTRAL EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION 1 (2020) Central European Journal of Communication vol. 13, no 1 (25), Spring 2020 © for this edition by CNS cejoc_spring 2020bbb.indd 6 2020-06-17 10:32:10 Media Framing: How Can the Constitutional Name of One Country Be Changed? “for”, Go and vote “against”, Just go and decide which option to vote for, and Boycott the referendum. THEORETICAL CONCEPTS Agenda setting, agenda building, framing Th e foundations of agenda setting theory that speaks to the ability of the media to set a public agenda, to create public awareness and determine the importance of certain issues (McCombs & Reynolds, 2002; McCombs, 2005) have been proven by a number of researchers for diff erent types of media (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). Over numerous years of study, the concept of agenda setting has expanded to agenda building and political agenda setting (Rogers & Dearing, 1988; Walgrave & Van Aelst, 2006) and from the fi rst level “came” the second-level of agenda setting, framing (McCombs & Ghanem, 2001). All extensions and expansions are import- ant in proving the complex relationship between the media and society. Th is article presents a framing analysis approach of the columns published in elec- tronic media during the period of the referendum campaign for change of the coun- try’s constitutional name. For the fi rst time this term was defi ned by Goff man in 1974 in the book entitled: ‘Frame Analysis, an Essay on the Organisation of the Experience’ though the concept was fi rst given by Bateson in 1972 (Hallahan, 2008) as psycho- logical frames. According to Goff man (1974), people understand what is happening around them through the primary framework for whose presence people are not even aware. Th e primary frameworks can be natural and social, and both have the role of enabling the individual’s orientation in the environment in which he/she lives. Fram- ing as a theory of mass communication is about how information is organized and provided to the audience. According to this theory ‘hot’ events are packaged in a way that can provoke some type of interpretation among the audience. How messages are ‘framed’ infl uences how the audience will perceive the reality, as the audience is not in real, physical contact with the events; people understand the reality mediated through the media, so it can be said that framing is a process of construction of social reality (Scheufele, 1999). Frames are a system of ideas which organize the elements of the text (words, pictures). Th ey are the result of previous life experiences and they are cultur- ally determined. Each word can be a frame for most people or for some. In addition, the same word can be a diff erent frame for diff erent people. Goff man (1974) argued that people see the world through their internalized frames, so each new piece of informa- tion is processed to fi t in with the already-existing frames. Th erefore, those who would like to introduce new ideas, strategies and so on, will have to use culturally known and acceptable ideas and develop new concepts that fi t in with existing frames. As the construction of public opinion is connected to the way experts or leaders frame rel- evant and important events (Chong & Druckman, 2007), it will be challenging to ex- plore and explain how frames are used in a case/cases of polarized public opinion. CENTRAL EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION 1 (2020) .............. 7 Central European Journal of Communication vol. 13, no 1 (25), Spring 2020 © for this edition by CNS cejoc_spring 2020bbb.indd 7 2020-06-17 10:32:10 Eleonora Serafi movska, Marijana Markovikj One of the focuses in recent research in political communication is about fram- ing the news/texts published in media. Th e media following a certain discourse and wanting to impose a particular narrative will present the information in a certain way depending on that discourse, or narrative (DeVreese & Semetko, 2014). Th is article presents a framing analysis approach to columns in which the main theme covers the referendum campaign.
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