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Download File Resigned Urbanization: Migration, Dwelling, and Freedom in Contemporary China Tzu-Chi Ou Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Tzu-Chi Ou All rights reserved ABSTRACT Resigned Urbanization: Migration, Dwelling, and Freedom in Contemporary China Tzu-Chi Ou In the media, rural migrants are often seen as a homogeneous social group, displaced from hometowns, economically marginalized, and deprived of urban citizenship. Anything but freedom characterizes their subjectivities. In recent years, however, migrant workers have played a leading role in urbanizing small towns and cities. My two-year ethnographic research closely documents the phenomenon of “double dwelling,” in which rural migrants settle into the rental housing of Beijing’s urban villages, on the one hand, but own empty houses in rural villages and counties, on the other. I employ the idea of dwelling to conceptualize the interrelationship between identity and place as well as existence and space. Rather than being static, floating, or unfinished, double dwelling is dynamic, restricted by the household registration (hukou) division but also continually remaking the rural-urban divide. It is rooted in various sites, neither here nor there but always here and there. Migrant workers create and search for the nature of dwelling. To doubly dwell is to build and rebuild identities and existence. The dissertation engages with the study of class politics by reconsidering the role of housing in class formation. On the one hand, home-making practices bring new opportunities to migrant workers. While in Beijing, the housing conditions of migrant workers suggest a common ground on which a new social class of migrant tenants may form. Also, “self-help urbanization” from below is marked by significant migrant homeownership. Thus, holding an urban hukou is not the only criterion for becoming urban. On the other hand, the dynamics of bottom-up urbanization and state-led urban policies reconstruct double dwelling. The government-directed urbanization programs imply a specific imaginary of urban lives that conflicts with migrants’ claim to the city. Urban policies may hold the process of proletarianization back. Lastly, I examine how the divergent even seemingly contradictory developments of class politics and urbanization are embodied in the freedom and resignation of migrant workers. A dialectical relationship between freedom and resignation, I argue, mirrors the tension between strong economic growth and tightening political control in China. I explore this relationship in migrants’ extended identities in the space of suspension, in their endeavor to build a community on bandit land, in the furnished but empty houses, in the reconciliation between migrant desire and the institutional barriers, and, lastly, in migrant aspirations for living at the center of the country yet in conflict with the state’s population control. Becoming urban is a process in which migrant workers come to terms with the bitter reality of society through strength and freedom. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................................ iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................................... iv INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................................................ 1 Situating Migrant Workers in the Hukou Reforms Rethinking Class Politics Through Housing and Urbanization Freedom and Resignation Multi-sited Fieldwork in Beijing and Hometowns PART I: HERE 1. THE GEOGRAPHY OF RENTAL DWELLING IN HUA VILLAGE .........................................................23 A Place Without Address Supervised Spontaneity Building Up, Living Up! Apartment House and the Migrant Housing Plight Suspended Space Extended Identities The Migrant New Poor in the “Small Village” An Emergent Social Class of Migrant Tenants? 2. IN SEARCH OF COMMUNITY ON THE URBAN FRINGES ......................................................................69 Migrant NGOs Boom “It Feels Like My Hometown!” “You Can’t Even Make A Move!” Bandit Land PART II: THERE 3. DWELLING IN EMPTINESS: LEFT-BEHIND HOUSES AND SPATIALIZED IDENTITIES ................... 102 The Plight of Dwelling Why Do Migrants Build Houses? “It’s Futile to Do So!” The Discourse of Waste Dwelling in Emptiness i 4. GENDERED DWELLING: THE DOUBLE MEDIATION OF MIGRANT FAMILIES AND MOTHERS ..... 128 Gendered Dwelling Increased Mobility, Greater Precarity Part One: A Good Mother A Stranger in Her Hometown Doing Chores as Mediation Part Two: A Single Mother House, Home, Family Part Three: A Reconciled Mother Failed Attempts “Fight All the Way Back to Beijing!” Double Mediation 5. IMAGINED CENTRALITY: SELF-HELP URBANIZATION IN YANJIAO ............................................... 162 “We aren’t like Pekingese.” Become a Yanjiao Homebuyer Debt, Security, Land Contested Planning Imagined Centrality CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................................................... 198 BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................................... 204 ii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Exhibition Poster of “Between the 5th & 6th Ring Road in Beijing”.………………...16 Figure 2. Map of China………………………………………………………………………….20 Figure 3. Satellite Map of Hua Village………………………………………………………….29 Figure 4. The Interior of an Apartment Building Room………………………………………...38 Figure 5. Apartment Buildings in Hua Village………………………………………………….38 Figure 6. The Disappearance of “Gongyu”.……………………………………………………...45 Figure 7. Law Enforcement Officials Tearing Down a Stall……………………………………52 Figure 8. A Big Compound Where Scrap Recyclers Reside……………………………………54 Figure 9. The Transformations of Old Wang’s Rental Houses from the 1980s to 2010s………67 Figure 10. Hand Drawn Map of Hua Village…………………………………………………...68 Figure 11. Contested Imagination of “Community”.…………………………………………...72 Figure 12. Preparing for a Sushi Stand on the Main Street in Hua Village…………………….86 Figure 13. Barrier Gates at the Main Entrance in Hua Village…………………………………93 Figure 14. Building Models in a Real Estate Sales Office in Yanjiao…………………………171 Figure 15. “Mini Villa” (Middle) and “SoHo” (Sides)………………………………………...173 Figure 16. Real-estate Advertisements………………………………………………………...184 Table 1. List of Migrant Beijing NGO Activists Interviewed………………………………….74 Table 2. Macro-Changes in Migrant Family Arrangements from 2013 to 2017………………135 Table 3. Micro-Changes in Migrant Family Arrangements from 2013 to 2017……………….135 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My warmest thanks go out to the migrant workers and activists, who participated in my research, considered me as a friend, and shared their life stories with me. In particular, I thank the staffs of Smile Children, who had accompanied me since 2007 and allowed me to witness the resilience of the grassroots society. It was my greatest privilege to become entangled in your struggle for a better life and society. This work is inspired, nurtured, and forged under the supervision of my committee members. Professor Myron Cohen allowed me the greatest latitude in conducting the project but always reminded me of the significance of historical anthropology. I owe a special debt to Professor Rosalind Morris, whose graduate seminars widened and reshaped my horizons of anthropological theories and beyond. This project would not have been possible without the encouragement and challenge from Professor Catherine Fennell, who expected me not to be satisfied with what is imaginable but dare to explore what would be surprising. Professor Li Zhang’s works on migrant workers and contemporary China have been a real intellectual inspiration to my project. I benefited tremendously from conversations with Professor Erik Harms, who enlivened this work with pointed questions. During the MA phase of my research, Wu Jieh-min enabled me to develop my initial interests in urban villages and has been my role model of a real intellectual. I could not have got through the Department of Anthropology without the deepest friendship of my cohort family: Aarti, Amiel, Clare, Firat, Natacha, Seung-Cheol, and Sumayya. Each of you embodied the spirit of anthropology and taught me what it means to be an anthropologist; be it cunningness, craziness, cynicism, honesty, loyalty, fearlessness, and the true craving for justice and knowledge. I am grateful for the company of my compatriots, Jeffrey, iv Kuei-min, and Stacy, and the support of several inspiring friends in the department, Chloé, Deniz, Fernando, Guangtian, Julia, and Yasmin. I also thank our great administrative staffs, Marilyn Astwood and Michael Chin, for facilitating my study and research in the department. My study and research were supported by fellowships from Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for dissertation writing, from Mellon Traveling Fellowship of Columbia University, and from Sasakawa Young Leaders Fellowship Fund (SYLFF) Summer Grant of Weatherhead East Asia Institute. I also received support from the Ministry of Education, Taiwan for Studying Abroad Scholarship. During the writing stage, I thank Professor Shao-hua Liu and the Institute of Ethnology, Academia
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