Theoretical quarterly of the International Marxist Tendency In defence of 34 £3 � €3

In this issue: When the Communists ruled in Bavaria “Left narratives” or class struggle? MARXISM VERSUS POSTMODERNISM Editors: Alan Woods Theoretical (editor in chief) quarterly of the Rob Sewell International Hamid Alizadeh Marxist Francesco Merli Tendency Daniel Morley

Contact: @ editor marxist.com In defence of Marxism 50525 14 6 PO Box , London, UK, E WG +44 0 207 739 2544 Contents ( ) p6 p3

Marxism versus Postmodernism Editorial: A word to In the first of a series of articles, we look at post- our readers modern philosophy, a species of subjective ideal- We are proud to relaunch the new look In ism, which today exerts a baleful influence that ex- Defence of Marxism as the theoretical organ tends beyond the walls of universities. of the International Marxist Tendency.

p22 p15

When the Communists “Left narratives” or ruled in Bavaria class struggle? 100 years ago, a Soviet Republic was declared in Ba- Many on the left argue that what we need is varia amidst a revolutionary wave that swept Ger- a “new narrative” to counter the dominant many. Contained in its brief, heroic existence are narrative of the ruling class. But can this numerous lessons for revolutionaries today. idea take the workers’ movement forward?

Front page image: andrés dEAN, flickr In defence of

A WORD TO OUR READERS

“A journal that sets out to be a militant mate- presentation. However, the new maga- As Lenin pointed out in his classic of rialist organ must be primarily a militant or- zine will now appear in several languages Marxism, What is to be done?: gan, in the sense of unflinchingly exposing and apart from English (Spanish, Portuguese, “Without revolutionary theory there can be no indicting all modern “graduated flunkeys of German and Swedish translations are al- revolutionary movement. This idea cannot be clericalism”, irrespective of whether they act as ready planned, and other languages will insisted upon too strongly at a time when the representatives of official science or as freelanc- follow) It will be published in dozens of fashionable preaching of opportunism goes ers calling themselves ‘democratic Left or ideo- countries around the world, either in pa- hand in hand with an infatuation for the nar- logically socialist’ publicists.”1 (Lenin, On the per or digital format. rowest forms of practical activity.”2 Significance of Militant Materialism) We trust that our existing readers will Revolutionary class struggle cannot be re- continue to give us the same enthusiastic duced to the immediate bread and butter elcome to the latest edition support as ever and look forward to wel- struggle of the working class. Among the of In Defence of Marxism, coming a large number of new readers, innumerable squabbling sects who falsely which represents a new convinced that the ideas of Marxism will claim the title of Marxists, we frequently and exciting point of de- continue to be a never-ending source of find a thinly veiled contempt for theory Wparture for our magazine. inspiration to revolutionary workers and and a slavish worship for what they con- In the nine years since it first com- youth everywhere. sider to be “practical issues.” menced publication, in the Spring of The newspapers of the sects are full 2012, the In Defence of Marxism maga- The importance of theory of cheap agitation, written in a “popular” zine (IDoM) has established a firm rep- The first number of the revamped IDoM style, as though the workers were little utation for serious Marxist analysis and is a special issue devoted mainly to the children incapable of grasping “difficult commentaries on both theoretical ques- subject of Marxism versus postmodern- ideas.” This merely shows a snobbish con- tions and burning issues of the labour ism. Some people may be surprised at tempt for working-class men and women, movement. this decision. Why waste time discussing a typical feature of the petty bourgeois Although it was initially launched as a abstract and obscure ideas that have no mentality and characteristic of people British journal, it has always had a strong relevance to the working class? that have no real knowledge of the work- international orientation and audience. But this criticism misses the point en- ing class. It closely followed the political line of tirely. Marxism does not confine itself to In fact, the workers soon tire of being marxist.com, the well-known website agitation on issues of immediate interest told things they already know very well. which has gained a well-deserved reputa- to the mass of the working class. Marxism They are well aware that they’re exploited tion for its consistent and uncompromis- is much more than a political programme by the bosses, living in bad houses, paid ing defence of the ideology and principles and an economic theory. It is a philoso- too low wages, that they pay too much for of revolutionary Marxism. phy, the vast scope of which covers not water and electricity, and so on and so We have felt for some time that the In- only politics and the class struggle, but forth. But the thinking workers – those ternational Marxist Tendency needed a the whole of human history, economics, who have already understood the need for theoretical journal, and the obvious can- society, thought and nature. It is too often a fundamental change in society – will not didate for this role was IDoM, which had forgotten that Marx and Engels started be nourished by such stale crumbs. the advantage of being “ready-made” and as philosophers and that a revolution- The most advanced and militant work- well established. ary philosophy, dialectical materialism, ers seek a more satisfactory diet. They The political line of the journal will not stands at the very heart of their thinking. wish to acquire a serious understanding change, apart from the new layout and of the world in which they live. Far from

3 return to contents being put off by theory, these workers have a thirst for knowledge and ideas. It is the task of genuine Marxists to help them In its youth the bourgeoisie was acquire those ideas. Without theory, we would have no rea- capable of producing great son to exist as a separate political tenden- thinkers: Locke, Hobbes, Kant, cy. It is what distinguishes us, on the one hand, from the reformists of both the left Hegel, Adam Smith, and Ricardo. and right variety, and on the other hand from the sectarian blockheads. The role In the period of its decline, it is only of our magazine is not to tell the workers what they already know, but to provide capable of producing what Marx them with the necessary theoretical ar- aptly described as flea-crackers. moury to prepare them for the great tasks that impend. The struggle for theory is a fundamen- In the period of its historical ascent, of a precipice is not capable of rational tal prerequisite for preparing the workers the bourgeoisie played a most progressive thought. In a vague way, the ideologues of for the struggle for power. Whoever does role, not only in developing the produc- the bourgeoisie sense that the system they not understand this has no understand- tive forces, and thereby mightily expand- defend is reaching its end. The spread of ing of what Marxism is. Alongside the ing humanity’s power over nature, but irrational tendencies, mysticism, and re- economic and political struggles, as En- also in pushing back the frontiers of sci- ligious fanaticism reflects the same thing. gels explained, the working class must ence, knowledge, and culture. The postmodernist craze that pass- also wage war against the dominant ideas Luther, Michelangelo, Leonardo, es for philosophy in our time is itself a in bourgeois society. Engels’s Anti-Dühring Dührer, Bacon, Kepler, Galileo, and a confession of the most abject intellectual and Lenin’s book on Empirio-Criticism, host of other pathfinders of civilisation bankruptcy. The mere fact that this post- were classic examples of that struggle. shine like a galaxy, illuminating the broad modernist “narrative” could be taken se- It is our duty to go on the offensive highway of human cultural and scientific riously as a new philosophy is in itself a against the reactionary bourgeois ideas advance opened by the Reformation and crushing condemnation of the theoretical that are being continuously churned out Renaissance. bankruptcy of capitalism and the bour- by the universities. We must mercilessly In its youth the bourgeoisie was capa- geois intelligentsia in the epoch of impe- expose the bourgeois professors for what ble of producing great thinkers: Locke, rialist decay. they really are: ‘graduated flunkeys of Hobbes, Kant, Hegel, Adam Smith, and Postmodernism denies the concept clericalism’, to use the phrase by which Ricardo. In the period of its decline, it of historical progress in general, for Joseph Dietzgen describes the university is only capable of producing what Marx the simple reason that the society that professors – the idealist apologists of the aptly described as flea-crackers. spawned it is incapable of any progress. capitalist system. Marx once observed: “Philosophy and the This is no accident. Millions of people are Dialectical materialism remains one of study of the actual world have the same relation faced with an uncertain future. The gen- the most important weapons in our rev- to one another as onanism and sexual love.”3 eral ruin does not affect only the working olutionary arsenal. And since dialectical Modern bourgeois philosophy prefers the class, but extends to the middle class, the materialism is the basis and foundation former to the latter. In its obsession with students and professors, the researchers of Marxism, it is quite logical that of all combatting Marxism (and materialism in and technicians, the musicians and art- the theories of Marx, no other has been so general), it has dragged philosophy back ists, lecturers and doctors. attacked, distorted and slandered. to the worst period of its old, outworn, Under these conditions a mood of pes- In the present period, the most prom- and sterile past. simism seizes the intelligentsia, which inent weapon of the bourgeoisie against yesterday saw capitalism as a never-end- Marxism has been postmodernism, A period of decline ing source of careers and the guarantee which is the crudest form of subjective Our own age is a period of decline. The of a comfortable living standard. There idealism. The honour of fighting against capitalist system shows clear symptoms is a general ferment in the middle class, the stream, of combating these mystical of terminal decay. Here we are faced with which finds its most acute expression in and irrational ideas, falls to the revolu- a paradox. On the one hand, the march of the intelligentsia. This is the material ba- tionary vanguard of the working class. science has carried human knowledge to sis of the mood that afflicts the middle Every single school of philosophy for dizzying heights. One by one, nature is class, a class that, crushed between the big the last 150 years at least, is merely a re- compelled to give up her secrets. The old capitalists and the working class, keenly gurgitation, in one way or another, of the mysteries that men and women attempt- feels the precariousness of its situation. irrational ideas of subjective idealism – ed to explain through religion and the the crudest, most absurd, and pointless supernatural, have been analysed and un- Apostasy varieties of idealism. The latest postmod- derstood. The radical moods of the petty bourgeois ernist craze is just another one of these Yet despite all these advances, philos- intellectual have a very unstable charac- variants. ophy has reached a complete dead end. It ter. While it can be infected by the revo- One of the principal maxims of post- no longer has anything of interest to say. lutionary optimism of the working class modernism is the denial of progress in Its death certificate has been issued by during the times of rising class struggle, history. But even the most superficial postmodernism, which itself hardly de- it can quickly turn the other way around. consideration of history clearly indicates serves the name of philosophy at all. The radical chic intellectuals who had the existence of periods of great advance, The degeneration of bourgeois phi- flirted with revolution in 1968 were rap- and also periods of evident regression. losophy is a reflection of the dead-end idly disheartened. The great majority, These periods find their reflection inevi- of the capitalist system itself. A system particularly in academia, were seized by tably in the history of thought in general, which has become irrational must lean moods of pessimism and uncertainty. and philosophy in particular. on irrational ideas. A man on the edge

4 return to contents They decided that the working class existence is far removed from the real increasing compartmentalization, and had let them down, and therefore aban- world of ordinary mortals. ultimately atomization of the movement. doned all “metanarratives” (especially The carpenter produces tables and All this has served to confuse and diso- Marxism) and turned in the direction of chairs. The potter produces plates and rient a whole generation of young people scepticism, which was merely a reflection dishes. The farmer produces potatoes and who have been diverted away from the of their own state of mind. It is no acci- cabbages. But the intellectual produces cause of socialist revolution and pushed dent that the ideas that led to postmod- only words – many, many words. These into a poisonous swamp. ernism became fashionable in the 1970s, words are read by other intellectuals, who Some people may object that postmod- 80s, and 90s as a reaction to the defeats produce other words to be read by still ernism is already old-fashioned. They say of a series of revolutions worldwide – other intellectuals. And so on, and so on they represent entirely different trends. defeats which were compounded by the ad infinitum. But this argument is false and disingen- collapse of the Soviet Union. This was the Normally, this is a fairly harmless pas- uous. Postmodernism is a hydra-headed soil on which the poisonous roots of post- time, which serves to fill the otherwise monster that constantly mutates, much modernism flourished and grew strong. quite empty existences of the monks of like the coronavirus. It re-emerges in a The same phenomenon can be ob- academia, providing them with a sense of multiplicity of disguises: poststructural- served in the aftermath of every defeated purpose, which, however, remains a mys- ism, postcolonialism, queer theory, and a revolution in history. It was exactly the tery for the rest of suffering humanity. whole host of theories of so-called iden- same process that led to the growth of However, matters change substantial- tity politics. irrational and mystical trends after the ly when some of these mysterious words All of these variants have a reactionary defeat of the 1905 Revolution in Russia. spill out of the confines of the University, character, sowing confusion and deliber- In Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, Lenin and begin to affect the thinking of ordi- ately dividing the movement into a myri- brilliantly showed that the philosophies nary beings in a very negative way. ad of squabbling tendencies and sub-ten- of Mach and Avenarius were bad copies It is quite bad enough that generations dencies, each one loudly proclaiming that of Berkeley, Kant, and Hume. of university students emerge from their it alone has the right to be considered as The only difference is that today’s post- studies even more stupid and confused the real victim of oppression, and that modernist geniuses are simply bad copies than when they began. But when the same everyone else is an oppressor. of bad copies. Desperate to appear origi- stupidity and confusion begins to infect And while the movement is busy de- nal and trying hard to hide their complete society and politics, it ceases to become a stroying itself with a series of senseless lack of any real content, they hide behind matter of amusement and becomes a very internecine conflicts, the real oppressors an impenetrable barrier of incomprehen- serious matter indeed. – the bankers, capitalists and imperialists sible, convoluted, and intentionally am- – sit back and laugh at the stupidity of the biguous language. Reactionary consequences people who, consciously or otherwise, are Postmodernism is the most extreme form doing the dirty work of the counterrevo- Words, words, words... of idealism. It is a rejection of material- lution. Polonius: What do you read, my lord? ism, the commonality of human experi- To the degree that these poisonous Hamlet: Words, words, words. ence and perception and a rejection of the ideas have succeeded in penetrating the Nowadays, the subjective idealists are re- possibility of human solidarity. Instead labour movement, where they are eager- duced to fighting a desperate rear-guard of class solidarity, we are offered a super- ly seized upon by the right-wing bureau- action, which amounts to the total disso- ficial “allyship” of atomised struggles . crats and certain misguided “Lefts”, they lution of philosophy, reducing it entirely But even this confused notion breaks play a highly destructive, diversionary to semantics (the study of the meaning of down as these “allies” immediately start and divisive role. words). attacking and abusing each other in the It is high time to call a halt! We must The postmodernists endow language most violent diatribes, each shouting that declare war on this reactionary philos- with extraordinary powers. They argue they are the oppressed, while the others ophy and drive these ideas out of the that if we change the words we use in are all oppressors who must be silenced movement. Only in this manner can the everyday language, taking care to avoid altogether. way be cleared for the advance of the giving offence by using “oppressive” This kind of ‘philosophy’ clearly suits workers’ movement and the unity of all terms, then we will abolish oppression the purposes of the ruling class strategists the oppressed under the banner of the so- itself. But the real oppression that is suf- very nicely. They can use it to divide and cialist revolution. fered every day by millions of workers, derail class solidarity while also using it peasants, women and poor people is not as a weapon against rational and progres- Alan Woods caused by the misuse of language, but sive thought in general, and Marxism in London, 17 June, 2021 by the real conditions of a society that is particular. sharply divided into rich and poor, ex- Out of this confused morass of half- 1 V. I. Lenin, “On the Significance of Militant Ma- ploiters and exploited. baked ideas, certain conclusions inev- terialism,” in Lenin’s Collected Works, vol. 33, (Mos- cow: Progress Publishers, 1972), pg. 227-236. You do not change the essence of a itably flow: a rejection of revolution in 2 V. I. Lenin, What is to be done?, (London: Wellred thing by changing its name. Shakespeare favour of “small deeds” (like pettifogging Books, 2018). wrote that a rose by any other name will arguments over words and “narratives”), 3 Karl Marx, and Friedrich Engels, “C. Humane smell as sweet. And capitalism by any a retreat into subjectivity, and, of course, Liberalism,” in The German Ideology, (Marxists In- other name will smell as bad. Here we a denial of the class struggle. ternet Archive, 1932) 4 Karl Marx, “Preface to a Contribution to the have the most striking proof of the cor- This terminological radicalism may Critique of Political Economy,” in What Is Marx- rectness of Marx’s celebrated dictum: so- make some middle-class intellectuals ism?, ed. Rob Sewell and Alan Woods, 2nd ed. cial being determines consciousness.4 sleep easier in their beds, but it does not (London: Wellred Books, 2015) pg. 105-106. This obsession with words is only a advance the fight against oppression by reflection of the mode of existence of a single millimetre. In fact, it retards it. the petty bourgeois intellectual who con- By elevating “my” particular oppression templates life from the comfort of the over “yours”, we inevitably arrive at an University seminar room. This mode of

5 return to contents MARXISM VERSUS POSTMODERNISM PLAYING HIDE-AND-SEEK WITH THE TRUTH

Postmodernism is an amorphous philosophical school of thought that rose to prominence in the postwar period. Beginning as a fringe trend, it has since grown to become one of the dominant schools of bour- geois philosophy, permeating large parts, if not the majority, of academia today. Here, we publish an article by Daniel Morley and Hamid Alizadeh, the first of a series of articles, that will analyse different aspects of postmodernism from a Marxist perspective.

he history of philosophy has known a vast array of schools, sub-schools and trends, encom- passing a diverse range of world Toutlooks and guiding principles. But with- in this myriad of trends, some of them ra- tional and materialist, others idealist and wildly mystical, it was at least generally agreed that the hallmark of a great theo- ry was consistency, precision and careful attention to detail. However philosophy was expressed, in the last analysis it was a struggle for truth. Even the most reac- tionary philosophers had to admit at least this much. People like Augustin of Hip- po, whose theory of divine illumination formed the ideological backbone of me- dieval reaction in the Dark Ages, at least tried to portray his arguments as coher- ent and reasonable. How times have changed. In the peri- od of capitalist decline, philosophy has also undergone a process of regression. The clearest expression of this trend is postmodernism. For the last half centu- ry or more, this tendency has been slow- ly spreading like a virus throughout the world, jumping from country to country, constantly mutating into new and ev- er-more-bizarre variants. It has spun off an industry of subschools and trends such as post-colonialism, queer theory, sever- al forms of feminism and many more, which, in open or disguised forms, domi- nate today’s social sciences and academia. In the field of postmodern philosophy, the greatest minds in history are looked upon with disdain and unceremoniously discarded. Reason is denounced, while ir- rationality and unintelligibility are raised to the level of principle. Theoretical hon- esty and the pursuit for truth are drowned in endless caveats, ambiguities and in- comprehensible language. The following Image: John van Hulsen, Flickr is an excellent example of this genre:

6 return to contents “More important than political leftism, clos- thinking. Deleuze and Guattari, often pattern or structure for people’s beliefs and gives er to a concurrence of the intensities: a vast portrayed as the “left wing” of postmod- meaning to their experiences.” subterraneous movement, wavering, more of ernism, take these absurdities to a whole But just one moment! Isn’t Lyotard’s a ruffle in fact, on account of which the law new level: own definition also… a meta-narrative? of value is disaffected. Holding up produc- “...the human essence of nature and the natu- Of course, it is precisely that. When he tion, uncompensated seizures as modalities ral essence of man become one within nature informs us that we must at all costs avoid of consumption, refusal to ‘work’, (illusory?) in the form of production or industry, just as thinking in certain ways of which he dis- communities, happenings, sexual liberation they do within the life of man as a species. approves, does he not provide us with a movements, occupations, squattings, ab- Industry is then no longer considered from general theory – an “overarching account ductions, productions of sounds, words, col- the extrinsic point of view of utility, but rath- or interpretation of events and circum- ours, with no artistic intention. Here are the er from the point of view of its fundamental stances”? And, in telling us that certain ‘men of production’, the ‘masters of today’: identity with nature as production of man ideas are to be shunned, does he not also marginals, experimental painters, pop, hip- and by man. Not man as the king of creation, provide us with “a pattern or structure for pies and yippies, parasites, madmen, binned but rather as the being who is in intimate people’s beliefs, giving meaning to their loonies. One hour of their lives offers more contact with the profound life of all forms or experiences”? intensity and less intention than 300,000 all types of beings, who is responsible The answer to both questions is une- words of a professional philosopher.”1 for even the stars and animal life, quivocally in the affirmative. Therefore, We do not know whether an hour in the and who ceaselessly plugs an or- Jean-François Lyotard stands accused life of marginals, experimental painters, gan-machine into an energy-ma- from the very outset either of absurd pop, hippies and yippies, parasites, mad- chine, a tree into his body, a breast self-contradiction, or of being a blatant men, or binned loonies can offer more into his mouth, the sun into his fraud. We are in the presence of either a intensity than the words of an unspeci- asshole: the eternal custodian of fool or a rogue. Or maybe both. It is hard fied “professional philosopher”. But even the machines of the universe. This is to say. from this brief extract it is certainly clear the second meaning of process as we use the that just five minutes of anybody’s life is term: man and nature are not like two oppo- “No progress”? worth considerably more than 300,000 site...”3 (our emphasis) Postmodernists are also known for their words of this particular philosopher. Michel Foucault, a close friend of Deleuze rejection of the notion of progress in his- Without so much as cracking a smile, and Guattari, fell over himself in his haste tory. They claim that the development of the postmodernists put forward the to shower praise on this nonsense: “... a science and philosophy knows no pro- most laughably absurd claims and prop- light­ning storm was produced which will gress, and that there are only different ositions. Jean Baudrillard, for example, bear the name of Deleuze: new thought is ways of interpreting the world. Further- claimed that reality has now disappeared, and possible; thought is again possible.”4 more, this is a world that does not even all meaning along with it. To illustrate his So now we know! Apparently it was correspond to our interpretations of it. point, he paraphrases (and exaggerates) quite impossible to even think until Mon- And yet, the postmodernists present their the words of Elias Canetti with apparent sieur Deleuze enlightened us with these school of thought as the only one that can approval: pearls of wisdom. explain this situation. If we accept this “Beyond a certain precise moment in time, The whole of postmodernist literature standpoint, then any idea is as good as the history is no longer real. Without realising is replete with this pompous, self-impor- next, whether it springs from the mind of it, the whole human race suddenly left reality tant, crude rhetoric that provides a cover a stone age Shaman, an Aristotle, an Ein- behind. Nothing that has occurred since then for its ill-thought-out theories. But this stein or a Marx. At no point has humani- has been true, but we are unable to realise it. one must carry the prize. Now, having ty’s understanding of nature and society Our task and our duty now is to discover this read the above lines, the whole of human- taken a single step forward – indeed there point or, so long as we fail to grasp it, we are ity can breathe a sigh of relief. We can all is no ‘forward’ for the postmodernist. condemned to continue on our present de- begin to think. Nothing is progressive, except, of course, structive course.”2 But here’s the problem: what exactly postmodernism, which has only now The reader might feel entitled to ask a are we supposed to be thinking about? emerged, triumphant, to expose this age- question: What does this mean? But this old sham of a belief in progress! question has been answered in advance. Defining the indefinable On one thing we can readily agree. It Since reality has now disappeared, and all A philosophy that makes such grand is certainly true that under the capitalist meaning along with it, there is no point claims for itself is surely worth paying system in its period of senile decay, no se- in asking for any meaning at all. This is attention to. We will therefore arm our- rious progress is possible for the human a method that has the undoubted advan- selves with patience and make every effort race. But are we entitled to draw the con- tage of ruling out any awkward questions to grasp whatever meaning is to be found clusion from this that progress in general in advance. It silences all possible criti- in it. What exactly is postmodernism, and does not exist, or that history has not ex- cism and, in fact, liquidates the basis of what lies behind it? Here we immediately perienced times when it took giant steps rational thought in general. collide with the first problem. We are told forward? No, we are entitled to do no such This line of argument, which is served that it is indefinable. It is an idea which by thing. Anyone who studies the past will up as something fresh, is – like every oth- definition opposes definitions. So far, so immediately see that human society has er aspect of postmodernism – neither unclear. known periods of great advance, charac- new nor original. It is merely a regurgi- The term “postmodernism” was first terised by the rapid development of the tation of the old argument of Tertullian coined by Jean-François Lyotard in 1979, productive forces, science and technolo- in the third century, who justified the ab- which he defined as – in his own words, gy, and the flowering of art and culture. surdities of Christian dogma by asserting “simplifying to the extreme” – “incredulity It also knows other periods character- Credo quia absurdum est: “I believe because toward the meta-narratives”.5 The Oxford Eng- ised by stagnation, retrogression, decay it is absurd.” lish Dictionary defines ‘meta-narratives’ and even relapses into barbarism. The In fact, this penchant for the absurd as, “An overarching account or interpretation fall of the Roman Empire was the start takes us to the very heart of postmod- of events and circumstances that provides a of hundreds of years of retrogression in ernist thought, which rejects all rational Europe, which has rightly been called

7 return to contents a Dark Age. The Renaissance marked a turning point in the development of cul- ture in every sphere. Art, science, litera- “The task of the ruling ideas today ture: all experienced a remarkable rebirth is precisely to cover up the gulf (the literal meaning of the term “Renais- sance”). That was the age of the rise of between the interests of the masses the bourgeoisie, the bearer of a new and higher stage of human society, an age of and the status quo of capitalism. discovery that rescued humankind from That is the underlying basis for the shackles of feudalism, together with the irrational obscurantism of the Church the tricks, fallacies and extreme and the fires of the Inquisition. Later, the revolutionary bourgeoi- dishonesty which characterises sie of France produced the Enlighten- bourgeois philosophy in general ment, which the postmodernists regard with special loathing, precisely because and postmodernism in particular.” it championed rational thought and sci- ence. As its name implies, postmodern- ism believes that something called mod- up their tracks. In an interview from 1977, natural follow up question: “Even though ernism is now at an end. Modernism is published under the title Prison Talk, Fou- science has long shared the postulate that the set of ideas that emerged from the cault was confronted with an awkwardly man progresses?” Enlightenment. That was the heroic ep- straightforward question about his rejec- Foucault then answers: och of capitalism, when the bourgeoisie tion of the concept of ‘progress’. This is an “It isn’t science that says that, but rather the was still capable of playing a progressive extract from that interview: history of science. And I don’t say that hu- role. But the present epoch presents a “I came across a sentence in Madness and manity doesn’t progress. I say that it is a bad picture of social, economic, political and Civilisation where you say that we must ‘free method to pose the problem as: ‘How is it that ideological decay. Human progress has historical chronologies and successive order- we have progressed?’ The problem is: how do indeed stalled. The productive forces are ings from all forms of progressivist perspec- things happen? And what happens now is paralysed by the deepest crisis in three tive’.” not necessarily better or more advanced, or hundred years. Culture stagnates, and the Foucault answered in the following way: better understood, than what happened in fruits of science, far from liberating man- “This is something I owe to the historians of the past.” kind, threaten mass unemployment and science. I adopt the methodical precaution Here we see a classic case of facing all environmental catastrophe. The capital- and the radical but unaggressive scepticism ways at the same time. Having clearly said ist class has become a colossal obstacle to which makes it a principle not to regard the (or as clearly as his peculiar language per- progress. point in time where we are now standing mits) that he denies progress in history, On the basis of the present system, the as the outcome of a teleological progression he then calmly asserts the opposite: that he outlook for humanity is bleak indeed. But which it would be one’s business to recon- does not say ‘humanity doesn’t progress’. instead of concluding that it is the social struct historically: that scepticism regarding But in the very next breath, he adds that system of capitalism that bars progress, ourselves and what we are, our here and now, “what happens now is not necessarily the postmodernists conclude that pro- which prevents one from assuming that what better or more advanced, or better under- gress itself is ruled out, for it has never we have is better than – or more than – in stood, than what happened in the past”. existed. The ruling class and its mid- the past. This doesn’t mean not attempting So there really has been no progress. dle-class hangers-on in the universities to reconstruct generative processes, but that Is that clear enough? are impregnated with a spirit of pessi- we must do this without imposing on them a This is a very good example of how mism. They moan about the terrible state positivity or a valorisation.” 6 these ladies and gentlemen twist and turn of society, but in rejecting science, ration- If we make the effort to penetrate the ob- and writhe, playing with words in order to al thought and progress in general, they scure world of Foucauldian language, we hide their meaning, just as a squid squirts merely reflect the outlook of a degenerate see his rejection of the imposition of ‘val- clouds of ink to confuse its enemies. Thus, and decrepit ruling class. orisation’ on the ‘generative processes’ of if anyone ever accuses Foucault of deny- history is nothing but a rejection of pro- ing progress, the focal point of the major- Dishonesty gress. In an act of cynical deceit, he drags ity of his writings, he could always point Joseph Dietzgen once said that official in by the hair the term ‘teleological’ as a back and say, “oh no, I once said that, ‘I philosophy is not a science, but “a safe- means of confusing the issue. don’t say that humanity doesn’t progress.” guard against social-democracy” – and Anyone with the slightest knowledge Intellectual dishonesty and cowardice by social-democracy, Dietzgen meant the about philosophy would know that there is an essential component of postmod- revolutionary movement of the working is a world of difference between teleolo- ernism. It adopts a whole host of manoeu- class. The task of the ruling ideas today gy – a word with religious connotations, vres to confuse and disorient the reader, is precisely to cover up the gulf between which means preordained purpose, which in order to distract them from its real re- the interests of the masses and the sta- Marx never supported – and the idea that actionary character. What is astonishing tus quo of capitalism. That is the under- human history is not a series of meaning- is the shameless arrogance and audacity lying basis for the tricks, fallacies and less accidents, but is governed by certain with which this deceit is presented. extreme dishonesty which characteris- laws that assert themselves independent- es bourgeois philosophy in general and ly of the subjective will of individual men Language games postmodernism in particular. One such and women. “Why, sometimes I’ve believed as many as trick is the constant rattling off of con- The interviewer, not to be so easily six impossible things before breakfast.” (Lew- tradictory statements in order to cover put off the scent, then asks Foucault the is Carrol, Alice in Wonderland)

8 return to contents grammar is the best vehicle for express- of the human mind and do not have any ing radical views, given the constraints relation to any real cat or dog, and hence that grammar imposes upon thought, in- they lose all meaning. deed, upon the thinkable itself.” In spite of these “profound” observa- So now you know! “Common sense” tions, for many thousands of years men isn’t radical, but nonsense is. On this ba- and women have continued to make use sis Butler goes off on a journey to make of language, unconcerned with the higher up her own grammar, one that somehow truths that inform them that a dog is not does not “impose” itself on her thoughts. really a dog, a cat is not really a cat and, in Having done so, she goes on all manner fact, that language is not capable of say- of adventures, thinking of things that ing anything intelligible at all. are completely “unthinkable” for those of Far from being an all-sided view of us constrained by the language of mere things, as Derrida would claim, his phi- mortals. losophy shows an extremely one-sided The question arises, however, how will understanding of human knowledge. If she communicate these unthinkable thoughts our concepts do not reflect any objective to mere mortals, who are still bound by truth, and if “meaning” can be generated the constraints of “intelligible speech” and “deconstructed” by human beings at Postmodernism is based on the principle and who have not the faintest idea what their whim, then how can people com- that concepts, ideas and language itself she is talking about? Butler’s method is municate, by text or by any other means? are subjective and arbitrary “constructs”. pure sophistry. In other words, it is a trick: Why does Derrida bother to write texts, Thus all conceptual thought, including “My ideas aren’t bad and incomprehensi- when there is no objective or common science, is also oppressive. There can be ble; you are just not advanced enough to basis for language? And how can we even no objective truth. Nothing is true or reli- understand them.” acknowledge that we are all experiencing able. The only truth lies in individual ex- That said, it is not correct to go so far the same reality if, insofar as such a real- perience, ‘lived experience’, and that can as to assert that postmodernist texts are ity even exists, we are all barred from ac- only ever be a personal truth. incomprehensible. The purpose of the cessing it? Not content with consigning all ration- convoluted rhetoric is to make ideas that Such inconsistencies, however, did not al thought and “meta-narratives” to the are very old, stupid and reactionary sound seem to bother Derrida. Like all proper dustbin, some postmodernists go so far as original, sophisticated and even radical. postmodernists, Derrida wears incon- to inform us that, since language is an op- True, it requires a little effort to uncover sistency as a badge of honour. His most pressive construct, grammar itself must it, but there is definitely an agenda, and famous notion, “deconstruction”, is, if be abolished as it is oppressive to human it is not so hard to understand once it has anything, precisely the proposition that freedom. Once we are free of the oppres- been translated from their “special lan- “freedom” lies in breaking up the consist- sive shackles of grammar and syntax, we guage” into the speech of common mor- ency and coherence of ideas. In this way, can soar into the heaven of absolute free- tals. every individual can construct and ‘de- dom, where we can communicate with construct’ their own reality. In fact, that one another in an entirely new way. “There is no ‘outside-the-text’” is precisely what Judith Butler, the most But language is not a construct. It has Jacques Derrida, one of the most influen- influential postmodern feminist, asserts: not been invented by anybody. It has tial postmodernists, famously said that “To ‘concede’ the undeniability of ‘sex’ or its evolved gradually over a very long period “there is nothing outside the text.”8 By ‘materiality’ is always to concede some ver- of time, hundreds of thousands of years this he means that meaning – and there- sion of ‘sex,’ some formation of ‘materiali- in fact, as a result of the development of by knowledge – is not related to objec- ty.’ Is the discourse in and through human society. That is also true of the tive reality, but to itself alone. The words which that concession occurs – laws of thinking, which the postmodern- that we use are not in any way related to and, yes, that concession invaria- ists wish to destroy. But what are they to the things we want to signify. Rather, any bly does occur – not itself forma- be replaced with? We may like or dislike single word, according to Derrida, is only tive of the very phenomenon that the rules of grammar and syntax, wheth- defined by its relationship to other words. it concedes? [...] to refer naively or di- er it be the grammar of official language Thus, in order to understand anything, rectly to such an extra-discursive object will taught in schools or non-canonised gram- we first have to understand all the words always require the prior delimitation of the mar such as dialects. However, without that give our words context, and then all extra-discursive.” 9 (our emphasis) these rules, speech becomes completely the words that give those words context, The “discourse” is “formative of the very unintelligible, or at least, extremely in- and so on. Of course, this is impossible phenomenon that it concedes”. Thinking coherent. Of course, the postmodernists and hence, we are told, this fleeting thing produces reality. Material reality, even bi- have a nail for every hole. called ‘meaning’ will forever be ‘deferred’ ological sex, is ‘discursive’ and can natu- Replying to the accusation of unintel- and never fully grasped. rally be changed via discourse. But surely ligibility, Judith Butler, a postmodernist It is certainly true that the meaning of if biological sex is just a product of ‘dis- True Believer, denounces the “[l]earn- Derrida’s language cannot ever be fully course’, then so is everything else; so are ing [of] the rules that govern intelligible grasped, but that is another matter. What you and so am I. But can you not then sim- speech”.7 According to Butler, learning Derrida is aiming at is to undermine the ply construct or ‘deconstruct’ my reality, such rules are “an inculcation into nor- notion that we can comprehend objective or I yours?… Butler does not say. malised language, where the price of not reality itself. In other words, ultimately This theory is neither modern nor conforming is the loss of intelligibility there is no reality “outside-the-text”. We postmodern, but rather old. What we are itself.” She goes on to say that “there is might have a word for dog, or cat, but ac- dealing with is subjective idealism – a nothing radical about common sense. It cording to him, these concepts are mere- trend which goes back to the early days would be a mistake to think that received ly the abstract and subjective creations of philosophy itself. The main tenet of

9 return to contents subjective idealism is that there is no ob- real, distinct from their being perceived against science, rational thought, atheism jective reality existing independently of by the understanding.” 10 and the materialism of the Enlighten- the thoughts and sensations of human But there is a problem with this theory, ment. On all but one of these (atheism), beings. and one that cannot be easily disposed of. the postmodernists are in full agree- Derrida’s form of argument is simply a The inescapable logic of this argument is ment with him. His main argument was crude copy of the notion put forward by solipsism (from the Latin solo ipsus, only aimed at empiricism, an undeveloped Immanuel Kant in the 18th century, that I myself). This is the notion that since we form of materialism that predominated human consciousness can never really cannot prove the existence of anything or at the time. The empiricists maintained know material reality, or what he called anyone else besides our own mind with that all knowledge is ultimately attained the “thing-in-itself”. According to Kant, certainty, we must resign ourselves to be- via sense experience. This is correct, but the mind is furnished with a series of ‘a ing nothing but the solitary prisoners of one-sided. Their argument was drawn to priori’ thought categories – such as space, our own internal worlds and everything an absurd extreme by the Scottish philos- time, substance etc. – which allow us to else must be a figment of our imagina- opher, David Hume, who ended up argu- recognise the world of appearance. But tion. But if that is the case, then God too ing that because we can only rely on sense our minds are not able to know material must be just a figment of our imagination. experience, we cannot prove that anything reality as it truly is, ‘in itself’. According to this idea, nothing can besides our own sense experience exists. Derrida however, goes further than ever be objective because nothing can be If we accept the premises of the subjec- Kant and derides concepts in their total- proved to exist. Everything is only the tive idealists, there is only one way out of ity. All general concepts are, according to creation (“construct”) of thinking. This, this absurdity: the path proposed by Bish- him, products of the human mind with of course, is disproved by thousands of op Berkeley. Namely, that it is God’s mind no relation to objective reality. These ide- years of human experience and practice. perceiving things that gives our ideas as are older even than Kant. At the begin- It is also disproved by the history of sci- objectivity and human beings a common ning of the 18th century, Bishop George ence for at least two and a half millennia. point of reference. But there is another Berkeley put forward the same absurd But that is of no concern to the postmod- path: that of materialism and science. To arguments, albeit in a far more cogent ernists who deny that any progress has the premise that all knowledge is attained manner: “It is indeed an opinion strange- taken place whatsoever. via sense experience, we must add an- ly prevailing amongst men, that houses, Bishop Berkeley was a reactionary and other premise, that an objective material mountains, rivers, and in a word all sen- a staunch defender of the Church. His reality exists independently of our ideas sible objects have an existence, natural or declared aim was to conduct a struggle and experiences, and that human beings are able to investigate this reality and un- cover its characteristics and inner laws of motion. This is precisely what postmod- “Bishop Berkeley was a reactionary ernism rejects. and a staunch defender of the Is truth possible? Church. His declared aim was to It is commonly known that an idea that is true, is an idea that corresponds to reality. conduct a struggle against science, A small child might think that it is fun to play with fire. It will soon come to realise rational thought, atheism and the that this is not a correct idea. From pain- materialism of the Enlightenment. ful trial and error, over time it will form the idea that approached in the right way, On all but one of these (atheism), a fire might after all be very useful and, in some situations, perhaps even fun. the postmodernists are in full Fire goes from being an unknown “thing- agreement with him.” in-itself”, to a “thing-for-us”. Such is the general path of human beings – from ig- norance to knowledge. The postmodernists however, reject this notion. They entirely reject the prop- osition that ideas can be true or false. They deride categorical statements (al- though not always, as we will see) because that would imply that some statements are more true than others. Thus they stuff their writing with vague and extreme- ly equivocal statements, which are filled with conditionalities and long contradic- tory explanations. According to Foucault, the most prom- inent postmodernist, we cannot aspire to objective truth. That is, we cannot aspire to ideas, the content of which does not depend on human beings. He maintains that ultimately the truthfulness of ide- Image: John Smibert as – knowledge, in other words – is not derived from our experience of materi- al reality, but rather from what he calls

10 return to contents ‘power’. This is not power in the sense that bank demanding to withdraw a million of human social development as a whole, we normally understand it, such as state pounds, the manager will certainly ask transmitted from one generation to the power, or the power of one class over an- me how much LSD I have consumed. If next. Nor is the relationship between other. ‘Power’ in Foucault’s vocabulary any postmodernist wishes to prove us subject and object purely a question of essentially merely means knowledge in wrong, we politely invite him or her to try abstract contemplation. The human race general. Thus, ‘power’ produces knowledge one of these two experiments. Practice reacts to the real world actively, not pas- and knowledge produces ‘power’. Or to will soon tell us who is right and who is sively. put it another way, knowledge produces wrong! Human beings transform the world knowledge. This is a pure tautology that In Europe, throughout the middle ages through collective labour, and thereby explains precisely nothing. Fundamen- and up until the 18th century, it was a transform themselves. It is this ceaseless tally, it is the same principle put forward commonly held belief that the earth was process of creation that finds its highest by Derrida, that ideas and general con- created by God a few thousand years ago. expression in the onward march of sci- cepts do not reflect objective reality, but But science has dispelled that belief en- ence, which the postmodernists wish to merely other ideas and concepts. tirely. Today, this idea only exists on the deny, but which is a self-evident fact. It Foucault then goes on to tell us that basis of faith. To reject objective truth in is a ceaseless march from ignorance to truth is not something we can attain by the end amounts to reducing all of human knowledge. What we do not know today, testing our ideas in the real world. In- knowledge to the level of faith and super- we are certain to know tomorrow. In this stead, truth is “produced” by ‘power’. And stition – that is to say, it brings us back to sense, human thought is not only capable “regimes of truth”11 are imposed on socie- the swamp of religion. of objectivity, it is also limitless and abso- ty by ‘power’. ‘Power’ tells us what is true As opposed to faith, all of science is lute. No knowledge is beyond its reach. and what is false. However, according to based on the proposition that a natural Marx explained in his Theses on Feuer- Foucault, in reality these categories of world exists independently of our ideas, bach that, “The question whether objective true and false do not exist. Consequently and that our ideas are capable of reflect- truth can be attributed to human thinking is not nothing is true and nothing is false. One ing natural phenomena. Truth therefore a question of theory but is a practical question. of the ways we can discover this, he in- exists objectively, that is independently Man must prove the truth — i.e. the reality and forms us, is by taking LSD: of the minds of individual human be- power, the this-sidedness of his thinking in prac- “We can easily see how LSD inverts the rela- ings. To deny this is the same as denying tice. The dispute over the reality or non-reality of tionships of ill humor, stupidity, and thought: science, which as we shall see, is precisely thinking that is isolated from practice is a purely it no sooner eliminates the supremacy of cat­ what the postmodernists do. scholastic question.”13 egories than it tears away the ground of its To raise the question of whether truth indifference and disintegrates­ the gloomy Subjective & objective knowledge can be objective or not, as the postmod- dumbshow of stupidity; and it presents this Postmodernism elevates subjectivity to ernists do, disconnected from real human univocal and acategorical mass not only as an absolute principle. From this it deduc- activity, amounts to empty speculation. variegated, mobile, asymmetrical,­ decen- es that thinking in general is limited and Thought is an expression of practice and tered, spiraloid, and reverberating but causes partial, therefore it cannot reach objective ultimately it is in practice that ideas are it to rise, at each instant, as a swarming of truth. For the narrow-minded academ- tested. The development of ideas serves phantasm-events.” 12 ic, the world stops at the tip of his or her to improve our practice. Likewise, in the If we can attempt a translation of this nose, or at least at the door of the seminar course of this activity, the objectively true gibberish, what Foucault is telling us here room. The university professor produces elements of all ideas are determined and is essentially that LSD-induced halluci- only words. These are the sum total of his separated from their untrue or exaggerat- nations reveal to us that reality is not the or her world, their natural environment – ed sides. way we think about it normally. One day the only environment they know. This is I might think elephants are wild animals what explains the obsession of the post- Relative and absolute truth living in zoos and tropical regions, and modernists with words and language. It But does the fact that ideas can be proven the next day they might be small pink also explains the extreme narrowness objectively true mean that human ideas creatures flying in circles around my of their outlook and the poverty of their exhaust truth from the moment they are head. Who is to say which one of these thinking. thought of, and forever thereafter? Of ideas is true and which one is false? But thinking goes beyond ‘the sub- course not. From a materialist point of We cannot talk about truth at all, nei- ject’. The great scientific and philosophi- view, it is pointless to speak about reach- ther my truth nor your truth. There is one cal theories of history are not merely the ing absolute truth in the sense of an ulti- exception of course, one kind of thing product of great individual minds; they mate knowledge of the totality of our uni- that is absolutely and eternally true, and are the highest expression of the devel- verse. Mankind is capable of discovering that is Monsieur Foucault’s blanket state- opment of human thought in their re- laws of nature at all levels. The constant ments, such as his rejection of the con- spective societies. When we speak about advances in modern science and technol- cept of truth. This is yet another exam- human thought we do not speak of the ogy are proof of this. But humanity will ple of postmodernist self-contradiction. meanderings of an individual mind, rath- never reach a point where it discovers all Foucault does not even realise that he is er we speak about human thought in gen- there is to discover. For every problem attempting to provide us with proof of the eral, collectively. that science solves and each level of na- ‘truthfulness’ of his concept. Wasn’t this It is true that each individual human ture that man masters, new avenues and precisely what was supposed to be impos- being by nature has a partial and limited new problems arise. sible? outlook. But taken as a whole, humanity The history of science shows us this Can we really claim, as Foucault es- can overcome the limitations of the in- process in a never-ending series of the- sentially does, that objective truth is a dividual by collectively testing the objec- ories, now rising and now declining in fiction? Let’s see. I can believe that I am tivity of each proposition from a myriad the face of more advanced ones. But here a bird and that I can fly, but if I jump out of angles and by applying it in real life. postmodernism, yet again, draws an ex- from the edge of a cliff, that idea will come The thoughts inside an individual’s head aggerated and one-sided conclusion from crashing down with me. I can imagine I do not belong to them alone – all of our a formally correct observation. It deduces am a multi-millionaire. But if I go into a theories and language are the products that since all theories are superseded at a

11 return to contents certain stage, no idea is true; all truth is relative and arbitrary. In his books Madness and Civilisation and “The particular truths discovered The History of Madness – which purport to by a given society are not obtained be historical treatments of psychiatry – Foucault presents us with a series of ideas arbitrarily. ... Ultimately, thought – and methods that were used in psychiatry in the past, but which have since proven to with scientific thought as its highest be false. In fact, they would be deemed as extremely reactionary if applied by psy- expression – reflects the level of chiatrists today. On this basis, he attempts development of the society of its time.” to undermine science’s claim to objective truth in general. This is a general trend in all of Fou- of capitalism and it played an important progress in turn presupposes it. To the obso- cault’s ‘histories’. It is as if he was expect- role in the development of science and lescence of the meta-narratives apparatus of ing science to be the holy grail of absolute society as a whole. But science did not ligitimation corresponds, most notably, the eternal truth from the outset and, disap- end there; after classical mechanics came crisis of metaphysical philosophy and of the pointed with what he found, concluded quantum mechanics. Quantum mechan- university function, which in part relied on that it was necessary to discard all science ics did not invalidate classical mechanics, it. The narrative function is losing its func- and the notion of truth altogether. He on the contrary, it presupposed it, just like tors, its great hero, its great voyages, its great sets up a strawman, and then effortlessly quantum mechanics will form the basis of goal.” 14 knocks him down. But science has never even-greater advances for science in the Here, we have an absolutely priceless ex- been about possessing the absolute truth. future, and will prepare the ground for ample of the unintelligible jargon of post- It sets itself a far-more-modest aim: to going beyond quantum mechanics itself. modernism. Please bear in mind that, for discover the truth step by step, by the Quantum mechanics would remain valid our benefit, Lyotard is “simplifying to the patient application of the real scientific for a certain level, but beyond that more extreme”. That is just as well, because oth- method: observation and experiment. advanced theories would emerge. erwise we would be running a serious risk Postmodernists look at the science of As opposed to what the postmodernists of actually understanding what he’s try- previous periods with scorn. Of course, imagine, the history of scientific thought ing to say, which is that postmodernism it is easy to criticise a less-advanced pe- is not an unfortunate chase for some elu- rejects all schools of thought that attempt riod from the standpoint of your own. It sive ultimate truth, jumping from one to develop a single, coherent worldview. reveals an ignorant and cowardly atti- accidental theory to another. It is a never The rejection of a coherent worldview tude, like an adult ridiculing a child for ending process of deeper and deeper un- follows logically from the rejection of the not speaking in the same refined and derstanding of nature and the laws that existence of a mind-independent objec- confident manner as themselves. But the govern it. Through countless trials and tive reality. If you deny that an objective ideas of different historical stages are not errors, each theory is ultimately tested, reality, and hence an objective truth, ex- accidental. They reflect the capabilities of its accidental, subjective and untrue el- ists independently of our minds, then human society at each stage, and as such, ements sifted off, its limits defined and there can never be any theories that apply they are absolute for that period. That is its true kernel heaped onto the stockpile universally. Every individual will develop to say, they are the highest truths that so- of human knowledge, preparing the way their own theories applicable to their par- ciety could attain at that particular time. for new, more advanced ideas to take its ticular reality. In such a case, ‘meta-nar- The particular truths discovered by a place. ratives’ would indeed amount to the for- given society are not obtained arbitrar- Each theory is not isolated from and di- malism and schematism of imposing the ily. It is not possible that Newton would ametrically opposed to the others. Rather, laws of my world onto yours or vice versa. have developed quantum mechanics. they all form different stages of the dia- But the worst offenders of this particular Newtonian mechanics formed a neces- lectical development of human knowl- crime would be the postmodernists them- sary link that later led to the discover- edge as a whole – an infinite progression, selves. ies of quantum mechanics. Ultimately, from lower to higher forms of truth. The rejection of meta-narratives is it- thought – with scientific thought as its self the crudest and most sweeping me- highest expression – reflects the level of “Meta-narratives” ta-narrative possible. And it is presented development of the society of its time. Since the postmodernists reject the no- to us without a single proof or real ar- But in turn it also develops society as a tion of truth, they identify the number gument! What is essentially demanded whole, so that at a certain point in time, one enemy as those who accept truth. Let from us, is to accept the postmodernist this development itself leads to the rise of us return for a moment to The Postmodern meta-narratives on blind faith. Postmod- new, more-complex and more-advanced Condition, where Jean-Francois Lyotard ernism is the only true meta-narrative. forms of thought. This is the never end- attempts to define the meaning of “post- All others are wrong, because postmod- ing process from ignorance to knowledge; modern”: ernism says so. This is precisely the kind from lower to higher forms of truth. “I will use the term modern to designate any of intellectual bullying and “oppression” This does not mean that the old ideas science that legitimates itself with reference against which the postmodernists protest are discarded as pure nonsense. On the to a metadiscourse of this kind making ex- so vehemently. And it is the basis for their contrary, their rational kernel becomes plicit appeal to some grand narrative, such hysterical attacks on anyone raising a se- a necessary element for the further ad- as the dialectics of Spirit, the hermeneutics of rious objection to what they say. This is no vance of science. For every level of nature meaning, the emancipation of the rational or different than any other religious dogma. that humans learn to master, the path working subject, or the creation of wealth. Marxists are criticised by postmodern- opens to a deeper level. The develop- “Simplifying to the extreme, I define post- ists for being dogmatic and opposed to in- ment of Newtonian mechanics was a big modern as incredulity toward the meta-nar- corporating other ideas into Marxist the- conquest for humanity. It was one of the ratives. This incredulity is undoubtedly a ory. To some people, this might seem like first great advances ushered in by the rise product of progress in the sciences; but that a good idea. Why stick to one philosophy

12 return to contents when you can pick and choose from the the coercion of a theoretical, unitary, characteristic and therefore Einstein’s best ideas around, irrespective of which formal and scientific discourse”.16 In fact, “fixation” with speed in his equation is philosopher or school of thought devel- Foucault defines his main method, ‘gene- “sexist”. Precisely why males should be oped them? But that is the whole point. alogy’, to be nothing more nor less than more obsessed with speed and females The postmodernists do not say we should “anti-science”: not is a mystery that only Irigaray can ex- choose the best ideas. There are no good “What [genealogy] really does is to entertain plain. As far as we are aware, a man would or bad, true or false ideas, remember? It the claims to attention of local, discontin- find it equally difficult to attain the speed is not a question of having ideas that are uous, disqualified, illegitimate knowledges of light as a woman. correct, but a question of insisting that against the claims of a unitary body of the- Here the irrational anti-scientific na- our ideas must be incoherent. For the ory which would filter, hierarchise and order ture of post-modernism stands exposed first time in the history of philosophy, the them in the name of some true knowledge in all its naked glory. The theory of rela- “paupers’ broth of eclecticism” as Engels and some arbitrary idea of what constitutes tivity, which is one of the most basic cor- called it, is raised to the guiding principle a science and its objects. Genealogies are nerstones of modern science, is pilloried of a school of thought. therefore not positivistic returns to a more as “sexist”, because its author, Albert Ein- Postmodernists blame Marxists for careful or exact form of science. They are stein, was a man. not being “open minded” towards other precisely anti-sciences.”17 Behind the seemingly innocent re- schools of thought. But in reality, the ex- What is this if not a declaration of war jection of mere “meta-narratives” and act opposite is the case! These ladies and against science and rational thought, “globalising discourses” and wrapped in gentlemen are obsessed with being new and a defence of obscurantism? What is radical sounding rhetoric, postmodern- and original (although that is far from the worse, these reactionary ideas are ped- ism has set up a true global anti-scientific case). They act as if history starts and ends dled off as the most radical form of think- and anti-cultural inquisition. Here “local, with themselves. Marxism, on the oth- ing. Luce Irigaray for instance, is notable discontinuous, disqualified, illegitimate er hand, makes no claim to stand out as for her rejection of Einstein’s theory of knowledges” – meaning discredited mys- something completely unrelated to previ- relativity, on the ground that it is “sexist”, tical ideas which lay about in the waste ous philosophies. We do not claim that the presumably because Albert Einstein had material of the history of philosophy – ideas of scientific socialism sprang into the misfortune to be a man. Her 1987 es- are promoted, whereas the greatest theo- being purely from the particular creative say is titled Le Sujet de la Science Est-il Sexué? ries and minds humanity has ever known genius of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (Is the Subject of Science Sexed?). Pondering are condemned without blinking. If these Marxism is a synthesis of the rational this question, she writes the following: ideas were ever to be implemented in real kernel of all previous philosophies, each “Perhaps it is. Let us make the hypothesis life, it would mean the complete reversal building on the advances of previous ep- that it is insofar as it privileges the speed of of all civilisation. ochs. It forms a unified and harmonious light over other speeds that are vitally neces- whole. It contains within itself all the sary to us. What seems to me to indicate the Anti-Marxist most valuable and enduring elements possible sexed nature of the equation is not While postmodernism stands as the of earlier schools of thought – Ancient directly its use by nuclear weapons, rather it highest development of irrationality, Greek philosophy, German classical phi- is having privileged what goes the fastest...” 18 Marxism is the highest form of scientif- losophy, the French materialists of the Elsewhere Irigaray continues her diatribe ic thought. And it is precisely because it Enlightenment, English political econo- against the unfortunate Einstein: is the most consistent and scientific phi- my and the brilliant anticipations of the “But what does the mighty theory of relativ- losophy that it draws the particular ire earlier utopian socialists. All of these, one ity do for us except establish nuclear power of the postmodernists. It is interesting to way or another, contained valuable truths plants and question our bodily inertia, that note that Foucault’s principal objection and insights, reflecting different sides and necessary condition of life?” 19 to Marxism is that it is scientific. Here aspects of the same single objective reality. According to the convoluted reasoning of is what he writes: “If we have any objection Throughout the history of the devel- Irigaray, speed is a predominantly male opment of science and thought over the course of thousands of years, the picture that has emerged, and which becomes clearer every day, is that of one, single, in- “In opposing meta-narratives, it is terconnected material world, which oper- precisely this systematic investigation ates according to its own inherent laws of motion and development. This is the basis and science in general that the for the unified worldview of Marxism and of any real scientific theory. The system- postmodernists oppose.” atic investigation of these laws at different levels of nature is the primary purpose of any science. All of this is anathema to the postmodernists who oppose any and all forms of systematic thinking. “Anti-science” In opposing meta-narratives, it is precise- ly this systematic investigation and sci- ence in general that the postmodernists oppose. Listen to how Foucault sneering- ly decries “the tyranny of globalising dis- courses with their hierarchy and all their privileges of a theoretical avant-garde’’,15 and how he calls for a “...struggle against

13 return to contents against Marxism, it lies in the fact that it could effectively be a science.” 20 Elsewhere in the same text he states: “While postmodernism stands as the “Nor does it basically matter all that much highest development of irrationality, that this institutionalisation of scientific dis- course is embodied in a university, or, more Marxism is the highest form of generally, in an educational apparatus, in a theoretical-commercial institution such as scientific thought. And it is precisely psycho-analysis or within the framework because it is the most consistent and of reference that is provided by a political system such as Marxism; for it is really scientific philosophy that it draws the against the effects of the power of a discourse that is considered to be particular ire of the postmodernists.” scientific that the genealogy must wage its struggle.”21 Here, we see the true colors of postmod- modes of thinking. It is not in “the text” or 1 Jean-François Lyotard, “Notes on the Return ernism – an anti-scientific and coun- in the “discourse”, but in the real, material and Kapital,” Semiotext(e), Vol 3, No. 1, (1978), pg 53. ter-revolutionary ideology, which is world that the truth is to be found. We can 2 Jean Baudrillard, Cool Memories 1980-1985, (Lon- don: Verso, 1990), pg 67. opposed to Marxism at the most funda- change the world in certain ways, and our 3 Gilles Deleuze, & Félix Guattari, Anti-Odeipus: mental level. We sometimes hear that we senses tell us if we have been successful. Capitalism and Schizophrenia, (Minneapolis: Univer- should combine postmodern and Marx- It is by interacting with the world that we sity of Minnesota Press, 1983), pg 4 ist ideas. But these are radically incom- discover, test and perfect our ideas and ul- 4 Michel Foucault, “Theatrum Philosophicum,” in patible. Foucault acknowledges as much timately assign to them objective validity. Aesthetics, Method and Epistemology, (New York: The when he writes that, “It is not that these These are the basic principles of sci- New Press, 1998), pg 367. 5 Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: global theories have not provided nor continue ence. To part ways with them amounts A Report on Knowledge, (Manchester: Manchester to provide in a fairly consistent fashion useful to steering a course towards religion and University Press, 1991), pg xxiv. tools for local research: Marxism and psycho- mysticism. The postmodernists have not 6 Michel Foucault, “Prison Talk: an interview,” analysis are proofs of this. But I believe these only diverged from science, they have Radical Philosophy, Vol 16, (1977), pg 14. tools have only been provided on the launched a struggle against the essence 7 Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, (New York & London: Rout- condition that the theoretical unity of science itself. The fact that these reac- ledge, 1999), pg xviii. of these discourses was in some sense tionary ideas are being disseminated like 8 Jacques Derrida, Limited Inc, (Evanston, IL: put in abeyance, or at least curtailed, gospel in universities, schools and via the Northwestern University Press, 1988), pg 136. divided, overthrown, caricatured, media all over the world, reveals the rot- 9 Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discur- theatricalised, or what you will. In each case, the ten state of capitalism today. It is a system sive Limits of Sex, (New York & London: Routledge, 1993), pg 10-11. attempt to think in terms of a totality has in fact whose existence is no longer compatible 10 George Berkeley, A Treatise Concerning the Princi- 22 proved a hindrance to research.” with the interests of the vast majority of ples of Human Knowledge, (2002), pg 13. Marxism and postmodernism are only the human race. 11 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge, pg 131. compatible insofar as the “theoretical To reject the notion of objective reali- 12 Foucault, “Theatrum Philosophicum,” pg 363. unity” of Marxism is destroyed; as soon ty and objective truth ultimately leads to 13 Karl Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach,” in The Rev- as Marxism ceases to be a science, as soon nothing but a whitewashing and a defence olutionary Philosophy of Marxism, (New York & Lon- don: Wellred Books, 2018), pg 51. as Marxism ceases to be true, and as soon of the status quo. Because if progress is 14 Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Condi- as it ceases to be materialist… in other impossible, it is futile to strive for a better tion, pg xxiv. words, as soon as Marxism ceases to be society. And if there is no objective truth, 15 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Inter- Marxism. we cannot say that exploitation, poverty, views & Other Writings 1972-1977, (New York: Pan- Marxism stands in irreconcilable op- oppression and war are ‘bad’ – it is all just theon Books, 1980), pg 83. 16 Ibid., pg 85. position to postmodernism. We are ma- a matter of perspective. The advocates of 17 Ibid., 83. terialists and we stand firmly on the ba- postmodernism end up as apologists for 18 Luce Irigaray & Carol Mastrangelo Bové, “Le sis of truth and science. We believe that capitalism. A truly revolutionary philos- Sujet de la Science Est-ll Sexué?/Is the Subject of there is only one single interconnected ophy can only be a thoroughly scientific Science Sexed?,” Hypatia, Vol. 2, No. 3, Feminism material world, which has always existed and materialist philosophy, which looks & Science 1, (1987). 19 Ibid and which is neither the creation of a god reality straight in the face. Only the clear- 20 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge, pg 84. nor of Monsieur Foucault’s ‘power’. Life est and most precise understanding of 21 Ibid. is a product of this material world and the laws of nature and society can show a 22 Ibid., pg 81. humans are the most-advanced form of way out of the dead end of capitalism and life. Through our activity, we are able to class society. In the words of Karl Marx discover the laws of nature and to manip- who delivered the final crushing verdict ulate them to our benefit, but we are also on all bourgeois philosophy: ourselves subject to these laws and thus Philosophers have only interpreted the world by changing our world we also change in different ways. The point, however, is to ourselves. change it. The consistent materialist theory of knowledge maintains that knowledge is ultimately derived from sense experi- ence. Our senses are bridges to this exter- nal world, not barriers. Otherwise, what makes our senses feed our minds this in- formation, and not that? We do not change the world by changing language or our

14 return to contents A LOT OF TALK ABOUT NOTHING “LEFT NARRATIVES” OR CLASS STRUGGLE? “The left needs a new narrative.” Such is the idea that has gripped the minds of many on the left around the world today, as attempts are made to build alternatives to the dominant, bourgeois parties. What is the substance behind this idea of a “new narrative”? And can it help take the working class and youth forward in any way? Yola Kipcak, a member of the International Marxist Tendency in Austria, explains that playing around with words is no substitute for class struggle.

he idea that the left needs an were present, the term ‘left narrative’ was Insoumise) for their contributions, and improved “narrative” – and the used liberally throughout the two-hour personal conversations. connected notion that we require discussion. These are just small examples some sort of “left populism” – has that bear witness to the extent to which What lies behind the “narrative”? Toccupied the attention of left-wing par- these ideas have sunk roots in the left in a Fundamental to Mouffe’s theory that we ties and organisations throughout Europe variety of countries. need to build a “left populism” based on a and beyond. To cite one example, Jörg The idea of a “left narrative” has been “new left narrative”, is the idea that reality Schindler, the general secretary of the floating around university circles for a is made up of narratives – that is to say, of Left Party in Germany, has written, “In long time now. However, it only really be- stories. According to this notion, if poli- order for us to be at the forefront of the gan taking off in popularity with the sud- ticians manage to cast the experiences of climate movement – which is where we den surge in support for new left parties the people in gripping terms – effectively belong – we need a convincing LEFT nar- such as SYRIZA in Greece and Podemos “framing narratives” – this will in turn in- rative.”1 in Spain, which became points of refer- fluence the people’s actions, thus produc- Katja Kipping, chairwoman of the ence for much of the left internationally. ing reality itself. same party, explained, “I believe we need a Prominent figures in both parties would Reality then is not made up of an ob- left populism in order to make clear that there litter their speeches with references to jective, material existence that forms the are alternatives. And we must strengthen alter- this concept some years ago. And indeed, basis of our ideas. On the contrary, it is native explanation patterns and counter [Ger- the idea has its “theoreticians”, one of the our ideas that mould the world. Thus, man chancellor Angela Merkel’s] narrative… most prominent of which is the Belgian capitalism is not an economic system with a different narrative.”2 academic, Chantal Mouffe. out of which arose a working class and a Finally, at an event in 2019 in Vien- Along with her late partner, Ernest La- capitalist class, but rather a narrative, a na, organised by “Transform Europe” – a clau, Mouffe attempted to develop a the- construction. Mouffe calls her theoretical project of the European Left Party com- ory of a narrative-based “left populism”. approach “anti-essentialist”. This means prising the likes of SYRIZA, Die LINKE, In the list of acknowledgements to her that, according to her, there is no objec- Rifondazione Comunista and Bloco de latest book, For a Left Populism, Mouffe is tive, real world (what she terms “essence”) Esquerda – at which the Young Lefts, the keen to credit both Íñigo Errejón (Pode- corresponding to our concepts. She be- Communist Party of Austria, and others mos) and Jean-Luc Mélenchon (La France lieves that “society is always divided and

15 return to contents discursively constructed through hegem- From a Marxist point of view, a Czech removing it remains the furthest thing onic practices”, and that it is “never the and a Styrian worker actually have a lot in from their minds. “Intelligent criticism manifestation of a deeper objectivity”.3 common – both carry out wage labour, are of capitalism is appropriate, we have to From this, it flows that there are no exploited by a capitalist, and are thus ob- take up this issue”, says Lercher, and in real classes in society. The working class jectively part of the working class. How- the same interview states his views more is just one of many identities created by ever, if you assume that our identities precisely: “What we need is a partly state- narratives, discourses and language: “It are constructed by gripping, emotional owned job market which conforms to the is through representation that collective stories, the logical conclusion is that cap- market and is non-profitable.”11 political subjects are created; they do not italism cannot be overthrown by class This confused mixture of capitalism exist beforehand.”4 struggle against the capitalists, but only with half-hearted control measures is like The goal of a left narrative – of a left by writing new stories. trying to turn a tiger into a vegetarian. It populism – is therefore to construe a col- This story then becomes powerful (‘he- is more utopian than any socialist idea of lective identity by telling people that they gemonic’) in the minds of the people. As a nationalised, planned economy, con- have shared interests and that the “elites” Mouffe writes: trolled by the working class. are their enemy. It is a “discursive strategy of “[Every] existing order is therefore suscepti- We can see quite clearly here how the constructing a political frontier dividing society ble to being challenged by counter-hegemonic philosophical basis of these ideas leads into two camps and calling for the mobilization practices, practices which attempt to disar- to the justification that capitalism itself of the ‘underdog’ against ‘those in power’.”5 ticulate it in order to install another form is untouchable. This is why it is so im- In a recently published book, Deeply Red of hegemony.”7 (Our emphasis) portant for Marxists to stand on a firm and Radically Colourful – For a New Left Nar- And Fritzsche concurs: philosophical basis, uncovering reformist rative by Julia Fritzsche, we are told that “Narratives will not be the quickest way half-heartedness, and counterposing a such a narrative, “must first of all connect to out of the hassling present day conditions… revolutionary answer. the daily experiences of people, ‘pick them up’. A new left narrative will have fissures and It must give the impression that the narrative holes, but in the long run, it is the only way “To become the state” corresponds to shared experiences. It doesn’t out of the oppressive present.”8 The main orientation of the proponents matter if they actually had these ex- In truth, this means a rejection of revolu- of the so-called “left narrative” is not periences.”6 (Our emphasis) tion, a rejection of a break with the ruling towards class struggle against capital- It is no wonder then, that whenever de- system. Proponents of the left narrative, ism, but towards democratic demands. fenders of left narratives talk about soci- Lercher, Herr & co., consciously or other- “We have to dare for more democracy,” writes etal changes, of practical action, that class wise, take a decidedly un-Marxist stance. Lercher in his article, For what do we need struggles or class action are conspicuous- Mouffe is a conscious anti-Marxist. She Social Democracy today? Then-Austrian ly absent. If they do talk about them, it is writes that “the myth of communism… has Young Socialists chair, Julia Herr, said: only as an after-thought, as a more-or- to be abandoned”, claiming it had already “Social Democracy in the 1970s fought to less agreeable additional extra. Instead, failed in practice because of its supposed democratise the economic system and to dis- they call on us to “articulate”, “talk about”, class reductionism, i.e. that it reduces tribute the wealth earned in a fair way. Then we “depict”, “show”, etc. all struggles to class struggles, whereas somehow, at some point, just lost confidence.”12 It is in this context that we should con- Mouffe and her companions regard the The think tank Institut Solidarische sider the comments of an exponent of working class as merely one among other Moderne (ISM), closely associated with these ideas from the Austrian Social De- movements such as feminism, environ- the German Left Party, explains that so- mocracy, Max Lercher. Lercher argued mentalism, LGBT activism etc. cial questions “must be posed radically, in a that the Social Democracy needs a new She further states: “there will always be yet-to-be-defined sense, as questions of democ- founding congress as a fresh start for the antagonisms, struggles and partial opaqueness racy.” According to ISM ideologist and party, and wrote: of the social”. By this, she simply means that board member of the Left Party’s Rosa “What do a Czech industrial worker and a inequality, oppression and so on are inev- Luxemburg Foundation, Thomas Seibert, Styrian mine worker have in common? Or itable, and can never be fully overcome. It the real struggle is for “true” democracy. a Viennese social reformer and a Hungarian is on this pessimistic basis that she pro- And Mouffe writes: “The problem with radical socialist?… After all, we are all dif- poses her “anti-hegemonic practice”. It is modern democratic societies, in our view, was ferent people and have different viewpoints. an alternative to communism; although that their constitutive principles of ‘liberty and And this is a good thing. But in Hainfeld, [the she admits it “would never achieve a ful- equality for all’ were not put into practice…The location of the founding of the Austrian So- ly liberated society and the emancipa- ‘radical and plural democracy’ that we advocat- cialist Democratic Workers’ Party in 1888] tory project could not be conceived any ed can therefore be conceived as a radicalisation we managed to agree on some central, com- longer as the elimination of the state.”9 of the existing democratic institutions…”13 mon ideas. And a party to assert these ideas In her theoretical appendix, she roundly The perspective presented here is one was founded. states that her approach “forecloses the of… the status quo! The existing super- “The new working class are all those who possibility of a society beyond division structure of “democratic” institutions, don’t have fair access to prosperity. This also and power.”10 In short, behind her com- which have been shown time and again includes small and medium-sized companies. plex and radical-sounding language, she to be rigged in favour of the ruling class, Here, we can define a new line of con- rejects revolution, and embraces reform- should not be abolished, we are told, but flict.” (Our emphasis). ism. The idea of opposing such struggles only ‘improved’. Meanwhile, the real Let us note here that, firstly, for Lercher, as those of women and LGBT people to cause of such inequality and exploitation the basis for unity is not shared class in- the class struggle is precisely an attempt – capitalism – isn’t even acknowledged as terests, but ideas. And secondly, that for at a class collaborationist approach. That such. him the lines of conflict in society are not is, to unite with sections of the capitalist A crucial dividing line here is our con- objectively given, but can be “defined”, so and middle class, to fight for a “fairer” ception of the state and its so-called dem- that suddenly “small and medium-sized” form of capitalism. ocratic institutions. For revolutionaries, capitalists are also part of the working Some among the more daring pro- clarity concerning the nature of the state class! ponents of the idea of a “left narrative” is vital. It is a life-and-death question may address capitalism, but the idea of for a revolutionary movement. There is

16 return to contents a decisive difference between wanting to abolish the state through revolution, and believing the state can be transformed “The goal of a left narrative – of and modelled in the interests of the op- a left populism – is therefore to pressed. The latter view invariably trans- lates into collaboration with the existing construe a collective identity by state, and thus with the class interests that it serves. telling people that they have Let us then compare a Marxist under- standing of the state with that of the ad- shared interests and that the “elites” vocates of “left narratives”. Mouffe and are their enemy.” the other “left narrators” understand the state in the following terms: “[...] a crystallization of the relations of forc- es and as a terrain of struggle. […] Envisaged as a surface for agonistic interventions, these public spaces can provide the terrain for im- portant democratic advances. This is why a hegemonic strategy should engage with the diverse state apparatuses in order to trans- form them, so as to make the state a vehicle for the expression of the manifold democratic demands. […] In a certain sense, both the rev- olutionary type of politics and the hegemon- ic one can be called ‘radical’ as they imply a form of rupture with the existing hegemon- ic order. However, this rupture is not of the same nature and it is inappropriate to put manner as before. But production was were carried out in the interest of the them in the same category, labelled ‘extreme not advanced enough for all of society to bourgeoisie itself. To believe, as she and left’, as is often the case. Contrary to what is enjoy this privilege. This created the con- the other “left narrators” do, that this often claimed, the left populist strategy is not ditions for social classes. There emerged form of state is the ultimate, best and last an avatar of the ‘extreme left’ but a different ruling classes that own the means of pro- institution there will ever be, and that it way of envisaging the rupture with neoliber- duction, and oppressed classes that are therefore must not be touched, is to adopt alism through the recovery and radicaliza- exploited and produce the wealth the rul- a completely ahistorical view. It also tion of democracy.”14 ing class appropriates. means defending the instrument of the As we can see, Mouffe is very clear in dif- These antagonistic class interests, current ruling class: the capitalists. ferentiating between a “revolutionary” however, need to be managed. The op- Of course, the fact that the state is approach and her own approach, which pressed must be made to believe that the an oppressive instrument of the ruling she calls “hegemonic”. For her, the state current order of things is untouchable class is not always clearly visible. Its true is a network of institutions and “func- and any who dare to question it must be character is consciously shrouded by the tions” that do not correspond to a com- punished. At the same time, the oppres- capitalists. It would be impossible, not to mon interest. There is room therefore for sors themselves must be prevented from mention inefficient, for the capitalists to left populism to influence, transform and consuming themselves through perpet- rule by force and repression alone. The shift them around. ual war with one another. The state was oppressed are the majority in society. For Marxists, on the contrary, the state born precisely for that purpose. Engels Were the majority of the oppressed to un- is not a neutral terrain of struggle but an explained: derstand this fact, capitalist society would instrument of the ruling class that needs “But in order that these antagonisms, classes be staring its overthrow in the face. to be smashed and substituted by a work- with conflicting economic interests, shall not In normal times, to the extent they ers’ state. Having suppressed the old, cap- consume themselves and society in fruitless can afford to do so, the ruling class tries italist order and cleared the ground for a struggle, a power, apparently standing above to keep up a show of fairness, of “equality classless, communist society, this workers’ society, has become necessary to moderate of opportunity”, etc. The capitalists there- state will wither away as the classes in society the conflict and keep it within the bounds of fore generally prefer states that have free also disappear. This viewpoint is ridiculed ‘order’; and this power, arisen out of society, elections, that guarantee some freedom of as being “too simplistic” by postmod- but placing itself above it and increasingly al- the press, several political parties and so ern theoreticians such as Mouffe. But by ienating itself from it, is the state.”15 on. Such states also allow certain room for analysing the historical emergence of the In the last instance, the state is therefore manoeuvre. But under no circumstances state, and the purpose that states devel- an oppressive organ consisting of special will the ruling class allow their funda- oped to serve, we can say with absolute bodies of armed men (the military and mental role as the owners of the means of confidence that this definition grasps the police), prisons, courts and so on, that production to be challenged. The state is essence of what the state is. appears to stand above society but which there precisely to uphold this role. Marx and Engels explained how the fundamentally defends the economic It is no wonder that literally the only state appeared historically with the rise system that gave birth to it. With the rise right enshrined in the UN’s Universal of class society. Class society arose as of the bourgeoisie as the dominant class, Declaration of Human Rights that is not humanity developed the productive forc- and capitalism as the dominant mode of constantly disregarded and broken, but es necessary to produce more than they production on a world scale, the bour- rather carefully protected with the full needed for immediate survival. For the geoisie also created its own state. force of the law, is Article 17: “everyone first time in history a small layer ofso- The “liberal democracy” Mouffe de- has the right to own property” and “no ciety did not have to labour in the same fends is the product of revolutions that one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his

17 return to contents property.” In the last instance, this is pre- up and saying, “oh well, there is nothing the reformists. In the “terrain of struggle” cisely the purpose of the state, its laws and we can do about it, we just haven’t won represented by the state apparatus, the the whole justice system. This is also why the hegemonic battle within the state goal becomes one of forming a partner- Marxists explain that the bourgeois state yet,” they wouldn’t be revolutionaries at ship on equal terms with the capitalists in must be smashed through revolution. It is all. They would be reformists. But this is order to come to an agreement concern- fundamentally linked to the bourgeoisie exactly what the “left narrators” suggest. ing improvements for the voters. and its rule as a class. By accepting the limit of the economic Max Lercher describes this in the fol- From a Marxist point of view, we rec- system (capitalism) and its political su- lowing way: “The Social Democracy must ognise democracy as a political regime perstructure (bourgeois democracy), they show capital its place and tame the markets. […] – a political superstructure, that raises cannot go further than this. I have a social welfare state in mind which dis- itself upon the capitalist system. Capital- Revolutionaries, on the other hand, tributes prosperity in a fair way and leaves some ism produces different kinds of regimes: see the activity of the masses as the room for manoeuvre.” bourgeois-democratic ones as well as dic- key element in surpassing these limits But beware! In confrontation with the tatorships. However, they are all varieties and changing society. Parliaments and class enemy (a term they wouldn’t use) it of capitalist states, connected through a elections are but one useful element in is important “that conflict when it arises does thousand threads to the bourgeoisie. It strengthening and fostering their activi- not take the form of an ‘antagonism’ (struggle was for good reason that Marx and Engels ty. Lenin pointed out that “many, if not all, between enemies),” instead, “the opponent is wrote in the Communist Manifesto: “The ex- revolutions,” show the great utility of, “a not considered an enemy to be destroyed but an ecutive of the modern state is but a committee combination of mass action outside a reaction- adversary whose existence is perceived as legiti- for managing the common affairs of the whole ary parliament with an opposition sympathetic mate.”20 bourgeoisie.”16 to (or, better still, directly supporting) the rev- This is just “social partnership”, and Of course, the form of a regime – how olution within it.” At the same time, he ex- balancing between class interests, trans- the state apparatus concretely manifests plains: “[Action] by the masses, a big strike, for lated into academic language. If it were itself – certainly shapes the extent of our instance, is more important than parliamentary possible to gain constant reforms and im- freedoms and the rights that people have. activity at all times, and not only during a revo- provements by way of “patient, peaceful This is why the struggle for democrat- lution or in a revolutionary situation.”17 work on a new paradigm” (c.f. Fritzsche), ic demands such as ‘one head, one vote’ The approach of Marxists to the state the majority of the working class certain- have played such an important role in the can thus be summed up in the following ly wouldn’t have anything against it. history of the revolutionary movement. way: it is an oppressive instrument of However, the problem is that capital- Marxists consistently advance and sup- the ruling class. It must be abolished and ism – because of its own contradictions port democratic demands, which can mo- replaced by a workers’ state. After a suc- – is repeatedly thrown into crises. Brutal bilise the vast majority of society against cessful socialist revolution, eventually austerity by the “evil” neoliberals doesn’t the ruling class and forge the unity of the all forms of state will disappear, together spring from a sudden urge on their part to oppressed and the exploited, thus facili- with classes. But this doesn’t mean that inflict human suffering. It is the result of tating the best conditions for the develop- we deem democratic rights and freedoms the pressures of the capitalist system, in ment of the class struggle. here and now to be unnecessary. On the which an increase of profits (and this is, And Marxists do not disregard or ig- contrary, we fight for these freedoms and after all, the sole purpose of capitalists) is nore democratic elections. They can serve utilise them. But at the same time, we do only made possible by harsher and more as an important indicator of the mood not sow any illusions that democracy can intensified attacks on the working class. in society, and participation in them can solve the fundamental cause of oppres- It is not, as Herr puts it, that Social De- be used as a means in the class struggle. sion, poverty and inequality. This can mocracy has suddenly “lost confidence” But the core contradictions of capitalism only be done by abolishing capitalism. since the 1970s. Reformism has run into – the exploitation of the working class The theoreticians of the “left narrative” the objective limits of capitalism. Today, by the capitalists; the constant crises decidedly reject the Marxist theory of the there simply is no more room for lasting, and wars – continue to exist under every state and focus their main arguments in- meaningful reforms within capitalism. kind of bourgeois regime, however dem- stead on the question of democracy. Ac- ocratic. This is precisely why “liberty and cording to them: “it is clear that there is no The responsibility of the leadership equality for all” cannot be implemented necessary relationship between capitalism and The Greek masses have already lived to within capitalism. liberal democracy. It is unfortunate that Marx- see the painful reality of the limits of re- For revolutionaries, elections and par- ism has contributed to this confusion by pre- formism. In response to the crisis that hit liamentary representation can be used to senting liberal democracy as the superstructure the country particularly hard after 2012, present revolutionary political ideas to of capitalism.”18 the masses engaged in fierce struggles a mass audience. They can also be used The “unfortunate confusion” lies, in over many years. First, there were mas- to expose the hypocrisy of the capitalist fact, entirely with these philosophers of sive sit-ins in public squares. Then the class and its institutions. For example, language. To them, states are only “dis- working class threw itself into the strug- should revolutionaries in parliament de- cursive” constructs – institutions that can gle and led numerous strikes and gener- mand that true equality and social justice be changed by “new narratives”. The state, al strikes. When all of this failed to yield be established by expropriating big in- they say, is a “terrain of struggle”. And in results (not least because of the obstruc- dustry and banks – that is, by challenging order to ‘re-articulate’ this presumably tive role of the trade union leadership), the capitalists’ ownership over the means neutral, class-independent ‘terrain’, one the Greek masses expressed their anger of production – the whole establishment has to become a part of it. “The objective through the polls by voting for the left would be used to counter this demand. is not the seizure of state power,” they tell party, SYRIZA, standing on an anti-aus- If necessary – as we will show below us, “but one of ‘becoming’ [the] state.”19 terity programme. – they will disregard “democracy” and It is once more apparent why this the- Within a short period of time, howev- majorities in parliament, and forget all ory is so popular with reformists. Becom- er, SYRIZA’s leader, Alexis Tsipras, sub- their past talk about ‘freedom’, in order to ing part of the state apparatus – prefer- ordinated the country to the dictatorship save capitalism. Should revolutionaries ably with as little interference from the of EU and IMF-imposed austerity. This simply stop there, throwing their hands masses as possible – is the raison d’être of was an open betrayal of the July 2015

18 return to contents referendum vote that overwhelmingly re- If we ignore these questions, we serve to with SYRIZA – the responsibility is load- jected the terms imposed by the Troika for cover up for bad leaders and disguise the ed onto the shoulders of the masses; or a bailout, with 61 percent voting ‘No’. This role they played in the defeat. The result else, the ‘hegemony of neoliberalism’ is meant the destruction of living standards is to throw blame on the fighting masses blamed for the result. for the masses. Against the will of the themselves for the defeats. Whether the defenders of the “left Greek people, capitalism and its faithful Fritzsche, for example, has the follow- narrative” consciously promote the phil- representatives in the EU pushed their ing to say about the failures not only of osophical premises of their theory (as agenda through. the yellow vests movement in France, and Mouffe does), or whether they uncon- What do the “left populists” have to say the ‘Occupy’ movement, but even of the sciously pick up this concept as useful to about this defeat? Arab Spring: justify their own (in)actions, is irrelevant. “The struggle of SYRIZA was lost because “[They failed] because potentially interested The task of revolutionaries is to uncov- only a resistance of significant proportions people thought them too academic, or be- er such ideas and the practice that flows in the core countries of the Eurozone could cause they thought [their] tents were nice and from them, and counterpose real solu- have leveraged the ideas of SYRIZA. Only in cute, but that capitalism was somehow bet- tions to the misery of capitalism. This is this way, could they have achieved a break- ter. Because the occupants of the squares gave the reason why Marxists place so much through and transformed the economic and up in order to get back to their jobs, or because importance on philosophical questions. political crisis of Greece into a crisis of the they occupied places where they disturbed no- In the last instance, ideas are an ex- whole EU.”21 one. And in the end also, because if they were pression of the class interests in society And: “Unfortunately, SYRIZA has not been disruptive, the police and the military nudged and a guide to action. We must ask: do able to implement its anti-austerity pro- them from the squares, beat them and im- certain ideas help the ruling class, do they gramme because of the brutal response of the prisoned them.”24 throw dust into the eyes of workers and European Union that reacted with a ‘finan- This is pure cynicism. The masses in left activists? Or do they help us to change cial coup’ and forced the party to accept the countries such as Egypt or Tunisia liter- society? diktats of the Troika.”22 ally risked their lives, overcame sectarian Let us confront reality with our eyes The “brutal response” of the EU was divisions and were willing to give it all to open. Let us fight for a world without ex- not a surprise at all. Yet Tsipras still spent achieve freedom. Let us also note that the ploitation and oppression – for a revolu- months meeting the pope and impor- yellow vest movement not only achieved tionary overthrow of capitalism. tant heads of European governments to its initial goal of defeating Macron’s re- ‘discursively’ win them to his side. When gressive fuel tax hike, but the workers 1 Jörg Schindler, “Warum der Klimawandel ein he failed to ‘convince’ them, he proceed- and youth involved learned more through linkes Thema ist”, Die Linke, July 9, 2019. ed to capitulate to the Troika, betraying the movement about the role of the state 2 Katja Kipping & Bernd Riexinger, “Wir the expectations of the vast majority of and bourgeois “democracy” than they brauchen einen linken Populismus,” interview by Ingo Stützle & Jan Ole Arps, Analyse & Kritik, Sep- the Greek people that were mobilising in could glean from all the books on “left tember 21, 2012. support of SYRIZA’s anti-austerity pro- narratives” put together. Friztsche’s line 3 Chantal Mouffe, For a Left Populism, (London & gramme. The Greek comrades of the IMT, of argument is extremely convenient for New York: Verso, 2018), pg 12. who were part of SYRIZA’s central com- politicians who don’t want to confront the 4 Ibid., pg 35. mittee at that time, wrote the following capitalists. It is very soothing for those 5 Ibid., pg 13. immediately following the elections: who wish to explain away their own trai- 6 Julia Fritzsche, Tiefrot und Radikal Bunt: Für eine neue linke Erzählung, (Hamburg: Edition Nautilus, “No illusions in negotiating with European torous inaction and hesitation by blaming 2019), pg 20. capital and its institutions! Our opponents the ‘lack of hegemony in society.’ 7 Mouffe, For a Left Populism, pg 49. are the capitalist interests, local and foreign, 8 Fritzsche, Tiefrot und Radikal Bunt, pg 177-8. that are hiding behind the troika and not Revolutionary practice 9 Mouffe, For a Left Populism, pg 9. their technocrat employees. Our only true The concept of a left narrative is a good 10 Ibid., pg 49. 11 Max Lercher, “Wir müssen ein System zer- ally is the European working class! SYRIZA example of the connection between phil- schlagen,” interview by Florian Gasser, Zeit, Octo- must call now for a Europe-wide programme osophical ideas and political practice. ber 10, 2019,. of mass action to make Europe a vast ‘Puerta The seemingly radical “narrative” of the 12 Julia Herr & Josef Cap, “Julia Herr und Josef del Sol’! [A reference to the indignados move- figures discussed here is actually a cover Cap über die Defizite der Sozialdemokratie,” in- ment that erupted across Spain in 2011- for reformist politics that pose no threat terview by Rosemarie Schwaiger, Profil, Septem- 23 ber 25, 2019. 12]” whatsoever to capitalism. As this concept 13 Mouffe, For a Left Populism, pg 27. They suggested a whole number of meas- assumes that there is no reality outside of 14 Ibid., pg 30-1. ures for Greece, such as the cancellation storytelling, the “left narrative” leads to a 15 Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Pri- of the state debt and the nationalisation lot of talking, and nothing else. vate Property and the State, (London: Wellred Books, of the banks – measures that struck at the The proponents of a new “left narra- 2020). heart of the matter: break with capitalism tive” want to “talk about” the problems of 16 Karl Marx & Frederick Engels, “The Commu- nist Manifesto,” in The Classics of Marxism: Volume or submit to the will of the Troika. the exploited and oppressed, and bring in One, (London: Wellred Books, 2013), pg 5. The claim that all kinds of “unfortu- the votes for reformist parties, but they 17 Vladimir Lenin, “‘Left-Wing’ Communism: an nate” factors are to blame for the defeat deliver few concrete suggestions or de- Infantile Disorder” in The Classics of Marxism: Vol- of SYRIZA – everything apart from the mands. What few demands they do raise ume Two, (London: Wellred Books, 2015). leadership of the party itself, in fact – is are limited to exclusively democratic 18 Mouffe, For a Left Populism, pg 31. 19 Ibid. typical of reformism. In critical political questions, or constitute little more than 20 Ibid., pg 51. situations, the role of leadership is deci- pious hopes for a social welfare state. 21 Thomas Seibert, “Erste Notizen zum Plan A sive. Leaders have the ear of the masses Such demands are not necessarily wrong einer neuen Linken (nicht nur) in Deutschland,” and the authority to propose and organise in themselves, but they place no emphasis Marxistische Linke, December 8, 2015. the correct next steps. After the defeat of a on the necessity of class struggle against 22 Mouffe, For a Left Populism, pg 17. 23 Communist Tendency of Syriza, “The ruling mass movement, it is of vital importance the capitalists to achieve them. When class is terrified of ‘the virus’ of SYRIZA - Time to to study the role of the leadership close- these tamely worded demands are then move forward!,” In Defence of Marxism, February 9, ly. Did they have the right ideas? Why did shattered in the face of real opposition 2015. they not dare to take the necessary steps? by the ruling class – as we saw so clearly 24 Fritzsche, Tiefrot und Radikal Bunt, pg 25.

19 return to contents THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY A MARXIST PERSPECTIVE BY ALAN WOODS

lan Woods’ book on the history Ever since that epoch, philosophers discoveries thanks to their philosophical of philosophy takes a unique have been divided into roughly two approach: from the idea that all matter look at the development of phil- camps. On the one hand there were the is made up of atoms, to the fact that the osophical thinking from the materialists. The early Greek philoso- world is a globe, that our planet orbits the AAncient Greeks, through the Renaissance phers all adhered to this outlook. Mate- sun, and so on. and beyond, until the final emergence of rialism takes as its point of departure the All this knowledge was lost and forgot- dialectical materialism, the philosophical view that there is a material reality inde- ten following the collapse of the ancient outlook of Marxism, all from an openly pendent of the human mind: a reality that civilisations. In the medieval epoch, Eu- Marxist standpoint. can be known and analysed. Later there rope made very little progress under the Alan is a renowned Marxist theoreti- emerged those adhering, on the contra- domination of the Catholic Church and cian, who has been an active participant ry, to an idealist outlook. They viewed the the extreme idealism it preached. in the revolutionary movement for over material world as unreal and only a prod- During this period, the far more ad- 60 years. He has written extensively on uct of the mind – ultimately the mind of vanced ideas of the Ancient Greek materi- many subjects, from Bolshevism: The God – which gives existence to everything alists were preserved in the Islamic world, Road to Revolution, to his response to lat- else. As the book explains: from whence they later re-emerged, pro- ter-day revisionism in Reformism or Rev- “Materialism rejects the notion that mind viding the ideas which contributed to a olution. He has also written several books and consciousness is something separate rebirth in Europe. With the Renaissance on specific historical processes, from the from matter. Thought is merely the mode of and later the Enlightenment, there was transition from the Franco dictatorship in existence of the brain, which, like life itself, is a break with mysticism, and a return to Spain, to the national question in Ireland, only matter organised in a certain way. Mind a genuinely scientific outlook, which al- to the history of the United States and is what we call the sum total of the activity lowed for immense progress in science much more. of the brain and the nervous system. But di- and technique. When considering this latest work, one alectically, the whole is greater than the sum This book also explains the develop- might ask the question: Is it really neces- of the parts. This view corresponds closely to ment of the dialectical approach to real- sary to study philosophy to understand the discoveries of science, which is gradually ity. Dialectics explains that the world is the world? uncovering the workings of the brain and re- in constant change and movement. This As society has evolved over time, sci- vealing its secrets. was an approach already present among ence has advanced human knowledge. As “By contrast, idealism persists in present- some of the Ancient Greek philosophers, that storehouse of knowledge has grown, ing consciousness as a ‘mystery’, something later re-emerging in the works of Hegel. It it has become abundantly clear that the that we cannot comprehend. It mystifies the would become a key element in the devel- philosophical approach we adopt can ei- physical and causal link between the think- opment of Marxism. ther assist us in achieving greater clarity ing mind and the human body. This so-called But as Alan Woods explains, the prob- and understanding, or else it can obfus- mind-body problem arises because of the fact lem with Hegel was his idealist approach. cate reality. that mental phenomena appear to be quali- For him, dialectics appeared as a char- As Alan Woods explains, philosophy tatively different from the physical bodies on acteristic of human thought. Finally, it in the true sense of the word really be- which they appear to depend. Consistent ma- was with Marx and Engels that the con- gan with the Greeks. It was an attempt to terialism, however, maintains that mind and clusion that dialectical development is break free from the superstition and myth body are of one substance.” a fundamental characteristic of matter, that had gripped the minds of primitive In his book, Alan Woods analyses the dif- was reached. Dialectics was thus com- human beings, and to understand the ferent currents within both the materi- bined with materialism – which up until world as it really is. alist and the idealist trends. The ancient then had a mechanical, static, approach to Greek materialists made some amazing understanding reality – producing what AVAILABLE FOR PREORDER AT

WWW.MARXIST.COM/HOP

became known as “dialectical material- flowering of a new society, where humans dead-end of the capitalist system itself. ism”: the philosophy of Marxism. will achieve true freedom, where no hu- In seeking to justify its own existence, the The chapters of this book were origi- man will exploit another, and no human bourgeoisie of today is forced to abandon nally intended to be part of another book, will oppress another. the philosophical outlook of its own rev- Reason in Revolt: Marxist Philosophy and Down to the time of Marx and Engels, olutionary past, turning against the best Modern Science, written by Alan Woods the history of philosophy represented a traditions of the Enlightenment. and Ted Grant and published in 1995. It genuine seeking after a scientific, rational It is self-evident that a book that ex- was decided, however, that this would approach to the development of human plains the history of philosophy from a make the book excessively long, the sub- understanding. Since Marx and Engels’ Marxist point of view is not going to find ject of the history of philosophy meriting day, bourgeois philosophy has dedicated favour in the academic world, or among a separate text. all its energies to denying the final con- the mainstream bourgeois media and After a long wait, we are now publish- clusions of thousands of years of human capitalist publishing houses. A book like ing those chapters as a book in its own thought. This inevitably entails a denial this can only appear with the backing of right. Through its pages are explained of rational thought and its replacement ordinary workers and young people who how over 2,000 years of human thinking with unscientific thought. Its task is to are looking for answers as to why the of various philosophical schools finally deny the very idea that human society world is in such a mess; why there is so produced the Marxist outlook. Marx and moves forward in a progressive manner. much hunger and suffering at the same Engels took the best of the works of past That is how one explains the emer- time as science has made such immense generations of great thinkers, producing gence of so-called ‘postmodernism’. Ad- progress in terms of our understanding a method which allows Marxists to look herents of this so-called philosophy try of the material world, and why there is so beyond the immediate reality in front of to present it as something new. In reality, much inequality. us. It is a method which allows us to look it merely contains a rehash of all the old This book is planned for publication at how things were, how they have be- ideas of the idealist camp. A genuinely by the end of September 2021. As we can- come and how they are most likely to de- scientific approach to the development not count on big backers, we are turning velop in the future. of society inevitably leads to the conclu- to you – the youth who are looking for Marxists do not study history as a se- sion that capitalism is not the final goal of genuine change, the workers struggling ries of isolated events: as lists of kings history but merely one phase which must for a better world – for donations to help and popes, of wars and revolutions, dis- give way to a superior form, socialism. make the publication of this book a re- connected from each other. Rather, we For this reason, all latter-day bourgeois ality. Any donation you can afford – be it look at each development as part of a philosophy is dedicated to denying ra- big or small – is an investment in a project long historical process. This process be- tional thinking. It is this that explains the that is really worth promoting: raising the gan with early, primitive humans, and growth of the school of postmodernism, understanding of those who are fighting their struggle for survival. It proceeded with all its variants such as poststructur- to change the world, breaking the chains through the emergence of class societies. alism, postcolonialism, queer theory, and that tie us down and winning a new world. Passing from one form to the other, in the a whole host of so-called theories based Donate, reserve the book, then read it course of the development of class soci- on identity politics. and study it and promote it among your ety, mankind has developed an increas- Desperate to disguise its real content fellow workmates and students. ingly detailed knowledge of the world in and to appear original – which it is not which we live. Finally, this long histori- – it uses all kinds of incomprehensible, To pre-order your copy, visit: cal process has created the material pre- convoluted, and intentionally ambiguous www.marxist.com/hop requisites for ending class society itself. language. In reality, postmodernism is The potential now exists to unleash the a bourgeois philosophy that reflects the WHEN THE COMMUNISTS RULED IN BAVARIA In November 1918, Germany exploded into revolution. In the spring of 1919, the working class succeeded in seizing power and declaring a Bavarian Soviet Republic. In its short, heroic lifetime, the republic had to fight not only against open counter-revolution, but also against the results of its own inexperience. Nevertheless, as Florian Keller of the International Marxist Tendency in Austria explains, these events represent one of the most inspiring episodes in the German Revolution of 1918-1923. The lessons to be gleaned are priceless for revolutionaries today.

n November of 1918, after years of The revolution in Bavaria people. I’m going to join the demonstra- bloodshed and misery during the Days before the revolution seized Berlin, tion myself. Nothing at all will happen.”1 so-called ‘Great War’, the German it rolled across Bavaria. The ruling class Events, however, would give Auer, the workers and soldiers had reached was already nervous. It was counting on SPD and the ruling class a shock. The next Ithe limits of what they could take. An the leaders of the SPD (Social Democratic day, the Bavarian monarchy was toppled, uprising by sailors in the northern port Party of Germany) to restrain the work- and Kurt Eisner – the leader of the cen- town of Kiel led to a generalised uprising ing class. On 6 November, at a meeting of trist USPD (Independent Social Demo- that swept Germany. By 9 November, the the last ministry appointed by the king of cratic Party) – became the first republican masses had brought down the hated Kai- Bavaria, speaking on a planned demon- head of government in Bavaria. ser, and German capitalism was shaken to stration that would spark the revolution, On 7 November, hundreds of thou- its very core. The “November Revolution” the Social Democratic deputy, Erhard sands of people – most of them workers – was a fact. These events set the stage for Auer, had a confident message for the responded to the calls of the SPD and the the seizure of power by the workers of bourgeois ministers: “Don’t pay so much USPD to march on Munich’s Theresien- the southern state of Bavaria five months heed to [Kurt] Eisner: Eisner is done. You wiese for “peace and freedom”. A section later. can count on it. We have a hold over our of the assembled workers were led into

22 return to contents the city behind a brass band, led by Auer freed. Only in Regensburg – out of fear of himself described in the Münchner Post himself. This march was largely symbolic, the revolutionary masses – did the mayor how the leadership of the Social Dem- designed by the SPD leaders to diffuse the himself take the initiative of summoning ocrats had not wanted a revolution, not rising revolutionary mood, and accord- to the town hall the representatives of the even one directed against the monarchy: ingly, was dissolved shortly thereafter. bourgeois parties, the social democracy “Under the pressure of the terrible distress Another section of workers, however, and the trade unions in order to form a of the German Fatherland, without our in- were addressed by Eisner. Speaking to joint ‘committee of order’. volvement, yesterday’s rally turned into an tens of thousands of workers, he demand- Nevertheless, alongside these coun- act of political will that all parts of the pop- ed an immediate peace, an eight-hour cils, the old state structures, which rep- ulation must now reckon with.”2 workday, relief for unemployed workers, resented the interests of the bourgeoisie, But the revolution was now an established and the abdication of the Bavarian king, remained intact. This was essentially a fact. Workers’ and soldiers’ councils were Ludwig III, and the German emperor, dual power situation, similar to the peri- being set up across the region and the Kaiser Wilhelm II. He also called for the od following the February revolution in bourgeoisie was on the back foot. The formation of workers’ and soldiers’ coun- Russia 1917, where the organised power of leadership of the SPD quickly changed its cils, before marching with a section of the the working class temporarily coexisted course and took on a pro-revolutionary crowd to the army barracks. alongside that of the bourgeoisie. Such a guise. To do otherwise would have meant The war-weary soldiers eagerly joined situation could not last indefinitely. Soon- completely losing its influence over the the movement en masse, and the workers er or later, one class would have to emerge working class. Instead, the SPD leaders armed themselves. Political prisoners victorious. attempted to wrest control of the newly were freed by the revolutionaries, and formed councils into their own hands. On strategic points across the city were occu- The role of the SPD and USPD the whole, they initially met with success, pied. A workers’ and soldiers’ council was After the initial shock, the old elites – the particularly outside of Munich. founded, and Eisner was elected chair- capitalists, aristocrats and generals – in In Munich itself, however, the work- man. Around this time, King Ludwig fled Bavaria, as in the rest of Germany, looked ers’ and soldiers’ council – known as the by night to his estate near Chiemsee. He around and realised they had lost con- Revolutionary Workers’ Council (Revolu- abdicated a few days later. Within just a trol of the situation. They could not clash tionärer Arbeiterrat, RAR), which formed few hours, the revolution had put an end head-on with the working masses at this the nucleus of the Munich workers’ coun- to the 738-year rule of the Wittelsbach point in time. They therefore had to rely cil – proved a hotbed of the left. Repre- dynasty over Bavaria. first and foremost on the leaders of the senting the Munich working class, the Across the whole of Germany, the old SPD to ensure “peace and order”. RAR became the most important council monarchy had been brought crashing The SPD was one of the two main work- in Bavaria, and on this basis it issued a call down by the revolutionary movement of ing-class parties in Germany at this point for the formation of a central council of the masses. The question was: what would with the other being the USPD (Inde- delegates from across the region. replace it? The answer was not entirely pendent Social Democratic Party), which Eisner was formally elected as the clear. The Russian Revolution – in which had split from the former during the war. leader of the RAR, and was pronounced the workers had taken power through the Before the war, the SPD had repeatedly the minister-president of the new repub- soviets (‘soviet’ being Russian word for promised to oppose any imperialist con- lic. But he had no clear perspectives for ‘council’ or ‘committee’) – was an impres- flict. At the outbreak of war, however, it revolution and constantly wavered under sive example for the masses of Bavaria did an about turn and gave full support to the contradictory pressures of the mass- and all of Germany. The German work- the war aims of German imperialism. es on the one side, and of the bourgeoisie ers also organised workers’ and soldiers’ As the war developed, the left-wing on the other. The bourgeoisie was on its councils (Arbeiter- und Soldatenräte), which opposition to the official like grew. A knees, but instead of striking it down, were equivalent to their Russian counter- section of the SPD’s parliamentarians Eisner used his authority and that of the parts. Indeed, whilst the regime of work- were forced by pressure from below into councils to protect it. ers’ power later established in Bavaria is opposing the war from a pacifist stance. As early as at the first session of the referred to in German as the ‘Bayerische Expelled from the party, they formed the provisional National Council (consisting Räterepublik’, in English it is translated as USPD in 1917. of a mixture of representatives of the the ‘Bavarian Soviet Republic’. And that is Although the workers that formed the workers’ and soldiers’ councils, members indeed what the Arbeiterräte were: soviets. ranks of the USPD were moving in a revo- of the state parliament – predominantly In Bavaria, to a greater extent than an- lutionary direction, the leadership of the Social Democrats – and trade union rep- ywhere else in Germany, peasants’ coun- party vacillated constantly between re- resentatives), Eisner pushed through the cils were also formed. This was testament formism and revolution. election of certain Social Democrats as to the depth with which the revolution With the outbreak of the November ministers in the transitional government. reached into Bavarian society, although it Revolution, the SPD sought to conscious- Auer, for instance, was made interior also owed much to the leadership of the ly dampen down the revolution. When minister. Two bourgeois ministers were two Gandorfer brothers, leaders of the the revolution arrived in Berlin, the SPD also brought into the government. These left wing of the Bavarian Peasants’ Union leader, Philipp Scheidemann, felt com- men were hated by the most-active layer (Bayerischer Bauernbund, BBB). By De- pelled to declare a republic, but he only of the working class owing to their role cember 1918, there were already around did so in order to seize control over the in the war. But ultimately, rather than 7,000 councils active in Bavaria, many leadership of the movement. leading the working class to power, Eis- of which were responsible for organising In Bavaria, led by Erhard Auer and ner was pinning his hopes on winning the public life. others, the SPD played the same role. The old monarchist state bureaucracy over to At that time, momentum was clearly masses had entered the scene and neither supporting a bourgeois ‘democratic re- on the side of the masses. In Nuremberg, the state apparatus nor the leaders of the public’. Augsburg, Rosenheim, Passau and Bay- social democracy could withstand them. While giving certain concessions to al- reuth, as in Munich, official buildings The SPD leaders had lost much of their leviate the enormous pressures from be- were occupied by revolutionary work- authority amongst the workers. On 8 No- low, the new government did everything ers and soldiers. Political prisoners were vember, the day after the revolution, Auer it could to channel the revolution down

23 return to contents a harmless path of bourgeois democra- cy. Five days after the uprising, the gov- ernment tried to bring the formation of soldiers’ councils, which were springing up everywhere, under its control. New legislation granted the soldiers’ councils rights that went further than in other parts of Germany. The power of the of- ficers was severely curtailed. Soldiers’ councils were given the right to remove certain non-commissioned officers, to re- quest the removal of others, and to make their own recommendations for replace- ments. On the surface it seemed as though the revolution had thoroughly broken the officers’ power over ‘their’ soldiers in Ba- varia. But in the final analysis, by these measures, Eisner’s government reduced the soldiers councils, which held de facto power in their units, to advisory bodies. Barely had the Communist Party of Germany been founded before its two outstand- In the meantime, the power of the army ing leaders, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, were murdered. top brass ultimately remained intact. In the end, Eisner’s programme was a support of the bourgeoisie – set out to party, but on a much-reduced vote. The dead-end for the revolution in Bavaria. promote parliamentary elections across SPD meanwhile won 33 percent, almost He planned to create a “living democra- Germany as a means of undermining and twice as many votes as it received in the cy” of the masses, before establishing a ultimately destroying the workers’ coun- 1912 state election. The USPD, on the oth- “formal democracy” (i.e. convening a state cils. er hand, received only 2.5 percent of the parliament). This was a utopian attempt However, social tensions were rising. vote. to reconcile the workers’, soldiers’ and After the armistice, tens of thousands of This result also showed that the rural peasants’ councils with bourgeois parlia- veterans were made homeless and mass areas had hardly begun to feel the effects mentarism. unemployment was rife. Only a socialist of the revolution up until that point, and His position reflected the pressures he revolution based on the councils could that the consciousness of the masses was under by the bourgeoisie on the one have solved the problems of the work- lagged behind events, despite their tre- hand and the Munich workers organised ers. But Eisner failed to break with the mendous victory over the old regime. In in the councils on the other. In a meeting bourgeoisie, leading to widespread disap- the countryside there was a particularly of the Council of Ministers, Eisner ex- pointment with his government among sharp class contradiction between farm plained how, “[...] even if the National Assem- the workers. labourers, poor farmers and large land- bly does not turn out as we expect, parliament Across Germany, the first wave of the owners. 230,000 of the poorest farmers can no longer play the role it used to, as it is no revolution ended in betrayal. The work- cultivated a mere 170,000 hectares be- longer possible to govern against the workers’ ers, having successfully defeated the rul- tween them. The 584 largest estates, on council in Munich, or else there will be a second ing class, gave the power that they had the other hand, covered 100,000 hec- revolution.”3 won to their traditional party: the Social tares! The Eisner government didn’t so Eisner stopped short of supporting real Democrats. The leaders of the latter, how- much as pose the question of land reform, workers’ democracy – that is to say, the ever, immediately returned that power to and it therefore failed to win the support establishment of a soviet state along the the bourgeoisie and, in collaboration with of the rural poor. lines of the one in Russia. Ultimately, he them, organised a bloody counter-revo- But the result also reflected the fact was attempting to reconcile the interests lution. The Spartacist Uprising in Berlin that a large layer of workers – who had of the working class and the bourgeoisie in January 1919, which represented a des- been awakened to political life for the first in a sort of power-sharing agreement – a perate attempt from below to stop this time by the revolution – saw supporting formalisation of the dual power situa- betrayal, was brutally repressed and its the traditional workers’ party, the SPD, tion that existed in Bavaria. But these two leaders, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Lieb- with its newfound left-wing rhetoric, classes have irreconcilable interests, the knecht were murdered. This marked the as the easiest way to pursue their aims. rule of one precludes the rule of the other. end of the first wave of the German Rev- The leaders of the much-smaller USPD, Eisner’s idea of mediating between these olution. meanwhile, did not manage to pose as two classes could only lead to demoral- In Bavaria too, the mood was rapidly an alternative to the SPD, and the party isation and disorientation amongst the changing. Eisner finally buckled under therefore received a small fraction of the workers, allowing the counter-revolution the pressure of the bourgeoisie and the vote. Ultimately, the programme of the to regroup and strike back. Social Democrats. He called an election USPD was not decisively different from Eisner was by no means a Marxist. to the state parliament for 12 January, un- that of the SPD, and Eisner was unable to The idea of an actual socialist revolution der the direct impact of the suppression solve Bavaria’s social problems. As such, – of the expropriation of large estates of the Spartacist Uprising that was finally the class struggle continued to express and large-scale industry – was alien to put down on that same day. With Eisner itself within the SPD. Its members were him. Thus, during this period, econom- and the USPD failing to take the lead, and inclined to draw revolutionary conclu- ic and political power remained with the no alternative party around, demoralisa- sions under the influence of the events. bourgeoisie, while the establishment of tion set in. The elections resulted in a vic- Its leaders, however, played a consciously a “living democracy” remained a utopia. tory for the conservative BVP (Bayerische counter-revolutionary role. Nonetheless, Eisner stood to the left of Volkspartei, Bavarian People’s Party). As the social democracy, which – with the in 1912, it had emerged as the strongest

24 return to contents “Under the impact of Eisner’s murder, a new revolutionary mood swept through the Bavarian working class. A general strike immediately broke out, and the reactionaries, who had been much emboldened by the vacillations of the workers’ leaders found themselves completely paralysed.” Kurt Eisner / Image: Germaine Krull

The revolution flares up again were getting impatient with Eisner and (the “Central Council of the Bavarian Re- Despite the fact that parliamentary elec- decided to take matters into their own public”), and decided to arm the working tions had taken place, the pressure of the hands. class. On 26 February, hundreds of thou- masses was still such that the state parlia- On 21 February 1919, Eisner was mak- sands of workers accompanied Kurt Eis- ment couldn’t actually convene for over a ing his way to the inaugural session of ner’s funeral procession. On 1 March, the month. Events in Bavaria developed at a the state parliament where he planned to congress of councils proclaimed its own breakneck pace in those days and weeks. announce his resignation. He never made government. On 12 February, SPD Interior Minister it that far. Before reaching the state par- Events had reached boiling point, but Auer – without warning the government liament building, a certain Lieutenant the working class still fundamentally – issued a statement on the convening Count Arco-Valley shot him twice in the lacked a clear revolutionary leadership. of the state parliament. This provoked head from behind, killing him. Before the The reformist and centrist leadership of a mass demonstration on 16 February, murder, his assassin wrote a note: “Eisner the SPD and the USPD remained at the which assembled at the Theresienwiese is a Bolshevik, he is a Jew, he is not a Ger- head of the workers. The Communist Par- in Munich. At the march the demand for man, he does not feel German, [he] under- ty of Germany (KPD) had only just been a Soviet Republic was raised. mines all patriotic thinking and feelings, founded. Its members were few and it had The Anarchist, Erich Mühsam, de- [he] is a traitor.”5 a weak base in the working class. scribed the protest: The murder had been prepared in the Unlike the Russian Bolshevik Party, “In front of the public buildings in Mu- bourgeois press by a disgusting campaign which had been formed as a Marxist cadre nich the red flags were raised, the same was of smears that openly paraded the reac- organisation over the course of a decade the case for many private houses, where tionary sentiments of the old nobility, and a half prior to the Russian Revolu- the march passed by. There may have been officers and capitalists. For them, Eisner – tion, the KPD was formed in the heat of 15,000 participants. The KPD bloc alone although he was by no means a Bolshevik the German Revolution. Although Rosa formed a whole march. Several regiments – represented a thorn in their side with Luxemburg had developed an incisive of the Munich garrison formed closed for- his “unclear stance on law and order”, and critique of the SPD leadership before the mations. The heavily wounded were carried his responsiveness to the pressure of the First World War, the Spartacist League with it in carts. Many members of the council workers. was only founded, by herself and others, congress attended and various factories were As the bourgeoisie secretly rejoiced after war had broken out. represented by delegations. The Revolution- in his death, dismay and anger rippled It remained a loose network of rev- ary Workers’ Council, as the main organiser, through the Munich working class. A olutionaries until the foundation of the carried a huge revolutionary emblem in front member of the left-wing RAR, a cook Communist Party at the congress of 30 and was greeted rapturously. But although named Alois Lindner, stormed into the December 1918 to 1 January 1919. No soon- Eisner drove at the head of this march, he state parliament and shot at Auer, after er had the party emerged blinking into did so against his own political convictions. the latter chose to convene a session of the the daylight than its most outstanding He felt so out of place that he turned his car state parliament session irrespective of leaders, Luxemburg and Liebknecht, were around halfway through, and waited with the murder. In the turmoil that followed, murdered in Berlin. the ministers Unterleitner and Jaffé in the an unidentified person shot and killed the Despite its inexperience and its shal- German Theatre for the delegation of the Conservative MP, Osel. Members of the low roots in the working class, the pro- masses, the spokesperson of which, Landau- state parliament dispersed without hav- gramme of the KPD – of a Socialist So- er, submitted demands on behalf of the pro- ing elected a government. viet Republic – enjoyed tremendous, letariat.”4 Under the impact of Eisner’s murder, widespread support in Bavaria, as the In the face of these events, Auer backed a new revolutionary mood swept through mass demonstration against the opening down and postponed the convening of the Bavarian working class. A general of the state parliament on 16 February parliament, while still working behind strike immediately broke out, and the had shown. The Bavarian party chair- the scenes to undermine the councils. On reactionaries, who had been much em- man, Max Levien, was a popular, well rec- 19 February, during the congress of the boldened by the vacillations of the work- ognised figure in the workers’ movement Bavarian councils, the SPD finally man- ers’ leaders found themselves complete- who chaired the Munich Soldiers’ Coun- aged to push the congress of the councils ly paralysed. A regional congress of the cil. But this did not translate into a large to move its meeting place away from the workers’ and soldiers’ councils met on 25 membership or a strong organisation for parliament building, clearing the way for February, and responded to these events the KPD. the inaugural meeting of the state par- by transferring legislative power to the Karl Retzlaw, a 23-year old worker and liament. Meanwhile, reactionary forces central executive of the Bavarian councils KPD organiser from Berlin, describes a

25 return to contents meeting with Levien, which vividly con- back the revolution. The SPD leaders were the only vote against its proclamation. His trasts the mass audience that the party’s bracing themselves with all their might explanation is worth quoting at length: ideas enjoyed against the diminutive size to resist a “second revolution”. This was “We Communists harbour the greatest mis- of the party itself: clearly illustrated by the fact that, al- trust against a Soviet Republic whose spon- “The meeting took place in one of the big though the congress of the councils had sors are the Social Democratic Ministers beer halls in Munich. The room was tightly declared a new government, the SPD Schneppenhorst and Dürr, who at all times packed, with many sitting on chairs and ta- leaders made sure that that “government” fought the idea of councils with every pos- bles, and standing in the hallways. I guess never met. The SPD did not support it, sible means. We can only explain this as an around 3,000 people must have been in the even though an SPD member (Martin Se- attempt by the bankrupt leaders to join the hall. Although there was one hour until the gitz) had been proposed as its prime min- masses through apparently revolutionary scheduled start time of the meeting, the room ister! It thus remained a government on action, or as a deliberate provocation. was frightfully crowded. The speaker’s table paper only. “We know from examples in northern Ger- was raised on the podium, from which brass The bourgeoisie could not stabilise the many that the majority socialists [a then music blared into the hall. The podium was situation either, despite all their attempts common name for the SPD] often endeav- kept free by stewards. Max Levien appeared and the explicit support of the SPD. It oured to bring about premature action in with a sizable entourage. As I would come to wasn’t until 17 March that the state par- order to stifle them all the more successful- learn later, this entourage represented almost liament dared to convene once more, and ly. The whole of your approach calls for the the entire Communist Party of Munich.”6 Johannes Hoffmann (of the SPD) was greatest vigilance. A Soviet Republic is not Even measured against the rest of the elected prime minister. But his govern- being proclaimed by an armchair decision, it German party, the members and cadres ment had no real base of support in socie- is the result of serious struggles by the prole- of the Communist Party in Bavaria were ty, especially in Munich: the hotbed of the tariat and its victory. very inexperienced. As such, the party revolution. It did not even have at its dis- “The Munich proletariat is still facing such made many mistakes. It boycotted the posal an armed force that it could rely on. struggles. We are preparing for [the Soviet elections for the state parliament and But the bourgeoisie couldn’t wait any Republic] and we have time. At the present the National Assembly. It also refused longer. To get profits flowing again they time, the proclamation of a Soviet Republic to conduct patient work in the trade un- needed “peace” and “order”. Under Phil- is extremely unfavourable. The masses in ions, making it very difficult to establish lip Scheidemann (of the SPD), the Federal northern and central Germany are defeated a stable base in the working class, and Government had temporarily silenced the and are only now regathering their strength to extend the party’s reach. Neither was working class across Germany through for new battles, and Bavaria is not an eco- there any attempt to conduct a systematic the use of the right-wing Freikorps to nomically independent area that could hold struggle to gain a majority in the labour massacre the workers. The bourgeoisie on independently for a long time. After the movement and the councils. Thus, while was therefore piling pressure on the Ba- first rush, the following would happen: the the party enjoyed widespread influence, it varian government to follow the rest of majority socialists would withdraw under did not have the organisational strength the country and bring about “order” in the first good pretext and consciously betray to lead the working class when the crucial this unruly state. Under this pressure, the the proletariat. The USPD would join in, then time came. This would later prove to have council of elders of the state parliament give way, begin to vacillate, negotiate, and disastrous consequences. called a session on 8 April to finally enable thereby become unconscious traitors. And we Instead of adopting patient methods, the government to function. Communists would pay for your deeds with many members harboured illusions in But for the organised working class, the blood of our best.”7 the USPD and the anarchists. The sys- this was like a red rag to a bull. This move This prediction was tragically confirmed tematic building of an independent party clearly communicated the direction that in every detail, as we will see. The real was simply neglected for a long time. The events were heading: towards the total motive of the SPD leaders in calling for situation became so bad that the national liquidation of the revolution and its gains. the establishment of a Soviet Repub- KPD leadership decided to send a num- As these events were unfolding in Bavar- lic was to push the Munich workers to a ber of experienced cadres to Munich to ia, a Socialist Soviet Republic had been premature uprising, in order to separate help build the party. First and foremost declared in Hungary on 2 March 1919. The the most-advanced layers of the working among these was Eugen Leviné, Retzlaw, idea of ​​a new revolution to establish a So- class from the broader mass of workers who we have previously mentioned, and viet Republic, based on the councils of the and peasants. In this way, they were pre- later Paul Frölich. A systematic build-up soldiers and workers, enjoyed growing paring the ground politically for the mo- of party cells in the factories and barracks support in Bavaria. bilisation of the counter-revolution. This only began after they had arrived, in the The Social Democratic leaders could is exactly what had happened in Berlin: middle of March 1919. see quite clearly that another direct colli- the advanced layers of the working class sion with the workers’ aspirations would were pushed into an uprising, without the Soviet Republic on order of the day likely sweep them away entirely, and con- masses nationally being convinced of its The sharp shift to the left led to a crisis trol over the movement would slip out of necessity, and they were dealt a bloody within the SPD. Following the assassina- their hands. A section of the party lead- defeat. The SPD leaders were now looking tion of Eisner, many party members re- ership decided therefore to ‘ride the tiger’ to Berlin as their model in order to defeat signed in disgust and were instead joining in order to tame it. Resolutions in favour the Bavarian working class. the USPD or the KPD. However, neither of the proclamation of a Soviet Republic According to various witnesses, for of these parties managed to decisively were passed at a number of SPD events. example, the Bavarian Minister of War, take on the leading role in the movement. In a meeting on the night of 4-5 April, in Schneppenhorst from the SPD, argued ex- Pressure from below was building on the which the “Central Council of the Bavari- tremely vigorously for the proclamation SPD leadership, which responded by pro- an Republic”, the leaders of the USPD, the of the Soviet Republic. Before it was pro- moting leaders who – at least in words – SPD, the BBB and some anarchists partic- claimed, and the old government declared had argued for “soviet power”. ipated, it was decided to proclaim a Soviet deposed, he even argued for a delay of a This was not a genuine swing to the Republic. Yet, to everyone’s surprise, the couple of days in order to win over other left, but a manoeuvre to maintain the au- KPD representative, Eugen Leviné, cast cities to the idea! He then left Munich for thority of the party so as to use it to hold northern Bavaria in order, according to

26 return to contents and nothing more. They had no base of Not until 10 April did the soviet gov- support in the working class. They did ernment begin arming the workers, and however harbour a never-ending reser- even then, it was only able to find 600 ri- voir of completely utopian and romantic fles in total. It issued a decree that asked notions. the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie to Paul Frölich (KPD), who would later hand over its weapons. But without the write a book on the events of the Soviet instruments of power to enforce such a Republic, described these characters thus: decree, the results were pathetic. “The gentlemen who participated in the conspiracy voted for each other. Political The Palm Sunday coup experience was not considered. So, a se- The counter-revolution was now gain- lection of fragile characters and unclear ing in confidence. The paralysis, lasting minds came about.”8 The ‘People’s Dep- days on end, led the counter-revolution uty for External Affairs’, Lipp, who was to conclude that a single, firm blow would even elected as chairman of the Executive be all that was needed to bring down the Council (and therefore the government) new Soviet Republic. After consulting the at Mühsam’s suggestion, but whom no- SPD leaders in Munich, Alfred Seyffertitz, body knew, turned out to be mentally commander of the counter-revolution- ill. After trying, among other things, to ary ‘Republican Protection Force’, which USPD leader, Ernst Toller, played a lam- declare war on Württemberg and Swit- still operated unchecked in the city, trav- entable role in the last days of the Ba- zerland for their refusal to lend trains to elled to Bamberg. There, he received the varian Soviet Republic. Bavaria, he was deposed and admitted to permission of prime minister-in-exile, a mental hospital. Hoffmann to overthrow the soviet gov- his own statement, to “promote the idea The USPD, as Leviné had foreseen, was ernment. of a council republic”. In reality, he imme- gripped by paralysis. After Eisner’s as- The coup was launched on the morn- diately joined the Hoffmann government, sassination, the pacifist Ernst Toller had ing of Palm Sunday, 13 April 1919. Posters which had fled Munich to Bamberg and become its chairman. He had only a few appeared in the name of “the whole gar- had begun to rally counter-revolutionary months of political experience and yet rison of Munich”, declaring that the cen- troops (the ‘whites’), and quasi-fascist he took up the leadership of the central tral council was deposed. The Republican Freikorps. council and of the government. Protection Force occupied the premises of Under his leadership, precisely nothing the central council and arrested a num- The “pseudo-Soviet Republic” happened. Instead of constructing the ber of the leaders of the Soviet Republic, The so-called soviet government was new social order, 7 April was declared a among them Erich Mühsam, who were finally proclaimed on 6 April and was national holiday. Instead of mobilising transported out of Munich. greeted enthusiastically by workers all and arming the working class to occupy The KPD had initially rejected the over Bavaria. By 8 April, in a wave of in- the central points of traffic and commu- “drawing board” proclamation of a So- itial enthusiasm, almost all of the larger nication, to organise the defence of the viet Republic. In this, it was correct. Tak- councils of southern Bavaria and the large republic, to ensure the supply of all the ing power was an adventure that had cities – with the exception of Nuremberg necessities of life and socialise the large strengthened the counter-revolution. – had joined it. But as early as 9 April, this scale industries – on 7 April, these gentle- The real, necessary course of action was process began to unravel. In some cities, men “socialised” the university! Frölich to firstly win over the broader masses, such as Ingolstadt and Würzburg, coun- writes: in particular the peasants. Now, howev- ter-revolutionary soldiers and students “A purple-red poster was emblazoned on er, the Soviet Republic was a fact, and it overthrew the rule of the councils with the street corners: Dictatorship of the prole- was supported by vast layers of the work- the support of the bourgeoisie. tariat! The bourgeoisie was brought down ing class. A defeat of the Soviet Republic Meanwhile, the SPD leaders who had – through a poster. The working class had would mean a defeat of the revolution, so forcefully been pushing the left or- been lifted into the saddle without having and the working class realised this. ganisations in Munich to declare a Soviet done the slightest thing, through a romance Nevertheless, the KPD was vacillating Republic, now made an about-turn and of political adventurers. The dictatorship of in the face of counter-revolution. With called for a defence of parliament and the proletariat consisted of only one thing: it the bloody experience of the failed Spart- the official government. In many coun- was given a holiday.”9 acus Uprising and the murders of Karl cils this new, openly counter-revolution- The working class looked warmly towards Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg still ary position of the SPD leadership meant this new “Soviet Republic”. But in practice fresh in the minds of party members, the that the majority in favour of a Soviet it had not taken the reins of society into leadership was contemplating conceding Republic was overturned. This sharpened its own hands following the armchair defeat. Paul Frölich reports that the party the contradiction between the SPD lead- proclamation of the new regime. Mean- leadership at first discussed whether or ership and the party’s rank and file. In the while, bourgeois propaganda dissemi- not to “[recognise] the shift [ie. the coup - confusion, the SPD government and the nated horror stories about the situation ed] as a consummated fact, which the ac- reactionaries managed to hold on to pow- in Munich, especially among the peas- tions of the party had to adapt to”. er in important cities, especially in the ants, who at that time made up almost 40 10But on the ground, the mood was com- north of Bavaria. percent of Bavaria’s population. A whole pletely different. Even before the coup at- After the SPD leaders in Munich fled or series of peasants’ councils, which were tempt, enormous pressure had mounted simply folded their arms, an array of ac- increasingly dominated by rich farmers, in the factories and the barracks for the cidental characters remained in the ‘lead- and thus came under the influence of the young KPD to join the soviet government ership’ of the soviet government. These right wing of the BBB, announced a food – and even to take it over completely. Now, included anarchists like Erich Mühsam ban on Munich, exacerbating the dire with the spectre of counter-revolutionary and Gustav Landauer. These were coffee- food situation. The Soviet Republic was in terror looming large, the masses began to house literary figures and adventurers, serious danger. mobilise, and they were prepared to fight.

27 return to contents The KPD leaders were completely taken of confidence, and had clarified the- sit “We thank you for your message of greet- by surprise by this resurgence of the rev- uation. The illusions many workers had ings, and on our part wholeheartedly greet olution. Retzlaw reported that “a revolu- harboured in the role of the SPD leaders the Soviet Republic of Bavaria. We ask you tionary elan that surprised us has now shown evaporated and the Munich workers were insistently to give us more frequent, definite itself. Not only our party members, but thou- moving sharply to the left. However, else- information on the following. What meas- sands of workers have made themselves availa- where, the objective conditions were not ures have you taken to fight the bourgeois ble for the struggle. Meanwhile, in the city there so good. The Soviet Republic was isolated executioners, the Scheidemanns and Co.; were armed confrontations with white troops in the south of Bavaria around Munich, have councils of workers and servants been everywhere”.11 and counter-revolutionary troops were formed in the different sections of the city; The KPD knew that the original proc- marching against it. have the workers been armed; have the bour- lamation of the Soviet Republic had been The soviet government immediately geoisie been disarmed; has use been made half adventure, half provocation. But began building up a determined defence, of the stocks of clothing and other items for now that it was an established fact and the despite the unfavourable conditions. immediate and extensive aid to the work- workers – faced with open counter-revo- 20,000 rifles were delivered to the fac- ers, and especially to the farm labourers and lution – were mobilising to defend it, the tories, where red guards were formed. A small peasants; have the capitalist factories party could not stand aside. Red Army was established, consisting of and wealth in Munich and the capitalist The party therefore called for the es- revolutionary soldiers and volunteers. It farms in its environs been confiscated; have tablishment of armed workers’ units. was imbued with an internationalist spir- mortgage and rent payments by small peas- Many soldiers also joined them, increas- it. Russian and Italian prisoners of war ants been cancelled; have the wages of farm ing the pressure on the counter-revolu- joined, as did many Austrians. The bour- labourers and unskilled workers been dou- tionary troops, who withdrew to the main geoisie and counter-revolutionaries were bled or trebled; have all paper stocks and all station of Munich. Eventually, the station disarmed. But new threats kept arising. printing-presses been confiscated so as to was stormed and Seyffertitz, along with Retzlaw reports: enable popular leaflets and newspapers to other counter-revolutionaries, escaped “The barracks were still full of soldiers, who be printed for the masses; has the six-hour being killed or captured after fleeing by were demobilised, but who did not want working day with two or three-hour instruc- train. Despite the many mistakes and to return home. We learned that they were tion in state administration been introduced; miscalculations of its leadership, and talked into staying by their officers. They have the bourgeoisie in Munich been made to the resources at the hands of the coun- were paid from Berlin and uncontrollable give up surplus housing so that workers may ter-revolution, the Munich workers easily sources. [...] Daily we had to count on a coup be immediately moved into comfortable flats; defeated the bourgeois counter-revolu- by some parts of the troops. For this reason, have you taken over all the banks; have you tion and placed power in the hands of the we appealed to the workers to meet daily in taken hostages from the ranks of the bour- Communist Party. the big halls of Munich and also in the open. geoisie; have you introduced higher rations As such, the workers were always ready to in- for the workers than for the bourgeoisie; The KPD in power tervene and the counterrevolutionary officers have all the workers been mobilised for de- On 13 April, a congress of workers’ and didn’t dare attempt a coup.”12 fence and for ideological propaganda in the soldiers’ councils declared the old central To mobilise the workers and to organ- neighbouring villages? The most urgent and council dissolved. A new, 15-person action ise defences, a 10-day general strike was most extensive implementation of these and committee was formed as a new govern- declared. But this decision completely similar measures, coupled with the initiative ment. The new government was com- stalled the economy of the Soviet Repub- of workers’, farm labourers’ and acting apart posed of members of the SPD, USPD and lic, exposing the shaky basis upon which from them small peasants’ councils, should the KPD, but it was firmly under the con- it rested. strengthen your position. An emergency tax trol of the Communists, with Leviné at its must be levied on the bourgeoisie, and an ac- head. The programme of the new soviet Greetings from Lenin tual improvement affected in the condition of government was indeed a programme of News of the workers’ conquest of power the workers, farm labourers and small peas- complete social revolution. generated enthusiasm around the world. ants at once and at all costs. The Red Army of Bavaria was estab- Far beyond the borders of Bavaria, the “With sincere greetings and wishes of suc- lished around the core of revolutionary declaration of another Soviet Republic cess. troops that defeated the coup. It was led – alongside the Russian and Hungarian “Lenin”13 by the 24-year-old sailor, Rudolf Egel- republics – was greeted as a further step Despite the lightning speed of events and hofer. The banks were to be placed under along the path of international socialist the partial information that Lenin had ac- state control. Cash withdrawals were only revolution, which at this time seemed un- cess to, these lines are a testament to his allowed with a permit from the workers’ stoppable. The KPD hoped that word of sharp understanding of the tasks of the councils. In the case of sums over 1200 the establishment of a Soviet Republic in Soviet Republic and the weaknesses of its Mk, the permission of the People’s Com- Bavaria would revive the workers’ will to measures. Indeed, the question of land missar of Finance was even required. fight in the rest of Germany. was never resolved by the Soviet Repub- Public administration was placed un- The news also reached Soviet Russia, lic. Lenin was fully aware that, in the wake der the control of the workers’ councils, to whom Leviné had sent revolutionary of defeats in the rest of Germany, the sit- which could dismiss officials who worked greetings. At that time, the Russian civil uation of the Bavarian Soviet Republic against soviet power. To secure supplies, war was in a critical phase and the young was extremely dangerous. In his message, large quantities of foodstuffs were con- soviet power was threatened with de- he therefore sought to outline, as best he fiscated from speculators. Plans were put struction. Nonetheless, Lenin, who had could, how the revolution might never- in place for the factory councils to control himself lived in Munich for two years at theless succeed. His message didn’t reach production. For the first time in history, the beginning of the 20th Century, found Munich until 27 April, by which time de- the workers of Munich and its environs time to reply. His message to Leviné is feat was sealed. were masters of their own destiny. worth quoting in full: What this short document repre- The victory against the counter-revo- “Message Of Greetings To The Bavarian So- sents is a blueprint for how a revolution lution had given the most-active layers viet Republic, might succeed despite the most difficult of the working class an enormous boost of circumstances. Lenin’s proposals are

28 return to contents “We Communists are all but dead men on leave. Of this I am fully aware. I do not know whether you will extend my leave or whether I shall have to join Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. In any case I await your verdict with composure and inner serenity. For I know that, whatever your verdict, events cannot be stopped…” – Eugene Leviné, executed 5 June 1919 in sharp contrast to the behaviour of the These initial victories however, quickly accept the unconditional surrender and Stalinists, who would later argue, in the passed, and the revolutionaries failed to disarmament negotiated by the USPD midst of the Spanish Civil War, for the take advantage of them. The USPD chair- City Commander with the Freikorps. scrapping of the social demands of the man, Ernst Toller, who had recently been peasants and workers so as to forge an al- deposed from the government, played a The end of the Soviet Republic liance with the “progressive bourgeoisie”. lamentable role. Now in command of the The situation worsened by the hour. De- On the contrary, the Soviet Republic Red Army troops at Dachau, he pushed feat was now just a matter of time. The could only succeed if it implemented rad- for negotiations instead of pursuing the KPD consisted of the most determined ical measures to improve living stand- whites, who were on the back foot. This revolutionaries, but it was still only a ards, which could awaken the poorest and wasn’t the last time that he would play few months old. In reality, it had not led unorganised layers of the working class such a miserable role. His actions al- the working class to power, rather it was and peasantry in the whole region. Such lowed Hoffmann’s government to catch pushed to take power by the advanced measures were vital in order to give them its breath and prepare a counter-strike. layers of the working class. It did not have something worth fighting for, spurring After their initial setbacks, and with the the necessary cadres to lead the struggle them into action. Without any illusions revolution failing to gain decisive support on the ground and had to lean on inex- in the intentions of the capitalists, who beyond Munich, the roles had changed perienced communists or completely planned to drown the Soviet Republic in and the counter-offensive began. opportunist elements such as Ernst Tol- blood, the revolution had to advance de- Unlike the Red Army, Hoffmann’s forc- ler. Furthermore, it was not a tried-and- terminedly and ruthlessly against reac- es were battle-hardened counter-revo- tested party with deep roots amongst the tion. lutionary troops without any illusions in workers. This gave the final days of the negotiations. First among them were the soviet government a very chaotic charac- counter-revolution Freikorps drawn from all over Germany. ter. After the triumph over the Palm Sunday The latter were veterans of counter-rev- Although many workers wanted to coup, the Soviet Republic had secured olution, having already drowned various fight until the bitter end, more vacillating a few important victories against the workers’ revolts in blood across northern elements hoped that they might be able government of Hoffmann, which tried and central Germany. The most infamous to reach a compromise with the whites. It to break the power of the working class of these murderous bands was the ‘Ma- was under these circumstances that Tol- through military force. It quickly became rine-Brigade Erhardt’, which later gained ler once more got the upper hand. He had apparent that it was impossible to ef- notoriety as the principal pillar of Wolf- already been working away behind the fectively use the regular Bavarian army gang Kapp’s coup attempt in 1920, the so- scenes to sabotage the KPD government, against the revolution. On 15 April, in called ‘Kapp Putsch’. in an attempt to reverse his deposition the town of Freising for instance, 1,200 The Bavarian capitalists invested heav- from the head of the soviet. On the basis soldiers of the First Rifleman Battalion ily in this blood-drenched defence of of raising hopes for a negotiated solution, decided to hand over their weapons and their wealth. The High Command of the he successfully rallied most of the work- move to Regensburg after discussions Armed Forces in Bavaria, Arnold Ritter ers’ councils behind him on 27 April and with the revolutionaries. The officers had von Möhl, wrote to Hoffmann: “Circles of expelled the communists from power. The no choice but to obey the will of the sol- bankers transferred 690,000 Mk to the hopes of the workers quickly evaporated. diers. Even in the first physical clashes, army high command provisioned for the The cry for negotiations had completely the Red Army was victorious. On 15 April, troops”.14 With these resources, the Hoff- disarmed the working class in the face of it drove the whites out of the Allach and man government was able to mobilise the advancing whites. Hoffmann had no Karlsfeld districts in the north of Munich. approximately 60,000 armed men, who interest, therefore, in actually engaging On 16 April, the Red Army forced the were now advancing fast. in negotiations. The reactionaries calcu- White Guard to completely retreat from On 20 April, Augsburg was conquered lated that the time had come for the coun- Dachau, where one day earlier, workers by the whites. However, in the suburbs, ter-revolution to exact its brutal revenge from the gunpowder factory had taken bitter resistance continued for three against the workers. They wanted, once hundreds of white soldiers by surprise more days. Augsburg had not initially and for all, to banish the last thought of and disarmed them. joined the Soviet Republic, nevertheless revolution from the minds of the workers. the workers there were not prepared to

29 return to contents With the Communists driven out of Bavarian Soviet Republic was shot for A century on, a new epoch of world the government, the Soviet Republic’s “Membership of an anti-Soviet terror- revolution is being prepared. A new gen- most-determined defenders were gone, ist organisation”. The tragic irony of this eration, unburdened by the defeats of the and the new government planned to cease would certainly have been lost on Stalin’s past, is coming to the fore and is taking all resistance. On 1 May, Munich was com- butchers. the road of struggle. The unparalleled pletely surrounded, and on 2 May, com- After the defeat, it didn’t take long for strength of the working class means that, pletely conquered. The last town to fall open reaction to take power in Bavaria. unlike in the 1920s, the ruling class will was Kolbermoor in the district of Rosen- In 1920, Gustav Ritter von Kahr became not be able to quickly deal a swift and heim (Upper Bavaria) on 3 May. The hor- prime minister, ruling Bavaria as a qua- deadly blow against the workers’ move- rors of the counter-revolution now raged si-military dictatorship. Fascist gangs ment. We therefore have a certain amount with full force. were allowed to develop and roam freely of time to prepare. We must use it wisely. Revolutionaries were hunted down – as demonstrated by Hitler’s failed coup In the time that we have before us, it is and mercilessly killed. According to offi- attempt in 1923. But although the work- imperative that we build a steeled, Marx- cial statements, 38 government soldiers ing class was defeated, the revolutionary ist organisation, with roots in the working and 93 members of the Red Army died traditions and memories of these mighty class. In building such an organisation we in the clashes. But various other sources events lived on. The Bavarian workers had have before us a wealth of lessons, be- reported that the reactionary troops mur- fought and lost, but during these battles, stowed upon us by the sacrifices of class dered up to 2,000 workers and Red Army they had learned valuable lessons and fighters of past generations: of the Rus- soldiers. In the statistics, these deaths ap- continued to participate in the revolu- sian Revolution, of the German Revolu- pear either as summary executions, fatal tionary events developing in Germany in tion, and of the Bavarian Soviet Republic. accidents, or not at all. For instance, 21 the years to come. Today, the heroic memory of the Bavarian members of a Catholic Journeyman’s As- In 1871, Karl Marx described how the Soviet Republic is conserved as part of the sociation were captured while planning a workers of Paris had “stormed heaven” precious heritage of the working class by theatre performance. They were tortured when they established the Commune and the Marxist tendency. and some were beaten to death. The ‘lucky held power for several weeks. It might at It is our duty to that generation of rev- ones’ were shot. Amongst many oth- first seem fitting to compare the experi- olutionaries that we study and learn, from er victims, the sailor Rudolf Egelhofer, ence of the Bavarian Soviet Republic to their victories as well as from their mis- commander of the Red Army, and Kurt the events of the Paris Commune. Both takes, and that we build in time the rev- Landauer, were also murdered. Eugene were heroic, but ultimately unsuccessful olutionary party capable of leading the Leviné was also captured and put on trial. attempts to carry out a proletarian revo- working class to the seizure of power and Leviné knew his time was up and defiant lution. the socialist reconstruction of society. speech from the stand: But between 1871 and 1919, much had 1 Hans Beyer, Die Revolution in Bayern 1918/1919, “We Communists are all but dead men on changed. The working class of Europe was (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften, leave. Of this I am fully aware. I do not know not the same as it once was. Paris in 1871 1988), pg 14. whether you will extend my leave or whether was regarded as the most revolutionary 2 Ibid., pg 17. I shall have to join Karl Liebknecht and Rosa city on earth. Bavaria in 1919 was regard- 3 Ibid., pg 34. Luxemburg. In any case I await your ver- ed as one of the most conservative regions 4 Erich Mühsam, Von Eisner bis Leviné. Die Enste- hung der bayerischen Räterepublik, (Berlin: Hofen- dict with composure and inner serenity. For of Germany, as it continues to be regarded burg, 2013). I know that, whatever your verdict, events to this day. Far from being isolated to one 5 Ralf Höller, “Der Jude Eisner,” Zeit, February 6, cannot be stopped… town, the Bavarian Soviet Republic was 2019. “And yet I know, sooner or later, other judg- one inspiring episode in the epic struggle 6 Karl Retzlaw, Spartakus: Aufstieg und Niedergang, es will sit in this hall and then those will be of the enormously strengthened German, Erinnerung eines Parteiarbeiters, (Frankfurt: Verlag punished for high treason, [those] who have European and world proletariat. Neue Kritik, 1976), pg 130. 7 Beyer, Die Revolution in Bayern, pg 75. transgressed against the dictatorship of the In short, the working class was far 8 Paul Frölich, Die Bayerische Räterepublik: Tatsachen proletariat. stronger than it had been 50 years prior. und Kritik, (Leipzig: Franke, 1919), pg 19. “Pronounce your verdict if you deem it prop- Under these circumstances, even a small 9 Ibid., pg 22. er. I have only striven to foil your attempt to and very young Marxist organisation like 10 Ibid., pg 31. stain my political activity, the name of the the KPD was able to play a mighty role. 11 Retzlaw, Spartakus, pg 141. 12 Ibid., pg 147. Soviet Republic with which I feel myself so That being said, in the end, the tasks posed 13 Vladimir Lenin, “Message Of Greetings To The closely bound up, and the good name of the by history were beyond its small forces. Bavarian Soviet Republic,” April 27, 1919, Marxist workers of Munich. They – and I together The most important lesson of the Bavar- Internet Archive, Accessed June 3, 2021. with them – we have all of us tried to the best ian Soviet Republic – and of the whole 14 Beyer, Die Revolution in Bayern, pg 131. of our knowledge and conscience to do our German Revolution – is that a vanguard 15 Rosa Leviné-Meyer, The Life of a Revolutionary, (London: Saxon House, 1973), pg 217-8. duty towards the International, the Com- party capable of leading the working class munist World Revolution.”15 to the seizure of power cannot be formed A few days later, he was sentenced to in the heat of battle. It must be patiently death and executed, a decision sanctioned built before the revolution begins. by the SPD government of Bavaria. When the German Communist Party Max Levien was able to flee to Austria, was formed in December 1918, it had be- where the government, headed by the fore it the fresh experience of the most social democrat Renner, decided to lock momentous event in human history: the him up for over a year, contemplating the Russian Revolution. Tragically, its young question of sending him back to Bavaria, and inexperienced cadres lacked the time where he would most likely have shared to absorb the profound lessons of those the fate of Leviné. In the end he was re- mighty events before they themselves leased and emigrated to the Soviet Union. were thrust into the whirlwind of the There, in 1937, he fell victim to Stalin’s German Revolution. bloody purges. One of the leaders of the

30 return to contents GERMANY 1918-1933 SOCIALISM OR BARBARISM

ermany 1918-33 was one of alternative lead to the German masses. With Nazism on the rise, Leon Trotsky the most tumultuous periods But by 1923, the internal degeneration of described Germany in 1931 as “the key to in history. The bloody impe- the Soviet Union had tragic consequenc- the international situation”. “On the di- rialist slaughter of World War es in misdirecting the youthful Commu- rection in which the solution of the Ger- GOne was brought to an end not by nego- nist Party. In the revolutionary upsurge man crisis develops will depend not only tiations of bourgeois governments, but of 1923, in which power came within the fate of Germany herself (and that is by a wave of proletarian revolutions. In reach of the German workers, the baleful already a great deal), but also the fate of Russia, in March 1917, the 400 year-old advice of Zinoviev and Stalin in the head Europe, the destiny of the entire world, Tsarist autocracy was brought crashing of the Communist International allowed for many years to come,” he explained. down. In November 1917, the dictator- this, a classical revolutionary opportuni- Trotsky called for a United Front ship of the proletariat was established ty to be missed. against fascism, but this was rejected by across the former empire under the lead- The defeat of the German Revolu- the Stalinists. This paved the way for the ership of the Bolshevik Party. tion had a decisive international impact victory of the Nazis, leading to the Holo- In November 1918, the German work- on the world revolutionary movement. caust and the Second World War with its ers and soldiers brought down the Kaiser It served to strengthen the grip of the 55 million dead. in a revolution that put an end to the war. Stalinist bureaucracy in Russia, which As Rob explains, there was nothing Workers’ and soldiers’ councils were es- paved the way for further defeats. As a inevitable about the defeat of the Ger- tablished everywhere. From the Novem- result of the zig-zags of the Comintern man working class. The betrayals of the ber Revolution of 1918 until 1923, the policy, between opportunism and ul- Social Democrats, coupled with the in- German workers repeatedly reached out tra-leftism, the way was paved for the experience of the Communist Party and for power but each time were betrayed by disastrous policy of the ‘Third Period’, the later betrayals of the Stalinists, led to the Social Democratic leaders. which painted the Social Democrats as the victory of fascism in Germany, mak- In the midst of these mighty events, the main enemy. The working class was ing a new imperialist slaughter inevi- the most revolutionary elements of the left divided in the face of a burgeoning table. In this book, Rob Sewell analyses German working class strived to form fascist movement. these momentous events, drawing out a new, Communist Party to give an the valuable lessons for today. Available now! £14.99 +P&P from wellredbooks.net THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY A MARXIST PERSPECTIVE

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