Köksal, Özlem. "Representing the Armenian Genocide: Ararat and Beyond." Aesthetics of Displacement: Turkey and Its Minorities on Screen
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Köksal, Özlem. "Representing the Armenian Genocide: Ararat and Beyond." Aesthetics of Displacement: Turkey and its Minorities on Screen. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016. 93– 130. Topics and Issues in National Cinema. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 29 Sep. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501306471.ch-004>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 29 September 2021, 23:25 UTC. Copyright © Özlem Köksal 2016. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 4 Representing the Armenian Genocide: Ararat and Beyond1 This chapter, as the title indicates, focuses on the representations of the Armenian genocide in film, putting Atom Egoyan’s Ararat, and its reception in Turkey, at its center. As I have been arguing throughout the book, narratives outside the borders of Turkey are as relevant and influential as the ones coming from within when examining the country’s relationship to its past through film. Yet, before going any further, the centrality of the film to the chapter, as well as the reasons for discussing the Armenian genocide in a separate chapter, might benefit from further clarification. Armenians are, after all, members of the non-Muslim minorities, as well. Is the representation of the Armenian genocide different to representations of other such massacres or genocides in film? And, why does Ararat form the kernel of this chapter? Although Armenians made up part of the non-Muslim population living in the Ottoman Empire, the genocide claims and subsequent denial that exists in Turkey regarding genocidal intent is an ongoing issue, with its own separate political and social ramifications. Hence, the weight of the subject in contem- porary Turkey requires a separate discussion in order to be able to tackle its own particular context and the various discourses produced on the subject. Unlike other issues related to the minorities in Turkey, or other catastrophic events, in general, outside of Turkey (or modernist events à la Hayden White), the denial on the part of the Turkish government, and the anguish created by the denial of pain and suffering on the part of Armenians, are what distinguish the Armenian genocide from similar traumatic episodes in history. In other words, the context in which the works on the Armenian genocide are produced and dealt with is one in which there is an ongoing denial of the fact itself. The erasure and the 9781501306464_txt_print.indd 93 04/11/2015 13:54 94 Aesthetics of Displacement denial of history in relation to the Armenians often make the works on the Armenian experience different from similar works, since in this case the already debilitating nature of the event is taken further since the survivor is put in an agonizing position of having to prove his/her suffering in order that he/she can mourn it. This denial, combined with an extremely long struggle to end that denial, shape much of the discussion and the representation of the event. The filmArarat not only deals with various representations of the genocide, but also, unlike any other film discussed in this book, lies at the center of intense debates in Turkey. Discussions about the film started in Turkey months before it premiered at the Cannes Film Festival in 2002, as Ararat was already making the news during the production and the post-production phases. When the film was released in 2002, it continued to create heated debate in Turkey and elsewhere in the world. Part of the reason why Egoyan was able to create such turmoil, in addition, or perhaps in relation to Turkey’s denial of the genocide claims, is the film’s unusual take on the historical epic genre. While questioning the genre and its limits, Ararat tries to understand the past through today, interro- gating the notions of truth and testimony. It explores the present time and how present conditions influence the memory of a traumatic event that is not only the subject of social and cultural debate, but also that of historical, political, and juridical contestation. This chapter is divided into five sections. While the first section aims at providing a brief background to the events of 1915, and their aftermath, the second discusses representability—and the representation—of the event in film. The section briefly looks at Fatih Akın’s The Cut (2014), and the Taviani Brothers’ La Masseria Delle Allodole/The Lark Farm (2007), with the aim of situating Ararat among other films on the subject. The chapter then discusses the themes of absence, denial, and memory in Egoyan’s filmography. The final two sections focus specifically on Ararat: a close textual analysis of the film is followed by an analysis of its reception in Turkey. Historical overview: 1915, and its aftermath The Ottoman Empire was governed by a millet system, allowing relative autonomy to religious communities, and the Armenians were one of the non-Muslim communities living under the protection of the Sultan. During the 9781501306464_txt_print.indd 94 04/11/2015 13:54 Representing the Armenian Genocide: Ararat and Beyond 95 first half of the nineteenth century, many ethnic groups demanded independence, and established their own nation-states. The Armenians, however, remained part of the empire, with no serious claim to a separate state; they were also known as the “loyal nation” (millet-i sadika). This changed in the second half of the 19th century, as they, too, started to express similar demands regarding independence, and were backed by several Western countries and Russia. The growing anxiety and conflict among the Empire’s subjects caused continuous bloodshed. While the Balkan Wars (1912–13), and the defeat that followed, were important in relation to the development of Turkish nationalism, both Christians and Muslims were involved in violence, looting and massacring villagers. According to Taner Akçam, the Rumelian Muslim refugees, trying to escape massacres in Christian-dominated areas, started arriving in Anatolia from 1912 onward, and contributed greatly to the already existing desire for revenge in the minds of the Muslims. This, according to Akçam, was crucial in creating the necessary conditions “for the subsequent Armenian genocide, because it was precisely those people who, having only recently been saved from massacre themselves, would now take a central and direct role in cleansing Anatolia of ‘non-Turkish elements’” (Akçam 2007: 84). However, the massacres of 1915 were not the first that the Armenians had suffered under the Ottoman Empire. Historians often cite two distinct events prior to 1915: the Hamidian Massacres, between 1894 and 1896, and the Adana Massacres of 1909. The Hamidian massacres were carried out by Hamidiye regiments, that is irregular Kurdish cavalry forces, backed by Sultan Abdül Hamid II. The regiments were created in order to ensure security near the Russian border, but the real reason for their existence was to keep Armenian revolutionary activity under control (Akçam 2007; Hovanissian 2004). The Adana Massacres, on the other hand, erupted after a counter-coup against the CUP government by Abdül Hamid supporters. Local Muslims in the province of Adana attacked Armenian villages, which, in their eyes, represented the “evil Western values” that were being imposed on the Ottoman Empire. According to Akçam, even though “the CUP had no direct connection to the events in Adana, there are a number of accounts that claim local Unionists leaders [CUP members] were involved” (Akçam 2007: 63).2 It was after the Battle of Sarıkamış (1914) and the defeat by Russia that the situation worsened. Enver Pasha, who was one of the leaders of the CUP, and who is often regarded as one of the architects of the massacres, ordered Armenian conscripts to give up their arms, as he blamed the Armenian soldiers 9781501306464_txt_print.indd 95 04/11/2015 13:54 96 Aesthetics of Displacement for collaborating with the Russian Army. A secret branch within the governing party called Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa (Special Organization) planned the deporta- tions of Armenians between 1915 and 1918, according to many scholars, with the intention of clearing Anatolia of Armenians. Many died during these long marches due to starvation and illness, and this later formed part of the accusa- tions made against the authorities as it is claimed that they intentionally did nothing to protect the people. There are also eyewitness accounts claiming to have seen soldiers massacring and torturing Armenians, to which the author- ities reportedly turned a blind eye. The military tribunals of 1919 and 1920 sentenced Talat Pasha, Enver Pasha, Dr. Nazım, and Cemal Pasha, the four main agitators in the massacres, to death in their absence. Talat Pasha and Cemal Pasha were assassinated later by the Armenians. Although the massacres were admitted and the responsible bodies were tried, Turkey later took a step back. The birth of the newly estab- lished Turkish Republic as a nation-state, and its desire to narrate a heroic past, resulted in the erasing of certain events from the public discourse. The historiography on Armenians and the silence that exists in Turkey go through different stages. According to Fatma Müge Göçek, the historiography of the Armenians in Turkey can be viewed in three historical periods: the Ottoman investigative narrative; the republican defensive narrative; and the post-nationalist critical narrative. Each of these periods produces a distinct historiography, shaped by the political climate in which it emerges. The first period, the Ottoman investigative narrative, covers the period of the genocide and its immediate aftermath. The most salient aspect of these works (memoirs, reports, and so on) is that they do not question the occurrence of the massacres (Göçek 2003: 211). This was followed by a period of silence until 1953, which was broken briefly by the publication of a few works on the subject, which formed the defensive narrative.