White House: An End to the Silent Minority RIPON

MAY, 1973 Vol. IX, No. 9 ONE DOLLAR

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~ SHAKE UP THE SALT CONTENTS Politics: Reports . 13 Commentary The Steiger Commission. Politics: Profiles 13 4 Mississippi GOP State Chairman Clarke Reed is The Suburban Middle Class Exodus .. to some an enigma wrapped in an anathema. But Editorial Board member Ralph E. Thayer, director to others, Reed is a Republican's Republican. of the Urban Studies Institute of Louisiana State University, New Orleans, contends that the re­ turn of the middle class from the ,suburbs is nec­ Politics: People 16 essary to the salvation of the cities. Duly Noted: Politics 32 The Third Nixon Administration 6 Editorial Board Chairman Robert D. Behn looks Duly Noted: Books 29 for competence rather than absolute loyalty as Dear Israelis, Dear Arabs: A Working Approach the criterion for the third Nixon Administration. to Peace; Arabs and Israelis: LIfe Together; Cold War and Counter-Revolution; Prisons, Protest and PoMtics; An American Philosophy of Social Se­ In Re The Burger Court .. 7 curity; and American Enterprise: Free and Not Robert G. Stewart, a third-year law student at So Free. Harvard University, explains the equities and in­ equities of municipal school financing as the re­ late to the Supreme Court's decision in San An­ Letters 30 tonio v. Rodriguez. 14a Eliot Street 31

Correction A "Politics: People" note in the March FORUM mag­ Book Review azine confused the identity of Robert F. Odell, Jr. and Robert C. Odle. Mr. Odell is the Finance Director of the Republican National Committee who spoke before the Massachusetts State Republican Finance Committee. Mr. The Bored of Education ..... 27 Odle served as director of personnel and administration for the Committee to Re-elect the President. The FORUM FORUM Editor Dick Behn, still learning, reviews "incerely regrets the error. And trying one more time, four diverse books on education: Busing and Back­ let's try to straighten out the ages of the under-26 crowd lash; Places for Learning, Places for Joy; Chil­ of Vermont Republican legislators: Thomas R. Haley, Jr., dren in the Learning Factory; and Equal Educa­ 23, Gregory E. Reed, 20, and James H. Douglas, 21. Omit­ tion. ted in the Correction in the April FORUM was Ripon Na­ tional Associate Member Richard L. Cleveland, 25, who represents District 21.

THE RIPON FORUM Is published semi-monthly by the Ripon Soclety. Inc.. 140 Ellot Street. At Issue Cambridge. Massachusetts 02138. Second crass postage rates paid Boston. Massachusetts. Contents are copyrighted © 1972 by the Ripon Socl<:ty. Inc. Correspondence to the Editor Is welcomed. In pubhshlng this magazine the Ripon Society seeks to provide Municipal Decentralization 17 a forum for a spirit of criticism. Innovation. and Independent think­ ing within the Republican Parly. Artlcles do not necessarily rep­ Dr. John A. Rehfuss, acting director of the Cen­ ~~si~~~n:d~pln\on of the Ripon Society. unless they are explicltly ter for Governmental Studies at North Dllnois SUBSCRIPTION RATES are $10 a year. $5 for students. service­ University, DeKalb, Illinois, explains what works m.en. apd for Peace Corps. Vista and other volunteers. Overseas and what doesn't in decentralizing municipal serv­ alr m.all. $10 extra. Advertising rates on request. $10 of any con­ ices and government. tribul10n to the Ripon Society is credited for a subscription to the Ripon FORUM. Editor: Dick Behn Salt Talks ...... 22 Editorial Board: Robert D. Behn. Chairman Tanya Mellch Robert H. Donaldson Ralph Thayer Richard Burt, a Ph.D. candidate at the Fletcher James Manahan School of Law and Diplomacy, makes some rec­ Contributing Editom Cilliord Brown. Glenn Gerstell. WUllam A. ommendations for U.S. action in the current round Koelsch and Daniel J. Swillinger. of SALT talks. Circulation _d Tedm1cal Editorl Judith H. Bahn. Art: Leslle Morrill. Editorial .Ass!slClntsl Deborah Bowen and Victoria Golden. Correspondents J. James Plant. Nebraska Foy McDavid. Alabama Scott Green. New Hampshire James F. McCollum. Jr .• Florida Deryl Howard. North Carolinu Steven Livengood. Georgia Henri Pell Junod. Ohio Michael McCrary. Idaho William K. Woods. Ohio Features Mike Hansen. Idaho Stephen Jones. Oklahoma David Allison. IndiCll1a Eric R. Blackledge. Oregon Thomas A. Sargent. Indiana Donato Andre DAndrea. R. I. C.R. Connell. Iowa Bruce M. Selya. Rhode IsI_d Politics: Reports 8 Judy Gentry. K_ Dean Sinclair. South Carolina John C. Yoder. Kcmsas Stanford M. Adelstem. S. D. The long-awaited 1972 Ripon Ratings need be Eric Kames. Kentucky Mark Gustavson. Utah James Harrington. Maine W. Stuart Parsons. WiscollSin awaited no more. Our computer grinds slowly but Arthur F. McClure. Missouri George Charles. Vermont it thinks it has discerned the basis for a growing coalition of progressive Republicans in Congress. I eMargin Release BREED'S HILL - As one walks into the maximum said, "You won't squeal on us, will you, Mr. Behn?" De­ It security unit of the State School for Boys, one is not im­ pressed and annoyed, I mumbled that we would discuss mediately depressed. It takes a minute or two. the situation a little later. My tutoring session was cut Recently I visited Leggie (who was mentioned in the short when Leggie was taken out for his daily break. We February Margin Release column) in his cell in the unit. played ping pong while Leggie half-concentrated on the Fifteen-year-old Leggie spends 23Y2 hours a day in his TV (although I was not convinced that the concentration 6 x 10 foot cell in the middle of a lO-cell block. His was not an elaborate charade for overhearing the conver­ cell is notably neater than most. His books are piled neat­ sation of the guards on duty). A half hour later, Leggie ly by his bed. His mattress is on the concrete platform was returned to his cell, having, as usual, completely ob­ rather than torn into pieces and stuffed into the tcilet to literated me in Chinese torture. create a flood in the cell block. His blanket is on his bed I asked one guard what action had developed in the rather than rolled, knotted and wet in order to knock the cell block. He unlocked a closet door and showed me glass plate off the cell light. (Such are the diversions of two, foot-long sections of heavy-gauge angle-irons which juvenile cell life.) He lives alone (e.g., "solitary") so had once been welded to the steel walls of the cell to there is no overcrowding in his cell. But the unit, built keep them in place. Once welded, but now torn in pieces for 10 kids, was holding 19 that night. The walls of Leg­ by the cell occupants, they had been torn clean off the walls gie's cell are even free from the usual pornographic draw­ and hidden in the cells. The potential for a crushed skull ings and scribbled initials. (In at least one other cel~ ra­ was evident. cial epithets festoon the walls.) Only a few pinups adorn "I can't get mad," said the guard. ''I'd do the same the wall and monthly calendars have been drawn labori­ thing if I were locked up." The cell block was full of fa­ ously along the side of the toilet. miliar faces, juveniles who frequent the unit as often as If the label "incorrigible" was applied to any delin­ some salesmen go to Holiday Inns. The guard mentioned quent, it would probably fit Leggie. His record is stuffed his newest difficulties: the overcrowded cells; cell place­ with accusations ranging from breaking and entering, car ments to minimize homosexuality, personality conflicts and theft, and mugging to arson, assault with a dangerous racial antagonisms; and the most recent cell flooding. There weapon (gun), and forcible escape. And yet, Leggie is was speculation that Leggie would be sent to an adult in­ a likable, industrious and bright "man." (''I'm not a kid; stitution; at 15, he would be matriculated in a graduate I've been a man ever since I was a baby," he says.) school of crime. At 15. Leggie has been locked up for about two months this A recent article in a Net/! York Times series on ju­ year. Last year, he was locked up for periods of two months, venile justice quoted a juvenile judge as admitting that il­ two months, two months and three months. Some of it was legal acts are often committed by the family courts. Ju­ in the comparative luxury of a cell with its own TV. But venile rights are rescinded without adult protections. The much of the time was spent in the depressing environment presumption of guilt is much stronger than in criminal of the stark 6 x 10 foot cell. courts. And far too often, the facilities for rehabilitation Leggie stood by the door to his cell as I entered. He are no more effective than for adult offenders. remained there, intent on the action and conversation in Pity the "squealer" if he is caught by his peers. Pity the cell corridor. During the next hour and a half, it be­ the peers who live in frustration and impotence. Pity the came obvious that an escape plan had been formulated, guards whose sensibilities are affronted by their own jobs. weapons had been hidden and someone had squealed. Leg­ Pity the POW's. But these are not POW's. These are our gie, perhaps realizing that I am not as dumb as-llook, own children. •

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May, 1973 3 in city schools, or because they can­ tried? Most of the private sector has not secure financing to move into the been fiscally burned and as a result Editorial Board urban center and create a different life­ has drawn rather firm conclusions as style. The city is not being rejected to just how far they can or will go COMMENTARY in the philosophical sense as it was in urban programs. Their comfort and a few years back. To highlight this assurance emanates from the presence trend, the Citizens' Advisory Commit­ of urban "positives" ... even the urban tee on Environmental Quality in its positives that say in effect, "we will Annual Report to the President and lose here but at least we know that to the Council on Environmental Qual­ in advance and will bet accordingly." ity noted that ... "in a number of The proponent of this gambler spirit cities many younger couples who could who will take all but the least chancy afford to move to suburbia are electing of urban investment alternatives is all The to stay and, in a voluntary rehabilita­ too often the same one who is not tion effort of considerable magnitude, above shading the returns in his favor are converting the inner city blocks or who will participate only if the into healthy neighborhoods." stakes are set at artificially high levels The impetus for much of this effort of return. It is too easy to overlook Suburban is dear to Republican hearts; it is the fact that HUD's Section 235 scan­ emanating largely or totally from pri­ dals were partially precipitated by pri­ vate resources. While it might be pos­ vate sector activity, or that the creation sible to attribute the sole source of of large tax shelters to finance Section the impetus to an ideological insis­ 236 constructions often resulted in "in­ Middle tence on rejection of outside assistance stant slums." which might profane a spiritual mis­ How this riverboat gambler syn­ sion, such is not the case. Virtually drome can be trained to a shorter all financial institutions have written leash without deadening the inner city off large areas of many cities as un­ investment (incentives other than mas­ Class suitable for investment. A unique sive urban towers) is a serious ques­ phenomenon often is noted in this tion. One possible strategy would be regard; the chief official of the insti­ to assist the smaller investor in ac­ tution stands behind the banquet table quiring and rehabilitating inner city proclaiming dedication to the urban housing. The presence of middle-class Exodus cause while the middle-management residents seems critical to urban re­ loan officer rejects applications. And so habilitation. In such areas, investment the white, middle-class urban pioneer is more likely. Just as the policy of is forced to live the life of the low­ cordoning multi-problem families in er income city dweller dependent for public housing was found to be fol­ daily survival on his wits and pure ly, so the isolation of all lower income by Ralph E Thayer luck. citizens is a serious mistake. Scatter­ Even such a rejection might be un­ site housing does not work if the units derstandable. After all, financial in­ are dispersed eighteen feet apart; other income groups must be present in the Throughout the 1950's and most of stitutions do not exercise their fiducia­ housing pattern. the 1960's, the great bulk of the ry responsibilities by propelling large American middle-class voiced a com­ amounts of cash willy nilly toward Since there is already a growing plete philosophical rejection of the open urban windows. It is a luxury trend to return and live in the city, city. Many had been raised in an at­ to live in a world of black and white this movement should be encouraged. mosphere where it was instilled into (no pun intended) where it can be Studies have indicated that the suburbs them that their fortunes were inex­ said with righteous certainty that are opening their housing more fre­ tricably related to the construction of money placed in Spot X will vanish quently to low-income residents, al­ barriers between "Urban Nirvana" and without a productive trace. Past ex­ though this process is more the result the inexorable tide of urban decay that perience and present doubts have of the trickle-down of older, close-in their parents had only narrowly es­ produced an abbreviated spectrum of housing than any evidence of good caped. In such a climate, the building urban investment alternatives at the spirit. Were we to backfill and save of bridges was almost impossible. But, precise time when many are craning many of the older areas, the dispersal something appears to be happening: their necks to see if the private sector of those now confined might well ac­ young people are still living in su­ fiscal work has yet settled in the chim­ celerate. There appears little hope for burban areas but a great many say ney. saving urban areas that have been com­ that they do so only because they do What private sector investment al­ pletely abandoned to public housing; not trust their children's educations ternatives in the city remain to be to define an area as being "saved"

4 Ripon Forum in the absence of the middle-class gen­ for amortization of rehab properties group to pick the national pocket. erally is a serious delusion. is a step in the right direction.) In Naturally, this is not a complete and If we accept the return of the the heady rush to set housing pro­ integrated housing policy; it represents middle-class to the city as a major na­ duction records, we have created many some areas of significant concern. In tional goal, then we can dispense with shoddy developments that have wasted general, the country has played to its much of the twaddle that seems to valuable land and given rise to a strength: mass production. As a result attend any incentives offered to mid­ burgeoning consumer move in hous­ the United States is the best housed dle-income citizens. Past investment in­ ing. Urban sprawl has its limits, par­ nation in history. It is not, however, centives in the city benefitted the ticularly if the increasingly serious the most happily housed. Rather than holder of large amounts of capital fuel shortage forces limitations on tying up all ownership assistance funds who could take advantage of the loop­ automobile usage in the future. in the somewhat aimless creation of holes. What benefit did trickle down Third; consideration should be given one type of housing, a wider mix of to the target groups could be, at best, to adopting an idea originating with ownership assistance should be made characterized as grossly out of pro­ George Sternlieb of Rutgers and given available in such a form as to be biased portion to the input. prominence by former Assistant Sec­ in favor of the recycling of our exist­ Several suggestions follow from the retary of HUD Samuel Jackson: the ing housing. The poor are certainly acceptance of such a goal. Urban Homestead Act. The gist of the most affected when the federal First; if the powers of urban re­ this idea is to make available at nom­ sluice gate controlling housing funds newal agencies did not exist, then inal cost to those willing to live in swings shut, or tapers off its flow. How­ somebody would have to invent them. and improve the structure, housing ever, the limitations of most incentives The fact is that inner city land is which has been abandoned either to those in the very low or very high prohibitively expensive, thus causing formally or informally by non-res­ income categories has guaranteed that architectural stalagmites to sprout sky­ ident owners. Foreclosure procedures middle-class citizens devote their en­ ward from launching pads surround­ would have to drastically be over­ ergies to erecting barriers to prevent ed by trivia and decay. If inner city hauled, tax abatements to generate the urban decay which they would be investment could be dispersed more owner investment created, and protec­ powerless to correct. A national hous­ evenly, perhaps by using urban re­ tion given these pione:rs from caprici­ ing strategy should place high prior­ newal powers on the basis of com­ ous rezoning or highway intrusion. ity on maintaining the quality of exist­ munity improvement, a more even re­ Commitment to this strategy would re­ ing housing, thus assuaging current vitalization might be achieved by in­ quire a rethinking of our concept of fears of a decline in the value of mid­ terspersing residential and commercial property ownership even if the non­ dle-class housing investments. When uses in a healthier mix. exercise of the responsibilities of own­ the middle-class blaze a trail back in­ ~econd; conservation and rehabilita­ ership had created a worsening hazard to areas of the city, it will trigger the tion of existing housing stock should to the public at large. We require strongest possible incentive for out­ be made a prime national goal. flood insurance to protect the citizen­ side investment. This factor should not (The introduction of the Administra­ ry from foolish building practices for be overlooked any more than the needs tion's Environmental Protection Tax which we all must pay; there is no of the ill-housed should be given a Act (HR 5584) with its provisions reason why we should permit another low priority. Illil

May, 1973 5 After four years, however, Nixon and the result may be Haldeman's concluded that this was inadequate, resignation. Editorial Board particularly when many of the cab­ Haldeman is now being compared inet members heading the departments with Sherman Adams, Dwight D. COMMENTARY were former politicians with outside Eisenhower's chief-of-staff, and Water­ constituencies and independent proc­ gate with the "influence peddling" livities. Thus, for the second term, Adams did for Boston textile manu­ the Nixon cabinet of faceless men con­ facturer Bernard Goldfine. But the dis­ tained only two secretaries, Elliot L. appearance of Haldeman will be much The Richardson and Rogers C. B. Morton, more significant for Nixon's second who had previously held elective of­ term than Adams's resignation was fice and both had earned impeccable for Eisenhower's. Haldeman has more TIdrd credentials as Nixon loyalists. In con­ power than Adams ever did, and trast, former Secretary of Commerce Nixon is much more ambitious in his Peter G. Peterson's independence - plans to change the government than Mixon which included his refusal to acquiesce Ike ever was. to the requests from White House Further, Adams resigned alone, aides that he attack Sen. George Mc­ while Haldeman, if he leaves, will be Govern - was rewarded with an al­ accompanied by many others. The re­ AdlDinis- most public dismissal. The ldson could sult will be the decimation of the gov­ not have been lost to others serving erning network so carefully construct­ tratioD in the Administration. ed since last November. Further, key sub-cabinet posts 10 Who will fill the void? Will loyal­ various departments were filled with ty or competence be the criterion for former White House aides who would new policy makers and administrators? by Robert D Behn maintain direct contact with Ehrlich­ Will power and responsibility still be man and White House Chief of Staff concentrated in the White House staff, It has already been stated that the H.R. Haldeman. From the Domestic with real administrative control ex­ Watergate scandal, had it occurred in Council staff, for example, went John ercised through a sub-cabinet network a European parliamentary democracy, C. Whitaker, an assistant Nixon cam­ responsive directly to the President's would have brought down the govern­ paign manager in 1968, to be un­ chief-of-staff? ment - the prime minister and his dersecretary of Interior; Egil "Bud" If the Nixon Administration is now cabinet. But it will, in a sense, also Krogh, Jr., once a member of Ehrlich­ to command a sense of legitimacy for bring down the Nixon government. man's Seattle law firm, to be under­ its policy actions, the President must Certainly Richard Nixon will still secretary of Transportation, and Ed­ shift authority to a real cabinet. He be President, but the core of his staff, ward L. Morgan to be assistant sec­ will have to bring in people of recog­ first assembled during the 1968 cam­ retary of the Treasury. nized stature and competence to lead paign, appears to be on the verge of the Departments and permit them to White House control of depart­ collapse. The Constitution may have choose their own undersecretaries and mental actions was also exercised spared the President, but the scandal assistant secretaries. He must bring in­ through Ronald L. Ziegler, Nixon's will have brought down the real cab­ to his cabinet men and women who press secretary, to whom all depart­ inet. are dedicated to doing things, not be­ mental press officers reported, and Richard Nixon, like other Presidents ing things. through William E. Timmons, As­ before him, has been frustrated by his The obsession with loyalty, which sistant to the President for Legisla­ inability to make the executive branch characterizes the staffs of elected chief tive Affairs, who directed all depart­ responsive to his policies. John F. Ken­ executives of many municipal, state mental staff working on congressional nedy attempted to circumvent the State and national governments, has obvious relations. Last January, it was well Department's foreign policy bureauc­ liabilities. The Watergate espionage understood In Washington that the racy by establishing, In the White effort is only the latest example of key prerequisite for an important House and directly under his control, what happens when internal staff com­ position in the second Nixon Admin­ an office where the nation's real for­ petition and advancement reward those istration was demonstrated loyalty, not eign policy was made and carried out. who are the most loyal. demonstrated competence. Lyndon Johnson continued this tradi­ The electoral mandate from Presi­ tion. During his first term, Nixon not At the hub of this network of loyal, dent Nixon's November landslide has only increased the influence and re­ sub-cabinet officials was Haldeman, clearly been destroyed by the revela­ sponsibilities of· his' White House for­ the man who most epitomized the tions about Watergate and its subse­ eign policy advisor, but established the loyalty complex. Now the Watergate quent cover-up. The credibility and ef­ Domestic Council under John Ehrlich­ scandal is .being laid at Haldeman's fectiveness of the third Nixon Admin­ man in an attempt to get a better grip doorstep - either because he knew istration now depends on the demon­ on the civil service bureaucracies of about the espionage operation, or be­ strated competence of those whom the those agencies with domestic responsi­ cause he attempted to cover it up, or President selects to replace the super­ bilities. because he failed to investigate it - loyalists. • 6 Ripon Forum fied individuals for unequal treatment Unable to fill either "New Equal along "inherently suspect" lines, or Protection" criterion, the Court revert­ COMMENTARY any statute which unequally distributed ed to traditional doctrine, and upheld burdens or benefits relating to "funda­ the property tax scheme as a rational mental rights," was presumptively in­ way to assure local community par­ valid. Only a strong justification for ticipation in the process of education. InBe the unequal treatment, not mere ra­ A more activist Court might have tionality, would save the statute. preferred dissenting Justice Thurgood Because the Warren Court never de­ Marshall's view of the role of the The fined "fundamental rights" or "sus­ Court in equal protection cases. In his pect" classifications, except on a case view, "equal protection of the laws" by case basis, this doctrinal legacy was requires some judicial scrutiny of all left open for development in accor­ statutory inequalities. Acceptable levels Burler dance with a much more limited ju­ of justification for inequalities should dicial philosophy. depend on the importance of the rights Court In Rodriguez, the Burger Court ma­ involved and the nature of the dis­ jority found no "suspect" classifica­ crimination. The importance of educa­ tion. Even if wealth might prove in tion combined with the undesirabili­ by Robert G. Stewart some cases to be "suspect," wealth dis­ ty of distributing such an essential crimination was not, in the view of service according to wealth requires, The Supreme Court decision uphold­ the Court, an accurate description of in Marshall's view, a higher standard ing property tax financing of public the property tax system. Low tax base of justification than Texas proffered in schools is a prime example of what districts were not necessarily inhabit­ this case. Burger Court judicial conservatism is ed only by the poor, and it was on­ But the developed Warren Court all about: developed doctrine is ad­ ly individual wealth, not community doctrine did not say that, and the: hered to and traditional values pre­ wealth, which even arguably could be "New Equal Protection" allows for served; social progress, however, is a basis for a constitutional violation. interpretation according to the more thought to be the province of the leg­ The only positive correlation between modest role of the Court seen by the islature, not the Court. educational expenditures and individ­ Burger Court majority. In its view, In San Antonio Indepe11dent School ual wealth could be found by con­ traditional values only are to be guard­ District v. Rodriguez, the Texas public trasting the richest few districts with ed by the Court; the assertion of con­ education financing system came un­ the poorest few and ignoring the mid­ temporary values is the function of der attack as violating the Equal dle 90 percent. While all children in the political process. Protection Clause of the Fourteenth all but the richest districts could be Practical factors buttressed the Amendment. In Texas, the state pro­ viewed as a class against whom the Court's conclusion. Revenue laws and vides funds for only a basic mini­ system discriminated, the Court felt educational policy are both complex mum level of education. Any addi­ that such a class had none of the tra­ balances of competing interests. Espe­ tional funding must come at the dis­ ditional disabilities of a group needing cially where, as here, a state appears trict level through local property tax­ "extraordinary protection from the ma­ to be doing its best to provide educa­ es. As a result, wealthy districts have joritarian political process." tion fairly while effecting other leg­ better financed schools than poor dis­ Of more doctrinal significance, the itimate policies, a Court might well tricts, unless residents of the latter major:ity . .felt that education was not tread lightly before it interferes by bear heavier tax burdens. This, it a "fundamental right" either, in spite setting up rigid standards which was argued, unconstitutionally discri­ of its en.ormous importance in a com­ might upset these balances. Further­ minates against the poor in the dis­ plex society, particularly for effective more, given research by Coleman, tribution of an essential state service. exercise of more traditional "funda­ Jencks and others, it is no longer all Traditional equal protection doc­ mental rights" such as free speech or that certain that educational expendi­ trine does not require that all public voting. tures are translated into significant so­ goods be distributed equally, only that Rights are not to be judged "funda­ cial progress. any significant disparities be rational­ mental" in the constitutional sense, Thus, it is a combination of the ly related to effectuating a legitimate according to the majority, because of Burger Court's limited view of its so­ state policy. their social importa11ce. Rather, the on­ cial role and an algtost refreshing ac­ Sensing, however, that traditional ly "fundamental rights" of the citizen­ knowledgment of its !imitations in the doctrine alone did not adequately deal ry are those written into the Constitu­ area of policy which accounts for the with today's difficult racial and eco­ tion or readily implied therefrom. Ef­ Rodriguez result. It is the failure of nomic inequalities, and viewing itself fective exercise of these rights is a the Warren Court to more precisely as an instrument for social change, the social goal which the Court would not define its activist doctrine, however, Warren Court molded a stricter Four­ "presume to possess either the ability which accounts for the ability of the teenth Amendment test which came or the authority" to implement by in­ new Court to effect a major shift in to be known as the "New Equal Pro­ terfering with otherwise legitimate philosophy through that very same tection." Any statute which classi- state activities. doctrine. •

May, 1973 7 c) Devolution of governmental powers to govern­ ments closest to and most accountable to the in- POLITICS: REPORTS dividual citizen and privatization of policy execu- • tion as opposed to bureaucratization. • 1972 RIPON RATINGS d) Maintenance of sound fiscal policies in both the domestic and international economy ~.nd con­ sistent opposition to wasteful spending. The 1972 Ripon Ratings for both the House of Rep­ c) Resistance to excess concentrations of govern­ resentatives and the Senate are, as usual, dominated by mental powers in a single entity and a parallel Republicans. Eight representatives, all Republicans, scored insistence upon candor and openness throughout 100 percent. They are U. S. Reps. John Anderson and governmental and quasi-governmental institutions. Thomas Railsback of Illinois, Margaret Heckler of Mas­ f) Internationalism in foreign policy and consequent sachusetts, Hamilton Fish, Jr. of New York, Gilbert Gude development of multilateral approaches as op­ of Maryland, William Frenzel of Minnesota, and Paul posed to interventionism or isolationism. McCloskey and William Mailliard of California. Other J.() Pres':!rvation and improvement of the environ­ Republican representatives scoring 90 percent or more were ment and development of policies concerning Edward Biester, Jr. of Pennsylvania (94 percent), Silvio population growth and natural resource consump­ Conte of Massachusetts and H.J. (John) Heinz III of tion that wili insure the possibility of a decent Pennsylvania (93), and Peter Peyser of New York (90). existence to future generations of Americans and Three Democratic representatives scored 90 percent or foreign nationals. above. They were U.S. Reps. Richard Hanna of California h) Reliance upon and expansion of free market (93), Hugh Carey of New York (92) and Abner Mikva mechanisms and consequent opposition to pro­ of Illinois (90). ducer subsidies, unnecessary regulatory mecha­ Sen. Charles Percy of Illinois was the only member nisms, and protectionist international trade poli­ uf the Senate to score 100 percent in the 1972 Ripon CIes. Ratings. The next eight positions were held by other Re­ The Republican leadership in both the House and publican senators: Edward W. Brooke of Massachusetts the Senate scored significantly higher than the Democratic (96), Jacob Javits of New York (92), Lowell Weicker, leadership. The three top House Republicans, Minority Jr. of Connecticut (90), Clifford Case of New Jersey, J. Leader Gerald Ford of Michigan, Minority Whip Leslie Caleb Boggs of Delaware, Mark O. Hatfield of Oregon, Arends of Illinois and Conference Chairman John Ander- and James Pearson of Kansas (88). Sen. Charles McC. son of Illinois, scored respectively 62, 57, and 100 percent. Mathias, Jr. (R-Md.) scored 87 percent as did Democrat C The three leading House Democrats, Speaker Carl Albert Pre::! Harris of Oklahoma. Sen. Robert Taft, Jr. (R-Ohio) followed with 86 percent. In a form of amnesty to supporters of Administra­ tion Vietnam policy, the various end-the-war votes that loomed so large in the 1970 and 1971 Ripon Ratings were largely replaced by other votes indicating internationalism as opposed to isolationism or interventionism. In view of the termination of United States involvement in most Indo­ china warfare that had been secured by the Nixon Ad­ ministration by early 1973, it seems hard to argue per­ suasively that passage of the various 1972 end-the-war amendments would have materially hastened U.S. military disengagement from the disastrous Vietnam misadventure. The result of this deemphasis of 1972 Vietnam votes is to raise significantly the ratings of such persons as U.S. Rep. John Anderson of Illinois, and Senators Lowell of Oklahoma, Majority Leader Hale Boggs of Louisiana, Weicker of Connecticut and Robert Taft of Ohio, who and Majority Whip Thomas (Tip) O'Neill of Massa­ had supported the Nixon Administration on anti-war votes chusetts scored 50, 70 and 64 respectively. Senate Minori­ but on other issues were usually identified with other mod­ ty Leader Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania scored 75 and Minor­ erate and progressive Republicans. ity Whip Robert Griffin of Michigan scored 74, while their Votes were selected for inclusion in the determina­ Democratic counterparts, Majority Leader Mike Mansfield tion of the Ripon Ratings if they met one or more of of Montana and Majority Whip Robert Byrd of West Vir- . the following criteria: ginia, received respectively 57 and 32. a) Expansion or, preservation of civil liberties and The end of the U.S. involvement in Indo-chinese war­ individual autonomy against encroachment by gov­ fare would seem likely to unite in a working coalition ernm::nt and by powerful quasi-governmental in· both anti-war Republican progressives and other moderate ~ stitutions such as corporations and labor unions. Republicans who through conviction or through party loyal- ~ b) Attainment of equality of opportunity for Amer­ ty to a Republican President continued to support Admin­ icans regardless of race, nationality, religious be­ istration policies. Republican progressives, who have often lief or sex. felt like a beleaguered minority within a minority in Con-

8 Ripon Forum gress, are likely to find their ranks swelled as moderate with the bureaucratic liberalism of most Northern Dem­ Republicans with similar views fecI freer to identify with ocrats and the hostility toward individual liberties and free them. In addition, it is likely that the Watergate Scandal market mechanisms held by most Southern Democrats. It and the related activities that are working mightily to dis­ also contrasts with the excess statism now supported by credit the Nixon Administration may create a stampede much of the Republican right wing and the policies of of many regular Republican congressmen to manifest their economic cartelization and an excessively powerful execu­ independence from the Nixon Administration and to iden­ tive that have unfortunately characterized the Nixon Ad­ tify on a number of issues with congressional progressive ministration despite its persistent limited government and Republicans. At the moment, the suggestion of such a free market rhetoric. trend is largely conjecture, yet it may be possible to vali­ Yet if these libertarian values which are shared to a date this occurence about a year from now when the Ripon large degree by both progressive Republicans and Taft· Ratings for this year's congressional session have been like conservatives are to become a major influence on na· prepared. tional policy, it is essential that the proponents of such The values underlying the Ripon Ratings are intense­ a philosophy begin to take their case to the public. ly libertarian and opposed to the arbitrary exercise of pow. Republicans who believe in maximizing the scope of in­ er by government at any level or by extraordinarily pow· dividual freedom must assume the initiative, rather than erful private institutions. This approach contrasts sharply commiserating on their beleaguered state.

Senate Votes 217 - An amendment by Sen. Roman Hruska (R-Neb.) to extend from January 1, 1973 to December 31, 32 - An amendment by Sen. Harry F. Byrd, Jr. (I­ 1973 the -effective date of a provision to limit the Va.) which would have reduced from $261,760,000 U.S. contribution to the United Nations to 25 to $150,000,000 funds for U.S. contribution to the percent of the U.N.'s operating budget (Vote Inter-Amerioan Development Bank (Vote Nay). Yea). 35 - An amendment by Sen. J. William Fulbright (D­ 223 --- An amendment to the foreign aid authorization Ark.) to the Foreign Operations Appropriation bill by Sen. John Sparkman (D-Ala.) to strike to reduce funds for development loans from $150 from the bill provisions barring the use of funds million to $110 million and for technical assistance to carry out executive agreements with Portugal from $165 million to $140 million (Vote Nay). and Bahrain until the agreements are submitted 52 - Third cloture vote on the equal employment bill to the Senate as treaties (Vote Nay). (Vote Yea). 247 - An amendment to the OEO extension bill by Sen. 79 - An amendment by Sen. Robert J. Dole (R-Kansas) Howard Baker, Jr. (R-Tenn.) to strike from the to withdraw from federal courts the jurisdiction bill provisions to establish an independent National to issue orders to require school busing on the Legal Services Corporation (Vote Nay). basis of race and to postpone the effectiveness of 308 - A bill to authorize Fiscal 1973 funds for foreign t all court-ordered busing plans until all appeals aid and to provide for the withdrawal of all U.S. have been exhausted (Vote Nay). Forces from Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos with­ 89 - An amendment by Sen. Frank E. Moss (D-Utah) in four months after enactment, subject to the to require the President to cut all controllable release of U.S. Prisoners of War (Vote Yea). appropriations at a uniform rate to maintain the 318 - A Senate Commerce Committee amendment to re­ ceiling (Vote Nay). While this amendment has a quire that at least 50 percent of all oil imports, laudable objective of curtailing arbitrary Presi­ other than fuel oil, be carried in U.S. flag vessels dential impoundment, its mandatory "meat-ax" (Vote Nay). approach would eliminate any executive discre­ 320 - An amendment by Sen. Birch Bayh (D-Ind.) to tion, undoubtably aggravating budgetary waste. limit payments under the price support program 122 - A joint resolution proposing a constitutional to $20,000 per person per crop per year, excluding amendment to provide equal rights for men and payments for sugar and wool (Vote Yea). women (Vote Yea). 324 - An amendment by Sen. Mark O. Hatfield (R-Ore.) 125 - A motion to table the amendment by Sen. Howard to provide for the termination of the Selective Baker, Jr. (R-Tenn.) to repeal the equal time pro­ Service Act on December 31, 1972 (Vote Yea). visions for all candidates for federal elective of­ 348 - An amendment by Sen. Robert Taft, Jr. (R-Ohio) fices (Vote Nay). to provide that the $5,000 non-repayable "forgive­ 127 - A bill to enable producers of commercial eggs ness" grants in the SBA disaster loan bill be ex­ to stabilize and develop orderly marketing condi­ tended to only those that earn less than $10,000 tions for eggs (Vote Nay). a year and whose damage exceeds $5,000 (Vote 150 - The War Powers Bill, a bill to limit the war pow­ Yea). ers of the President in the absence of a declara­ 358 - A motion by Sen. Roman Hruska (R-Neb.) to send tion of war by the Congress (Vote Yea). the bill to require states' no-fault auto insurance 152 - An amendment by the late Sen. Allen J. Ellender plans under minimum federal standards to the (D-La.) to strike out the provision of S-3462 to Senate Judiciary Committee for consideration establish a Rural Development Bank (Vote Yea). (Vote Nay). _ 178 - An amendment by Sen. Birch Bayh (D-Ind.) to 458 - An amendment by Sen. Jolfn Sherman Cooper (R­ require that all members of the Foreign Service Ky.) to the federal highway program's authori­ grievance board be selected from a list of 15 nom­ zation bill to permit the use of up to $800 mil­ inees submitted by the American Arbitration As­ lion in urban system funds for rail and other pub­ sociation (Vote Nay). This partial delegation of lic transportation (Vote Yea). nomination powers to a private group, even one 480 - An amendment by Sen. William Proxmire (D­ so distinguished as the American Arbitration As­ Wisc.) to rreduce funds for the Inter-American De­ sociation, is very questionable constitutionally. velopment Bank and to delete provisions author­ 208 -- An amendment by Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D­ izing $100 million for the U.S. contribution to the Mass.) to increase from $50 million to $100 mil­ Asian Development Bank (Vote Nay). lion the funds in the foreign aid authorization bill 514 - Motion to table a motion by Sen. Abraham Ribi­ for assistance to Bangladesh (Vote Yea). coff (D-Conn.) to recommit the bill to the Senate 215 - An amendment by Sen. William Proxmire (D­ Finance Committee with instructions to include Wisc.) to delete the $450,000 in funds for the Sub­ in the bill the Ribicoff Administration's compro­ versive Activities Control Board (Vote Yea). mise program (Vote Nay).

May, 1973 9 SENATE RATINGS

£NATE DEMOOBAT8 TaD.. BaI 82 83 112 '19 89 122 12lI l21 1M 1112 1,8 208 2111 21' 2211 1M' 308 318 320 8IU MIl 838 4118 480 111& ~ X X X X V V 0 X X X V X X X X X X X X X V X X X X 4;24 1', X X V V X V X 0 V V X X 0 0 X 0 0 0 X X X X X 0 X 3;18 21 0 V V V (Xl V 0 0 0 X X V V V V V V V V V V V X V V 11/21 8] V X V X 0 V X 0 V X V X V X V V V V X X X X X V X 11;23 4! X X X X V V X X V V X X (X) X V V X X X X X X X X X 8;23 24 X X V V X V X V V X X V V V V V X V X X V V X X V 14;23 31 X X X X X V X V V V V X V X X X X X V X X X X X X 1;23 21 X X V X X V X V V X X X V X X X X X X X V V V X X 8;23 III 0 0 V X X V X V (V) V V V V X X V V X X X V X (Xl X X 11;23 4! V X V X X (V) X V V X V V V V V 0 V X V X X X V V X 14/24 5Il V 0 V V X V X V V X X 0 0 0 V V V 0 0 0 V X V V V 13/18 12 V 0 V V X V X X V X X V V V V V V X X V V V V X V 16/24 61 X X V V X V X V V 0 X V V V V V 0 0 0 X 0 X V X V 12/20 BII X X X X V (X) X X V X 0 X X X X X X V X X 0 X X X (X) 3,'23 13 (ElaIne Edwards was appointed '" fID the \'11CllJlCy ""'ated by the death of Senator Ellender) X X 0 X 0/3 U X X X X V V X X V V 0 X 0 0 V X 0 0 0 (Senator Ellender died July 21) 5/13 lIS X X X X X X X X X V V X V X V X V X X X X X X X X 3/25 20 X X X X 0 V X V V X X X 0 0 V V X V X V V X X V X 9;22 41 X (X) V X (X) V X X V X (V) (X) (V) (Xl (V) 0 0 0 0 (X) (X) (X) V X X 1/21 33 (V) 0 V V 0 V X X V X (V) 0 (V) (V) (V) (V) V X (X) V V V 0 V X 13/21 71 V V V V X V 0 0 V (X) 0 V V V 0 0 V 0 0 0 0 V V 0 V 13/13 81 V X V V X V X V V X X 0 (V) (V) 0 V V X (V) V V V V V V 11,'23 14 0 0 V 0 0 V 0 V V (X) X 0 V X 0 V X X V V V V 0 X V ]1/17 B3 X X X X V V 0 0 V X V V X X V V V X X X V X X X X 9/23 39 V (V) V V X V X V (V) X X V (V) (V) V V V X V X V (V) V V 19/25 18 (V) V V V 0 V 'X. 0 (V) (X) (X) (V) 0 0 V V V 0 (V) ~ X V V V V 15/20 13 X X V V X V 0 0 V X X V V X V V V 0 0 X X V (X) V (V) 12/22 35 (V) (V) (V) (V) (X) (V) (X) (X) V (X) V V V X X V V X X X X V V V X 14/25 !!6 X 0 X X 0 V X (X) (V) 0 V X 0 0 X X 0 0 0 0 X X 0 0 X 3/14 21 V V V V X V X V V (X) X V V V 0 V V V V X V V V V V 19/24 19 X X X X X V X X V V V V 0 0 (X) X X X (Xl 0 V X X X 8;22 21 (V) (V) V V X V X X V X X V V X V V X X ~ X V V V X V 14/25 !!6 V X V V X V X X V 0 V V IX) X V 0 X (V) X V X V X V V 13/23 51 X 0 (X) X V (V) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 X V X (V) X X X X X X X 4/16 23 0 0 V 0 X V X X X (X) V V V V X 0 X V X X V V 0 0 0 9/18 50 0 (V) (V) V 0 (V) 0 0 (V) X X (V) V 0 (V) 0 0 0 (V) V X V 0 0 0 11;14 18 V 0 V V 0 (V) 0 0 (V) X 0 V 0 0 0 V V V V X X V V 0 0 12;13 80 V V V V X V 0 V V 0 V V 0 0 0 V X X X V V V 0 0 0 13/11 18 V V V V X V X X V X X V V V V V V (V) (V) V X V V V V 19;25 18 V X V V X V X V V 0 X X X X X V X X X X 0 X X V X 8,23 35 V 0 V V X V X V V X X 0 0 0 V V (V) X X X X V 0 V V 12/20 80 0 0 V V 0 V 0 0 0 0 0 0 (V) 0 0 0 0 V 0 X 0 V V V 0 8/9 ..; 54 V X V V X V X V V X X V V V V V V (V) V V X V V X V 18;23 12 V X V V X V X V (V) (V) (X) V V X X V V V (V) X V V V V V 18/25 12 V X V V X V X V V X X 0 V V V 0 V (V) 0 V V V (V) V (V) 11,'22 77 X X V X V V X V V X X V V V V V V V V V V V V X V 18/25 12 X (.Xl V X X V X V V (X) V X V X V V V V 0 X V X X X X 11/24 48 V V V V 0 V X V (V) (X) X V 0 (V) V V V V V V X V V X V 18;23 18 V V X X 0 V 0 0 0 0 0 X (X) X X X V X X X X X 0 0 X 4;11 24 X X V X X V X V V V V X V X V V X X (V) X X V V X X 12/25 48 X X X X V X X X V X V X X X X X X V X X V X (X) X (X) 5/25 20 V V V V (.Xl V X V V X X V V (Xl V V V V V V V V V V V 20;23 80 X X V V X V X X V V X V V X V V X X X X V V V X V 13;23 32 X 0 X X X V X X V X V X V X V X X V X X X X X X X 8;24 25 V V V V X V X 0 V V X V V V V V V X X X V V V V V 18;24 V V V V X V X V V X 0 (V) (V) 0 V V V 0 V V X V V V V 18;22

TaD.. 82 83 112 '19 89 122 1211 18'1 1M 1112 118 208 2111 ll28 808 818 S20 8IU MIl 838 4118 480 814 J 21' 1M' % V V V V V V X X (V) V V V V V V X X V X X X X V V V 18;23 12 (V) 0 V X V V V 0 V (V) V X X V X X V V 0 X 0 X (V) 0 0 12;19 63 0 0 0 X V V V 0 V X V 0 0 0 X 0 X (X) 0 0 0 X 0 0 X 5/12 ..; 40 V V V X V V V 0 X V V V X V X X X X V X X V V V X 14/24 88 (V) 0 V V 0 V V 0 X X V V 0 0 0 X X V X X V X 0 V X !!6 V V X X V X V V (X) V V V X V X X X X (X) X X X V V X ~~~ 44 V V V V V V (V) V V V V V V V V X V V V X V V V 0 X 21/24 88 X V X X V V V 0 V V V X 0 0 X X X 0 X X V 0 0 0 0 8;11 41 V V V V V V V V V (V) V V V V V V V V V V (X) V V V V 24;23 96 V V V X V X 0 0 X V V 0 0 0 0 X X (V) X X X X V 0 X '8/18 44 V V V V V V V (X) V V V V V V V V V X V X V V V V V 22;23 88 X X V X V V V (X) V V 0 V X V X X X V X V X X X V V 12124 50 V V V V V V V X V V V V V V V X V V X X V X V V V 20;23 80 X 0 X X V X V X X V V V X X 0 X X V (V) X 0 X X V X 8/22 36 X V V X V V V V X V V X X V X X X 0 X X V X X V X 11;24 48 V V V X V V V V X V V V X V X X X X X 0 V X X V X 13/24 34 X V V X V V V X X V V 0 V V X X X V 0 X V X 0 0 X 11/21 32 X V X X V X V V X V V X X 0 0 X X V X X 0 X (V) V X 9;22 41 V V V X V V V V V V V V X V X X V V X X V X V V X 11;23 68 X V V X V X 0 0 0 0 V 0 0 0 (.Xl X X 0 0 X V X 0 0 X 3;14 38 V V V X V V V V V V V V 0 0 X DC) X V V X 0 0 V 0 0 14;19 1& X X X X V V V V X V V X X X X X X X X X V X V X V 9;23 36 X 0 0 X V X V 0 X V 0 X X V X X X V X X X X X 0 X 3/20 25 V V V V V V (V) (V) V (Xl V V V V V V V X (V) V V X V V V 22;23 88 X 0 X X V V V V X V V X X V X X X V X X V X V V X 11;24 48 V V V V V V V V V X V V V V (V) V V (V) V X V V V V V 21;23 92 X 0 V X V V V V V X V 0 (V) V X X X V (V) X X X X 0 X 11;22 50 V V V V V V V V V V V V 0 0 V V V X (V) V X X V V V 20;23 81 (V) V V V V V V V V V V X X V X X X V X (X) (V) X V V X 18;23 III 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 OJ{) 0 V V V V V (V) V V V V V 0 V V V X X X 0 0 V X V V V 18;22 s:a V V V V V V V V V X V V V V V 0 V V X V V V V V X 21;24 88 V V V V V V V V V V V V V V (V) V (V) (V) V V (V) V V (V) V 25;23 100 V V V X V V V V V V V X V X V X X V V X V V V X X 11;23 68 (V) 0 V V V V V V V V V V 0 0 X V X V V X V X 0 V V 11/21 81 V V V V V V V V V V V V X V 0 V V X V V X V V V V 21;24 88 (V) V V V V V V V V 0 V V (X) (V) X V X V (V) X X (Xl V V V 18;24 13 X V V X V V V X V V V X X X V X V V X X X V V V V 15;23 80 V V V 0 X V V X V V V V V 0 0 V V V (V) X V X (Xl 0 V 18/21 78 V V V V V V V V V 0 V V X V 0 V X 0 X X X V X V X 15;22 68 0 (V) V X V V 0 (V) V V (V) V X V X (V) V V 0 V V V (V) 0 V 18;21 88 X X X X V V V X X V V X X X X X X X X X V X X 0 (.Xl 6;24 25 V (V) X X V V V (X) X V V 0 X X X X X V X X X X (Xl (V) (X) 9;24 38 V V V V V V V V V V V V 0 0 0 V X V 0 X V V V V V 19;21 90 V 0 V X V V V V V V V X X V X 0 X (V) X X V X (.Xl V X 13;23 117

KEY TO SYMBOLS ~:~Zfe:f) death.. primary or 8eneraJ eIee.. •...... • Elected '" Senate In November 1972 V ...... ¥ Voted for Ripon position on key vote (V) ...... PaIred for or announced lor Ripon posItlon ..; ...... Ratlng reduced ~use Representative or X ...... Voted agalnst Ripon posltIon := :ser:re thanun~ ~ur: (Xl ...... PaIred or IUUlOUllCed agalnst Ripon posItlon votes 0 •.•••....•... Dld. not YOte on key vote. and not paired or # Democrat IUUlOUllCed .. •·····•·· .. ~1972~~ . •...•...... Not elected '" Congress In November 1972 (either because of retirement. previous reg..

10 Ripon F01'um House Votes- local governments- over a five-year period from crease funds in the bill for use of civilians in mil- January 1, 1972 to January 1, 1977 (Vote Yea). itary kitchen duties (Vote Yea). •This amendment 14 - A bill to authorize appropriations for $450 mil­ (While a number of Ripon members have ex­ designed to eliminate KP sought to create condi­ ~ lion per year in Ifi·seal year 1973 and 1974, for the pressed very strong concern in recent months tions conducive to a voluntary military. U.S. contribution to the Inter-American Develop­ ~ over the implementation of the revenue-sharing 375, - A bill to establish an independent commission to ment Bank (Vote Yea). concept, the Ripon Society bears major responsi­ ...... On a recoroed teller vote, an amendment which regulate consumer product safety and to retain \0 16 bility for breathing life into this idea. The venal­ jurisdiction over food and drugs within HEW's ...... would have reduced the total three year U.S. con- ity and unresponsiveness of many local govern­ Food and Drug Administration (Vote Yea). \)J tribution to the International Development As­ ments have hindered the application of revenue­ sociation from $960 million to $480 million (Vote sharing. The success of the program will depend 388 - A bill to authorize the Interior Secretary to con­ Nay). struct, operate and maintain various reclamation ultimately on both the progress of reform minded projects (Vote Nay). 39 - A vote on a rule to discharge the House Commit­ local forces and the effectiveness of anti-discrim­ tee on Education and Labor from further respon­ ination provisions in the revenue-sharing legisla­ 415 - An amendment to the Federal Highway Author­ sibility for a dOck strike bill and to bring it to the tion.) ization Bill to delete provisions which would pro­ floor for consideration (Vote Yea). 237 - A bill to extend the present temporary debt hibit judicial review of actions relating to the pro­ 84 A bill to increase the par value of the dollar from ceiling of $450 billion through October 31, 1972 posed construction of the Three Sisters Bridge in $35 to $38 per ounce of gold (Vote Yea). (Vote Yea). Washington, D.C. (Vote Yea). 131 Vote to suspend the rules and pass a bill to ex­ 24a - On a recorded teller vote, an amendment to limit 428 - A bill to ban strip mining in certain circum­ tend and expand the authority of the Civil Rights the crop-year price support program payments to stances (Vote Yea). Commission and to authorize appropriations for $20,000 per year per person per crop, exclJuding 448 - Vote on a resolution authorizing the House Pub­ the commission through :fiscal year 1977 (Vote payments for sugar 'and wool (Vote Yea). lic Works Committee members and staff assistants Yea). 342 - On a recorded teller vote, an amendment to pro­ to travel overseas to investigate problems in­ 162 - On a recorded teller vote, an amendment to strike vide that the busing limitations in the bill would volving rivers, harbors, public transportation and from HR-14989 funds for the Subversive Activi­ not prohibit any court, department or agency from water pollution (Vote Nay). The purpose of this ties Control Board (Vote Yea). ordering an adequate remedy for denial of equal proposed travel is a classic junket so that con­ 220 - The State and Local Fiscal Assistance Act, to protection of the laws (Vote Yea). gressmen might vacation overseas at the taxpay­ provide for $29.6 billion in grants to state and 365 - On a recorded teller vote, an amendment to in- ers' expense. RIPO'N RATING 1972 KEY VOTES

BOtrSE DEMOOBA'l'B ___ assa_au """"" DEllOOBA'l'S H U W M m ~ ~ m _ ~ _ ...... , ...... 181 ... GO ... "' 21 x x v v x x x x x x x x. v o x o 3t1. _VL x X v v V X X V X X V V x X x ...X 0/11> x x v x x x (~ ml 0 0 x v x o x x 2tu .. v V x v V V V X V V V V x V o X l1/ll1 v v x v v v X (XI X 0 V o x o v o 7/l2 58 DDbId. N.Y. x V x v o V V V V X X V x x x X -7"" -'III ! v v x 12118 ,. - V V X V V V V X V V V v x x v V x o V V V 0 V X V x v v X to/14 n V V X V V V X X V 0 0 o x v v 8tu ..,. o X V v o o X V X 0 0 0 x o v x '/9 v v x v v v v x 0 v v v x v o 11/14 --_0 .... v V (X) v v v V X V V V V x v v x 12110 a v a 0 0 0 0 0 x 0 0 o o o ~ o 1/2 o o (V) o o (JtesI.gned tG ~ Governor of lA.'Ul8lana\ 111 ...... a 0 v x v 0 x v x x v x x x v o 0/l2 ..'" v v X v v V V V X X V V x v o x IJlflll "ior VYXVVOVXVOX v x v v o -­ .. ==--~ v v X v v V ~) V X V X V o o o o 8/l2 8/11 a v x v 0 v V (V) 0 X V v x o v o ."" ... ~TeJI:D. o o X o v o V (V) X X 0 V o x v o 1/9 ~ -""" (Won ~ eleetion) X 01:) X X X V x x x x x 1111 9 -""" _m. v v X v v V V X V X V V x x v o or o 7111 ,. VVXOVVVVVXX o o x o V V X X X X V X o =~ V 0 X V V V X V V V X v x o v x 9114 _Ala. v x v x x x v '3~ .. -"""" v v X V a V V 0 X X V x v 8114 v v v o .. =:.::- v x x V V X V V V V X V V V x v V (X) a V X X 0 X V X x v o Btu V X X V V X X X X X X o x o X x 12""3t1. 21 x v .. -.- '" ...... x x V v X X X X X X X 0 x x x x 2fl11 '" V V X V V V V X V V V v x o v x -- BadIllo. N.Y. 11~ ... v v V v (V) V V V X V V V x v v x 18110 : X X 0 0 x X x (~ 0 x V o o o o o 18 MIch. X V V (~ 0 X V V v 6lI o v x ~:L' ~ub. v v v o X o x --.=t.';:. V 0 X V V X V V V X V v x 911' .. FOIltttalD. 'SoC. x x V v (X) X V X X X V V x x v o t~ 4D -- V V X V V V V X V V V v x v v o 12"" 'lII v v X V V V X X V V V x v v v 12110 X X V V X X X V X V v x v v v 8110 v V .. v v X v (V) X V ~) 0 X 0 V x v v o ,~ V V V V V V V V X V V v x v v x 18110 '"81 V o 00 x X X V V v v o x 2/l2 17 x x v V x ~ X X X V 00 X V X X X 0 o o o x ==N,o, o o o o o X V X X X V 0 o o o sri v o x v o 00 ...... (~ V V 00 X V X V X X X V 711' n - v v x v o o 0000 0 0 0 o o o '/8 '" 38 V V X V 0 0 V X V V V v x v v x 10~' X V V X 0 X 0 o x x V X X V 0 0 0 (V) X X 0 o o o o o "'38 v v x v v x Btu .. x x o v X V X V X X V x x v x Oflll '" '"33 V 0 00 V 0 V m V x 0 v v x v v x 9% .. ~ v v v x X X V X X V V x x x x 7110 o a x v v 0 V ~) 0 0 V v x o v x 7/10 70 .. v v v V a) V 0 X X V v o v o 9tu V V X V V V V V V V V v x v v o 18"" or x v .. v o o v o V X X X X V V x x v o B/l2 V V X V V V X V X V V v x v v o 73 v v x x v X X X X V V V x x v x 7110 V V X V ~) V X X V V V v o o v x 10/14 n .."" v o v T1 v x x v v X V V V V V V x o v x lOflII or V V X V V 0 V V X V V x o """10~ v o x v v o V V 0 X V V o o o x 7/10 70 x o X X V X X X V o o o o 7M -.... ~won~~~aeat.~xbyU·~Rep.~*IIWOI11XlnOct.~) x x x v v 0110 31 v v v v v .. 6/10 to v v X v v V V V 0 V V V x v v x 12fl11 ...... V V X V V 0 X X X X X v x x v x (V) =='~ V V X V V V V V V V V v x v v x 18110 81 v x v x X X (~ X X X X x x v x 4J18 ..'" _ 31 v x X x v X V V V X X 0 o o v x 6tu .... V X V V X X X V X X X x x x x v 5110 .. -.­_CloIIt. X X V V V X V X X X X v x x v o 6/ll1 4D x o V x x o 0 (~ X X V ~ o o x x 2/11 18 V o o o .tu _... V V X 0 V V X X X V V v x o v v 911' x x x x X X X V X V X x .. X x v v 12fl11 VOX V 0 0 m V V X X v x o o o 6/10 60 v v v v X V V V V V V o ~ _ v v X v V X V V V X V V x v v o l1/ll1 73 V X V X X X X X V X X x v x x o or -.lIfd. v x o o .""2/l2 17 v v V v (V) V V V V V X V o v v o 18114 V X 0 X X a x x x x x x (X) .. v V X V V X 0 0 V x o o o 6110 60 V X V X 0 X V ~) 0 0 0 v x x o o v o v 11/l2'/10 v v X v V V V X V V V V x v o x llfl11 73 v V (~ V V 0 V V V V V v o o o III v v X v V V V V X V X V o o o x Btu V X X V 0 V V X X 0 0 v x x v x 6tu (X) ..6lI .. v o o V o V 0 X 0 0 V x v o o 0/8 o x V V V X X V X X X x x x x x or v o o v o 11110'flO v x X x V X V V X X X V x x v o 6/ll1 4D V V X V V V V V V V X .. . La. v o X o X o V (V) 0 0 X 0 o o x o 3fi ';38 v 43 V X V V 00 X X X 0 X V v x x o 611' Beehler. W. v v X v V V X X V V V V v v v v 18110 81 V 0 an v (V) 0 v (X) 0 V V v x o o x 7/11 va. .. BoJstoaId. N.J. v o (X) v V V V X V V V V x v v x llfl11 73 (~ v x o v o V 0 X V a a V X X V 6~ .. JIendenoa. N.o. v x V v X X X X X X V V x x o x 0110 33 o 0 X a v V v x 0 V V v o o o o 'III _w .... V V X 0 V 0 V X X V V v x o o o 7/11 ...... v x X x V V V V X V V V x v v x 10M 63 .. _ v v X v V X V V V X V V x v v x 11110 V X V V X 0 X V X X X x x x x x or .. v x o v x 9tu o X v V o X (V) X V V V x o v x 8tu 6lI o v x 0 V V V X V V V ''''' ...... ~ v X v V V V V V V V V x x v o 12fl11 o 0 ~) V 0 V X V V V V v x o v o 8/11 'III x v o tol14 n RaIJ, ...... x x V o X X X X X 0 X X x x o o 1/l2 8 V V X V V V V V V X X v o -"'" x x V v o o V V X V V V x o o o 7/11 '" Iowa o a x V 0 V V V V V V v x v v x totu T1 .. """" _ x o V X V X V X X V o v o 6110 ",. V V X V V X V 0 X X V o x x v o 7tu 54 -...... x v x .. _Va. X X v v X X X X X X V v x x x 0110 31 _...... v x X o v V X X 0 V X V x v v v SIl' 1I'l V V X V M 0 V V V X V ~ x x o o 8/l2 or x x V v o X V V V X X V x x v x 7flO ~ _ X X V V X X V V x 6110 v x v v x 12110 'lII v v v v x x x =:tiur._s.c..... V V X V V V V V X V V -...... v x o x o X X X X X V V o x v o 33 V X X V X a V V X X V v x x o v 7114 'M "" _ (X) V X X X V 0 01:) (V) 0 X V v o o o o 6110 _ v o o v X X V X X V V x x v x 6/1' (X) ..31 V X V V 0 0 X X X V X v o v v x 7tu '" "ODeS, N.D. x x v v X X X X X V V x x v x 5110 4eJa~'1'a. ..6lI 73 v o 6tu '" --.. v v V V v (V) 0 V X V x v v V X X V V 0 V V V X 0 v x x v x x llfl11 _8.1>. T1 'III .... V V X V a 0 V X V V V v x v v o 10tu ...... v v x v V V V X V V V V x v v x 12110 =.~.... X X X X V 0 X X X V a v o o v o '/11 38 :a-. Tn.' WIa. v x v v o o X V X V V V x x x x 7114 .... v v o Bee. W.Va.- v v X v o V 0 X 0 V x x x o 6/11 63 _ x X x V V X V (X) 0 X V x x 611' _m. o m .. (X) (V) V 0000 v V v X V 0 0 v x v v x 8/l2 or v o o o V V X 0 V V x x v x 7M ""os .... v V x v V v V X V X V v x v v o llfl11 73 KoaII.Jii3. 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Black, special assistant to the Presi­ of Wyoming; Alexander M. Lankler, STEIGER dent's Council on Environmental Qual­ chairman of the Northeastern State ity; Ray C. Bliss, national committee­ Chairmen's Association; William F. I COMMISSION man for Ohio; Mark Bloomfield, law McLaughlin, state chairman of Michi­ student at the University of Penn­ gan; Gov. Thomas J. Meskill of Con· WASHINGTON, D.C. - The sylvania; the Hon. Christopher S. necticut; Mrs. Gordon Miner, state composition of the Rule 29 Commit­ Bond, governor of Missouri; Sen. Ed­ chairwoman of Idaho; Mrs. Cynthia S. tee chaired by u.s. Rep. William A. ward Brooke from Massachusetts; Rob­ Newman, national committeewoman Steiger of Wisconsin, was announced ert J. Brown, former special assistant for Virginia; the Hon. Ralph Perk, April 16 by GOP National Chairman to the President; Ms. Mary Ann But­ mayor of Cleveland; Mrs. John S. George Bush. ters, aide to Mayor Richard Lugar of Pfeifer, national committeewoman for The two vice-chairpersons are Gov. Indianapolis; Mrs. Max Coray, chair­ Wisconsin; Ms. Donna Reddick, co­ James E. Holshouser of North Car­ woman of the Western State Chair­ chairwoman of the Young Republi­ olina and Mrs. Elmer M. Smith, na­ men's Association; Miss Jo Ann Cul­ can National Federation; Clarke Reed, tional committeewoman from Iowa. len, student member of the National chairman of the Southern State Chair­ The committee is empowered to "re­ Advisory Council on Vocational Educa­ men's Association; the Hon. Jane Rob­ view, study and work with the States tion; Robert C. Davidson, national inson, Florida state legislator; Richard and territories relating to the Rules committeeman for New Mexico; Mrs. M. Rosenbaum, state chairman of New adopted by the 1972 Republican Na­ Olivia Delgado, active in party organ­ York; Tony Salinas, Texas county tional Convention." ization work in California; U.S. Rep. chairman; the Hon. Sherry Shealy, Other members of the committee Ed Derwinski from Illinois; Dr. South Carolina state legislator; Mrs. are: Joe Abate, chairman of the Col­ Donald Devine, professor of govern­ Michael Sotirhos, active in party or­ lege Republican National Federation; ment and politics at the University of ganization work in New York; Mrs. Fred Agnich, national committeeman Maryland; Sen. Pete Domenici from Keith McCauley Spurrier, national com­ for Texas; Mrs. Harlan J. Anderson, New Mexico; Mrs. M. Stanley Ginn, mitteewoman for Tennessee; Miss Cathy national committeewoman for Wash­ national committeewoman for Missou­ Swajian, member of the California ington; John S. Andrews, chairman ri; John Haugh, national committee­ Republican State Central Committee; of the Midwe,t Republican State Chair­ man for Arizona; Mrs. Paula F. Taras Szmagala, active in party or­ men's Association; Mrs. Norman C. Hawkins, national committeewoman ganization work in Ohio; Joseph Armitage, president of the National for Florida; U.S. Rep. Margaret Heck­ Townsley, active in party organization Federation of Republican Women; ler from Massachusetts; Jack Hensler, work in Ma.ryland; and Mrs. Ger­ Mrs. Harold Barton, national commit­ precinct committeeman from Illinois; ridee . Wheeler, national committee­ teewoman for Kentucky; Mrs. Charles David B. Kennedy, state chairman woman for North Dakota. --.

lished by the "Republicans for an Open POLITICS: PROFILES Party" was traced to a mimeograph machine in Reed's suite, but he denied CLARKE REED any personal involvement in its pub­ lication. The group called efforts to

CAMBRIDGE - "He's a south­ knife: "We speak of arrogance In improve the delegate-allocation for­ ern gentleman with beautiful blue politics, arrogance in government . mula a "Javits-Ripon-type plan for eyes," is the way one southern Re­ he tops::them all." the McGovcrnization of the Republi­ publican leader described Mississippi Another GOP leader who has felt can Party." GOP Chairman Clarke Reed. "He's the impact of Reed pressure also ac­ Although Reed, who has been so good that he can't imagine every­ knowledged Reed has charisma "when Mississippi chairman since 1966 and one else not being that good as he wants to." As usual, Reed was de­ chairman of the Southern Association well." scribed as "forthright." "He's not of Republican State Chairmen since The charm, the smile, the dedi­ tricky enough not to tell you he's out 1969, is said to control the votes of cation and organizational ability of to castrate you." some southern chairmen, some Repub­ Clarke Reed are standard reference Reed is as famous, however, for his licans consider his.. power· overrated. points for Republicans describing the avowed conservative principles as for As for the interest of Reed in man who is generally considered the his smile. At the 1972 Republican Na­ preserving the overrepresentation of tactical leader of southern Republican tional Convention, Reed was consider­ Rocky Mountain states at the conven­ conservatives. Both inside and outside ed the leader of efforts to block re­ tion, one Miami delegate commented, the state, both liberals and conserva­ form of the Rule 30 delegate-alloca­ "He's no more a friend of the West tives respect the Reed magic. tion formula. Reed forged an alliance than the man in the moon." But occasionally, references to the with western states to protect the size Reed, according to this delegate, is famous Reed charm are coupled with of their delegations. Though effective, basically the front man for a larger allusions to the supposed Reed guile. Reed's tactics were not always con­ group of southern Republicans. "That Said one leading Republican who sidered in good taste. A rather scur­ whole southern tier play awfully close felt the tip of the Mississippi leader's rilous but anonymous publication pub- ... rough, tough ball."

May, 1973 . Reed's power is often attributed to Reed speak highly of his leadership. refused, realizing that his appoint­ his clout at the White House. "He "He's not the rightwinger that he is ment would alienate 20 percent of the has no political party in his own state pictured to be," says one leader. party and therefore be detrimental to so he spends all his time in Wash­ Former GOP gubernatorial candi­ the GOP. He feels that the Steiger ington, D.C.," said one northern Re­ date, Rube PhiIIips, who annoyed some appointment alienates 80 percent of publican. He contended that Reed was Republicans with the moderation of the party. Says Reed: "HelI of a mis­ not beloved, "even in his own camp." his campaign against John Bell Wil· take to appoint him." But if love is power, Reed is power­ Iiams in 1967 and annoyed more Several Republicans, when asked ful; few Republicans speak ill of the Republicans when he endorsed Sen. about Reed, went out of their way to Mississippi businessman. James Eastland (D) for re-election in explain that Reed was seeking greater Outgoing Arkansas State Chairman 1972, spoke highly of Reed as state black participation in the GOP. In an Charles Bernard called Reed a "mod­ chairman. interview, Reed contended that blacks erate." Said Bernard, "He is in the Laurel, Mississippi Mayor W.1. stand a better chance in the southern mainstream of the thinking of the "Bill" Patrick called Reed "hard-work· Republican Party than they do in the South. He's an eloquent spokesman ing, dedicated, sincere and out only for north. He claims that blacks and for the South." Said Indiana National the gains and welfare of the Repub­ whites have open channels of commu­ Committeeman 1. Keith Bulen, "He's lican Party and the United States of nication in the South - channels that a colorful individual with a great deal America. Mr. Reed certainly has no northerners have made no attempt to of personality." personal gains in mind." open. One of the reasons that the Re­ publican Party has made progress in But as far as charm and acumen, U.S. Rep. Trent Lott, a converted the South, according to Reed, is that one northeastern Republican had a dif­ Republican, called Reed "one of the "race is no longer an issue in the ferent view: "You won't quote me most capable and aggressive state South. For the first time since the when I call him an s.o.b.," he said. chairmen in the entire nation. He is 1860's this is true. The door is now "He's one of the cleverest political a responsible conservative and a strong open for change." minds of the 19th century." advocate of the Republican form of According to one Mississippi Repub­ government." However, Reed opposed the efforts of James Meredith to win the Repub­ lican, Reed's Washington wheel-deal­ Although Mississippi Republicans lican senatorial nomination in Missis­ ing is his strongest attribute. He is won two of the three targeted con­ sippi last year. Said Reed then, "Loyal­ "not as strong at building local par­ gressional seats in 1972, they lost their ty and party support are a two-way ticipation as he needs to be," said this bid to unseat Sen. Eastland. Republi­ street. Meredith is right in saying that Republican, who was critical of Reed's can Gil Carmichael's effort to chal­ party support is low for him. He has failure to emphasize precinct work. lenge White House ally Eastland was not labored in the vineyards." The undercut by tacit presidential support Reed's opposition to the Ripon So­ eventual GOP nominee did strikingly ciety's suit cha!lenging the constitu­ for the incumbent. Although Reed is well in black precincts of Jackson; widely considered a White House in­ tionality of the delegate-allocation for­ some of the same precincts where timate, the snub of his nominee hurt. mula has been forceful. He compares President Nixon was running far be­ the Ripon suit to a family quarrel and Says Reed succinctly, "I disapproved hind McGovern. of the Administration's actions regard­ feels that a family should be able to According to his biography, Reed ing Carmichael." iron out its problems without taking "owns and is active in the manage­ them to court. The choice is "self­ Although Reed was annoyed by the ment of a diversity of firms under­ reform or self-destruction," according appointment of Republican moderates taking, in general, the following en­ to Reed, who is "sure" that Ripon to key positions in the first Nixon deavors; construction and real estate will lose the suit. (Asked about the Administration, things in Washington development; barge lines operating on Ripon Society, Reed said he had real­ have gone more his way of late. He is the Mississippi and other inland water­ ly never given much thought to the particularly pleased with the new Re­ ways; import, export, and sale of ag­ Society and that "some good may well publican national chairman, George riculture equipment; and rice, grain come of Ripon's suit." He emphasized Bush. "I think he will do a good job and cotton farming in Mississippi, that he harbored no iII feeling toward for two reasons: 1) He is very able; Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas." The Ripon.) and 2) He has the blessing of the University of Missouri graduate thinks In any case, Reed is looking for an President, which is very necessary in that his business interests help to keep open convention in 1976 - open at his position." his political perspective. He doubts least until six months before the con­ Clarke Reed has been pleased with that he will ever run for office, but vention. He says he has not develop. Bush's appointment at RNC with one says he hates to say that '" since he ed a preference for John Connally, notable exception. He was consider­ often finds himself in the position of Spiro Agnew, RonaI-cl Reagan or Bill ably consternated by the appointment having to convince others not to fol­ Brock, but he is convinced that reo of U.S. Rep. William Steiger to head low his example. gardless of the nominee the conserva· the Rule 29 commission seeking ways Asked if it was true about his beau­ tives will do the nominating. to broaden the party. Reed says he tiful blue eyes, Reed said, "Any 44- Even those Mississippi Republi. told Steiger that if he himself had year-old man would like to hear that cans with ideological differences with been offered the job he would have said." •

14 Ripon Forum A special invitation It to readers of the RIPON FORUM to subscribe to the HARVARD POLITICAL REVIEW

Until this year, the HARVARD POLITICAL Each issue also reviews books of political interest REVIEW has been available only to faculty and and covers current political events. students within the Harvard community. Now, however, the REVIEW is offering sUbscriptions During this inaugural year, annual sUbscriptions to people outside the university, as well. cost only $2.75 (4 issues). Or $7.00 for three years. To subscribe at this introductory rate, The HARVARD POLITICAL REVIEW simply fill out and mail the coupon below. combines the world of politics with the world of ideas. Recent articles have examined both foreign and domestic politics and policies:

New Faces Face a New Congress ~------~ An in-depth ciscussion with three freshmen HARV ARD POLITICAL REVIEW Congressmen 78 Mt. Auburn St. New South Today? Gone Tomorrow? Cambridge, Mass. 02138 An analysis ofthe changing Southern politics Genesis of a New Exodus A look at the Ugandan expulsion of thousands of Asians Enclosed is: Opening Pandora's Box $2.75 for 1 year (4 issues) The pros and cons of direct presidential $5.00 for 2 years election $7.00 for 3 years The Pathosis of Latin American Policy Balance-of-Power Politics in Asia The Politics of Party Reform

Bias in the Media Name. II •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• European Security and Soviet Insecurity The Conservative Agenda Address ...... Prospects for Nixon's second term How Supreme Is the Supreme Court? City, State, Zip ...... An analysis of the power struggle among the L ______~ three branches of government. May, 1973 15 • Augusta, Georgia businessman Frank Troutman, Jr. is touted as the likely successor to Georgia Repub­ POLITICS: PEOPLE lican National Committeeman Howard H. "Bo" Cal­ laway. Callaway's long-anticipated appointment as sec­ retary of the Army is expected in May, and his suc­ cessor would then be named at the Georgia GOP con­ • "I'm not going to speculate on the outcome of vention on June 1-2. any race until I make the determination whether I will run again," Sen. Harold Hughes (D-Iowa) has said • Cold War Department: After Pablo Picasso's about a possible race against Gov. Robert Ray (R) in death, John D. Lofton, Jr., editor of the RNC's Monday 1974. But Hughes fund raising dinners have already magazine, wrote the Daily World a letter: "Ah, at last. been scheduled and the former governor is expected Pablo Picasso is now a good Communist." The com­ to run unless his popularity is shown to have slipped munist Daily World, affronted, complained. Lofton, drastically. There are rumors, which Hughes has de­ cornered, said he was "only parodying the style of the nied, that he exerted pressure on Democratic legislators Daily World in the way it treats capitalists." to block Ray's effort to switch $30 million in sales tax • Arkansas' sole Republican state senator, Jim revenue from the road use fund to the general fund. Caldwell of Rogers, was elected to succeed GOP State e New Hampshire Sen. Norris Cotton has decided Chairman Charles Bernard at a Republican State Cen­ to run for re-election, ending Republican speculation tral Committee meeting on April 14. Caldwell defeat­ about a successor. The most likely Democratic candi­ ed two other announced candidates, former vice chair­ date to oppose tQe 74-year-old Cotton is Harry Spanos, man Everett Hamm and Arkadelphia businessman Tom vice president of the state senate. Francis. In another contest, Odel Pollard, a former • Despite the enthusiasm for a presidential bid state chairman, was elected to the post of national com­ by Gov. Ronald Reagan which was expressed at a na­ mitteeman over Dr. Wayne Babbitt, the unsuccessful tional leadership conference of the Young Republicans, candidate against Sen. John L. McClellan last year. Gov. Reagan remained deliberately vague about his Pollard succeeds the late Winthrop Rockefeller who presidential plans. Reagan contended that 1976 specula­ was considered the architect of modern Republican tion weakened President Nixon and reminded him of growth in the state. Rockefeller's 24-year-old son, "standing by a bedside talking about funeral arrange­ Winthrop Paul Rockefeller, had been considered a pos­ ments before the patient dies." sible successor. • The Institute of Politics at Hendrix College in • With U.S. Rep. Michael J. Harrington expect­ Conway, Arkansas reports that the number of register­ ed to seek the Democratic nomination for Massachu­ ed voters in nine Arkansas counties last year was great­ setts attorney general in 1974 (and maybe Sen. Edward er than the number of persons estimated to be of voting M. Kennedy's Senate seat in 1976), a large field of can­ didates is developing. About a dozen Democrats are age. considered possible candidates, a situation which may • Former SDS organizer Rennie Davis has joined aid House Minority Leader Francis W. Hatch, Jr. (R), the followers of 15-year-old Indian guru Satgurau who will probably seek to return the 6th C.D. seat to Mabaraj-Ji. Says Davis, "Each one of us holds truth the GOP fold. consciousness and bliss - even Richard Nixon has truth consciousness and bliss." • Minor warfare continues in the New Hampshire GOP despite a truce session held under the direction • Among the candidates being mentioned for the of GOP National Chairman George Bush. Bush me­ 1974 Republican senatorial nomination in South Caro­ diated a session between GOP State Chairman David lina is Gen. William C. Westmoreland. Westmoreland Gosselin, Gov. Meldrim Thomson, Jr., Sen. Norris Cot­ denies that Vice President Spiro Agnew has asked him ton, and U.S. Reps. Louis C. Wyman and James C. to seek the seat of Sen. Ernest F. Hollings (D), but Cleveland. Gosselin agreed to moderate his opposition State GOP Chairman Kenneth Powell says, "There's to ThomsDn and withdraw the appointment of Stewart little doubt that Westmoreland would be an extremely Lamprey as state finance chairman. Lamprey, a for­ attractive candidate." mer aide of Thomson's predecessor, Walter Peterson, (8 Ken Rietz, appointed in March to direct the was the subject of a tax investigation by Thomson. The Republican National Committee's "new majority" cam­ New Hampshire Supreme Court has called the investi­ paign for the 1974 congressional elections, has resigned gation illegal. Thomson has called the Supreme Court to go into private business. The surprise announcement finding "advisory." Attorney General Warren Rudman, was made in late April. Rietz's original appointment a Peterson appointee, has called the finding "law." had reportedly come as the result of White House pres­ • Following his election, President Nixon predict­ sure, precipitating some unhappiness among other RNC ed that 1973 would be the "Year of Europe." Entrust­ staffers who were somewhat envious of the size of the ing one of his closest advisers, Donald Rumsfeld (for­ "new majority" budget. Rietz headed the "Young merly Counsellor to the President), with the sensitive Voters for the President" campaign last fall. position of United States Ambassador to NATO, it now • J. Glenn BeaU was one of the seven U.S. sena­ appears that this forecast may be fulfilled. The Mutual tors who met in Moscow with Communist Party Chair­ Balanced Force Pullback (MBFP) talks, stimulated man Leonid 1. Brezbnev last month. After the three­ by increased presidential attention and the arrival of and-a-half hour meeting, the Maryland Republican Donald Rumsfeld, have proceeded apace. I t is proba­ commented that "President Nixon could take a lesson bly no coincidence that Mr. Nixon announced plans in how to handle Congress" from Brezhnev. Beall noted for making "a grand tour of Europe" this fall, shortly that the Soviet boss spent more time with the senators after an extended meeting with Ambassador Rumsfeld than the U.S. President usually does. on April 12.

16 Ripon Forum RIPON AT ISSUE: FORUM

Muniaipal Dea'entraiization

President Nixon's moves to decentralize the power of the federal government have been ac­ companied by a similar movement in large urban centers. School districts were decentralized. Little city halls were established. Community Action Agencies were supposed to promote citizen participa­ tion. Dr. John Rehfuss, acting director of the Center for Government Studies at Northern Illinois University, contends that there is little empirical evidence to prove that urban decentralization has either improved the delivery of city services or expanded the role of the poor in urban political life. Bllt, says Rehfuss, a new political elite has been de veloped as a result of decentralization and this elite is likely to have a continuing impact on city politics. Dr. Rehfuss has also served as associate direc­ lor of the U.S. Civil Service Executive Seminar Center in Berkeley, California and as assistant city man­ ager in Palm Springs, California. He is the author of the recent-published book, Public Administra­ tion as Political Process.

by John Rehfuss

Decentralization is a major policy issue now. The large government institutions which made revenue sharing national mood seems to have swung away from central­ possible. ized authority and toward more control at state and local This new emphasis represents a "counter reforma­ levels. This is certainly the intent of revenue sharing, to tion" to the reforms of past decades. Early in this century, take perhaps the most obvious example, but the national reformers, most notably the Progressives, tiring of corrup­ mood involves a rejection of centralized authority within tion and inefficiency in City Hall, pushed through sweep­ large cities as well as at the national level. The present ing changes in urban government. Institutions such as the movement toward "community control" in these large cities City Manager, the short ballot, Civil Service, and admin­ has a host of supporters, ranging across the political spec­ istrative centralization, achieved middle-class political re­ trum. forms. The present day legacy of these reforms in the larger The topic has been mentioned previously in the cities has been ponderous bureaucracies, such as police de­ FORUM. In January 1971, Pat Lines argued that "this partments and school teachers' unions. Other reforms elim­ principle (decentralization), which, as enunciated by the inated many ward elections or small electoral districts in President, calls for a reversal of the trends toward greater favor of large constituencies and at-large elections, further concentrations of power, should also require the creation diluting the influence of minority and ethnic groups. De­ of new, community-sized governments within large cities."l mocracy was to be united with efficiency by electing the She also argued that community control in large cities is visible chief executive with centralized power. However, the functional equivalent of states rights at the expense many central cities now have power splits between com­ of the federal government. peting bureaucracies, aldermen from large districts, and Community control and citizen participation is large­ various elected officials of which the mayor may be only ly an attempt by citizens, particularly spokesmen of minor­ first among equals. Thus, centralized power has not been ity and disadvantaged groups, to gain control over their achieved while many groups have lost neighborhood con­ own communities and neighborhoods at the expense of trol. No wonder many persons feel powerless and alien­ City Hall's centralized authority. At its most generalized ated, and cries for "reform" arise. level, the demands for neighborhood control came from The direct antecedents of the new reform movement the same sense of national malaise and antagonism toward come from the intellectual and social turmoil of the 1960's,

May, 1973 17 beginning with the civil rights movement and moving Iated to inadequate services, it is argued that the social ef­ through the anti-war demonstrations. The capstone of this ficiency of municipal expenditures should be increased in ebullient and turbulent decade was the ill-fated War on the following ways.2 Poverty's Community Action programs with their emphasis First, it promotes contact between employee and con­ on local control and citizen participation. While this war sumer. This means that the consumer's needs are more was not won, its legacy was increased demands for citizen likely to influence the employee. Responsibility for service participation and community control. delivery will be placed on locally visible executives and A major element in designing federal programs of politicians, whose careers depend on local satisfaction. the 1960's that has left its mark on current demands for Second, it increases the extent to which jobs go to reform was an emphasis on helping the poor help them­ local residents, or people similar to local residents. Again, selves. The poor were to plan their own programs, create this increases the likelihood that workers will care about their own neighborhoods and not rely on professional social the level of service. workers or planners. The above are still basically "efficiency" arguments, In some cases, they were to rely on "advocacy" pro­ at least in a loose sense. They are not the most powerful fessionals, free from "establishment" control, who would arguments for decentraFzation. The strongest, and most forge alliances between independent liberals and the poor. persuasive, arguments simply assert that neighborhood or Generally, however, there was a mistrust of professional community control is good because it reduces citizen feel­ "do-gooders." This anti-professionalism is based on a very ings of powerlessness, apathy and alienation, and will in­ strong feeling, shared by a wide range of people who are crease political and social participation. not all poor, that professionals and experts will not yield In effect, most decentralization benefits are ultimate­ enough power for change to occur in client lives. De­ ly psychological.3 Alienation will be reduced, it is argued, pendency "on the man" must be broken by direct citizen by diminishing the scale and scope of city government at action. the neighborhood level. At this level, people can seize pow­ The Theoretical Promises of Decentralization. Aca­ er and reduce political alienation through control of their demics and practitioners argue that two major benefits will own destiny and governments. occur because of urban decentralization. First is an increase The trouble with this argument is that it cannot be in flexibility and social efficiency of municipal expendi­ proven at this date. The only empirical study I am aware tures. Second is the psychological health of local "elites" of is a New York study of parent alienation from schools in communities and neighborhoods which will be improved in the Brownsville-Ocean Hill experiment area. After the by reducing alienation and increasing feelings of political confrontation between the community and the school teach­ and personal efficacy through increased participation in the ers' union, 80 percent of the parents believed they had process of governance. more influence while 60 percent felt their schools were Flexibility could be introduced by trying new methods better or the same.4 One case mayor may not prove the and procedures and by smaller unit administrators getting point. However, even without proof, there can be little more out of their machines and men. This is quite likely, doubt that minority and disadvantaged citizens could well since municipal diseconomies of scale often occur above be overawed by large, urban, impersonal bureaucracies. the level of ,100,000 residents, a population smaller than This likelihood increases as income and education levels the constituency of one large city councilman in New York decrease and leads to proposals designed to combat the or Los Angeles. Flexibility includes the recognition of impersonality and social inefficiency of urban services. differential community preferences for municipal services, One proposal in Berkeley, California sought to sep­ and by increasing social (though not always economic) ef­ arate divergent lifestyles by setting up three separate po­ ficiency varying service level outputs in deference to these lice forces for blacks, students, and middle-class citizens. community preferences. Policemen would have had to live in their areas. Had the When these efficiency arguments are linked with cit­ proposal been approved in April 1971, it would have been izens' dissatisfaction over decisions which seem to them re- an excellent laboratory in which to examine alienation

18 Ripon Forum levels, before and after the change, but we are again left decentralization either, even though they are generally not short of dramatic examples to prove any point. as threatened by it as are cities and school districts. Some It is a bit difficult to accept the claims of municipal have taken initiative in establishing community develop­ social efficiency and resident psychological health at face ment corporations. One county, San Mateo, California, has value, unproven and largely untested as they are. In as­ created a neighborhood subunit of government. The East sessing the benefits of decentralization, one can predict Palo Alto Municipal Council has been constituted as the more limited results which have already occurred in vari­ de facto "city government" for the unincorporated section ous places. New leaders with their roots in the neighbor­ of suburban, low-income, predominantly black residents of hood are emerging to challenge the present city-wide lead­ the area. Council members are elected, work with the ers of the existing parties, interests, and bureaucracies. county departments on projects, hold zoning hearings, and Changes beneficial to city power relationships will occur initiate community projects. California has since then given through these power exchanges, but they will be political legal status to municipal advisory councils such as the one rather than purely administrative or psychological. Before in East Palo Alto. examining this argument, however, it is necessary to con­ A few flowers, however, do not make a very large sider the various forms of decentralization. garden, and there has been little devolvement of real po­ 1. Political Decentralization. In theory, political de­ litical power to smaller units. There is, however, a fair centralization is the most complete form of power devolu­ amount of activity in administrative decentralization. tion. Here political leaders or administrators are elected Spokesmen for neighborhood control generally consider by, or are somehow directly responsible to, a specific group this an antiseptic substitute for real power, but residents of constituents arranged around some neighborhood or are more likely to see it as a long overdue improvement. community. In large cities, this involves devolving author­ 2. Administrative Decentralization. Improved com­ ity from city-wide institutions to a less than city-wide elec­ munications is a common form of administrative decen­ toral or executive system. tralization. Complaint systems, both receiving and giving There are few examples of political decentralization. information, are fairly common. A recent survey indicated This is not surprising since real power exchanges are won, that about 29 percent of cities have a special number for not given away, and poor or disadvantaged persons have registering complaints, about 34 percent have a special not yet won many political battles. bureau for complaints, and about 25 percent have an om­ budsman or neighborman who answers written complaints One common form of political decentralization is and usually obtains explanations from the department and through ward or district elections of councilmen. Here, relays them back to the citizen. Sometimes he may initiate assuming that the districts represent real neighborhoods investigations.7 Complaint systems are fast, convenient, and (usually they are gerrymandered or represent far too many process information in a positive way. These are not un­ persons), it is possible for citizens to relate to and control important values, but a complaint system rarely deals with their representative. Without definite evidence, it seems critical issues. They result in speedy pickups of dead an­ clear that political alienation would be reduced, at least imals, not in significant allocations of "power to the peo­ among politically attentive citizens. ple." A form of local control which provides for a measure Police-community relations units are also a rather of political decentralization is neighborhood corporations. popular innovation for administrative decentralization, al­ Chartered as private nonprofit corporations under state law, though they are a form of tokenism which admits that they are controlled by resident boards and usually support­ city police protection has been oblivious to minorities at ed by Model Cities or OEO money. About 1,000 of these best, and antagonistic at worst. Since police have been gen­ corporations exist, mostly in large Northeastern cities with erally unresponsive to minorities, particularly when de- a population over 100,000. They are generally responsi­ ble for services such as low-income housing, planning, re­ habilitation, day care nurseries, credit unions, and youth A few flowers, however, do not make a very programs.5 In time, some corporations may gain sufficient large garden, and there has been little de­ political power to become, in effect, an independent arm volvement of real political power to smaller of the city government. East Central Ohio Community Or­ units. ganization (Columbus), according to Milton Kotler, con­ trolled in 1969 most youth programs, operated the public partments are not well integrated, administrators and elect­ library and provided a range of other programs which ed officials have sought- -a . means of coping with the sit­ 6 made it potentially independent. A major limit to the uation. Since civilian review boards are generally vetoed use of community corporations is the need for outside by policy groups, many cities have developed special com­ capital. With the cutbacks in OEO and Model Cities, aid munity relations units of one sort or another, ranging from from the federal government is highly unlikely. store front service centers manned by volunteer police­ Political decentralization in school districts is even men in Houston and San Diego to a privately financed more limited than in cities, with community control lim­ (initially) liaison unit between Model City area citizens ited to a handful of cities in which neighborhoods may and Winston-Salem police. In many cases, a form of veto after-school programs for children and other communi­ "client representation" exists when neighborhood residents ty uses of school facilities. are placed on city-wide police advisory committees, but Counties have not been particularly active in political most of these cases were initiated by the city rather than

May, 1973 19 the citizens. They are a gesture of goodwill, not a power these CAA's does not, in general, suggest that poor cit­ exchange. Most police departments regard community re­ izens are interested in, or capable of, significant political lations units as a "sop" to a troublemaking minority. These participation. Voter turnouts for election of representa­ units, often waIled off from the rest of the police depart. tives to CAA boards rarely exceeded 10 percent and were ment, provide little incentive for most policemen to modi­ usually much lower. Voting in many suburbs is also very fy their behavior or give more than lip service to the new low, since little is at stake; but there the resident general­ unit. ly has a higher sense of political efficacy, feeling that he Little city haIls, also called neighborhood or munici­ can control his government in league with like-minded pal service centers, are also administrative responses. De­ neighbors, if he tries. Central city residents have a lower signed to serve as an information network between citizens sense of political efficacy and could hardly have been ex­ and city hall, they intendedly serve as a means of demon· pected to respond to new programs like CAA's by turn­ strating that the "establishment" is responsive to citizen ing out in droves to cast votes for representatives they did demands. The most successful examples appear to be in not know, to serve in positions they did not understand. Boston and New York. Boston has 15 little city haIls in operation, and 14 in New York are operating despite budget cuts and councilmanic objections to "neighborhood Life is not easy in the central city, and ghet­ clubs" promoting the political fortunes of Mayor John to area dwellers generally have little time or Lindsay.8 interest in political activity. Boston's little city halls stress aid to the elderly and miscellaneous other city functions such as voter registra­ tion and fire inspection. Most requests are routinely passed Perhaps this would have changed if CAA's had become on to city haIl departments, since any personal action on stable institutions, but they were a short-lived phenomenon. the 80,000 complaints a year is impossible. Most com­ They now rely on city hall support, since federal support plaints concern heat, water and litter. There seem to be has been cut back. This is not likely to make them sig­ relatively few complaints from city councilmen about neigh­ nificant sources of independent power. Participation may borhood city halls since the local manager cannot live in increase over time in other decentralized institutions. Kotler the a.rea, reducing his opportunity to develop a power base. claims that from 10 to 25 percent of residents attend However, these managers have become citizen advocates meetings of ECCO, the Columbus Community Corpora­ who have on occasion led residents of the neighborhoods tion; but this seems extraordinarily high, and these levels against city projects such as urban renewal and road con­ are not reported elsewhere. struction.9 CAA board members did represent, perhaps for the New York's little city halls have emphasized coordina­ first time in a federal program, general neighborhood char­ tion of existing programs rather than a range of in-house acteristics. In cases where CAA's did exercise power over services. New York has had severe political conflict over city hall and did participate significantly in political af­ the city halls, springing from differences between the mayor fairs, Lyndon Johnson's anti-poverty program did improve and council. Mayor Lindsay admitted in his book, The participation by a portion of the poor in the community. City, that" ... this whole program grew out of an initial de­ It was rare, since the effectiveness of CAA's was spasmodic cision to become a visible, accessible mayor whose adminis­ and participation by the representatives of the poor spot­ tration was at work in the neighborhoods of New York ..." ty. A study of 20 agencies found only seven in which Thus, little city halls represent a political strategy, the some type of adversary action by representatives of the same as Lindsay's popular decision to "walk the streets" poor against the "establishment," who held a two thirds early in his mayoralty. The line here between political and majority on the Agency, or against city hal~ actually took administrative decentralization becomes very blurred. It place. In this portion of cases, substantive demands on is clear that there was no intention to devolve any sig­ behalf of racial minorities took place, and the "power nificant power to citizens in the neighborhoods. structure" of the city was confronted. Most of these cases Neighborhood councils are another form of decen­ were in cities of over 150,000 with over 10 percent of tralization. Here citizens act as lay advisors to elected of­ the population black. In the majority of cases, however, ficials, sometimes actually determining fund allocations to the representatives of the poor did not agitate for social neighborhood area programs. About 40 percent of these change or merely made ad hoc bargains for specific per­ council members are elected, and about 40 percent are ap­ sonal or occasional area benefits. 10 pointed by the chief executive upon neighborhood nomi­ The failure of the poor to seize power through pov­ nation. Larger cities are more likely to create them. Their erty agencies is not surprising. Middle-class ways of con­ commonest functions include citizen advocacy, program trolling governments are not learned overnight, even by plan review, and some role in goal setting. Lack of staff emerging "elites" of the poor who did participate through and sporadic meeting dates have severely restricted their representation on boards or as staff members of the CAA's. effectiveness, but they could be a major means of real­ However, it seems rather ...dear that a participatory mil­ locating power. lenium is not here yet. Claims that feelings of alienation 3. Citizen Participation in Community Action Pro­ and powerlessness will be banished by the magic of par­ grams - A Case Study. Community Action Agencies ticipation remain to be proven. (CAA's) were the early model for citizen participation, Careful study is unlikely to reveal, even in neighbor­ and thus merit a separate discussion. The experience of hoods with community action programs or some form of

20 Ripon Forum political control, that poor persons participate in political of anger over Hanrahan's role in the police slaying of two activity to any considerable degree. Most suburbanites do Black Panther leaders in 1969. One account alleges that not, and their social status and predelictions to action are some ward leaders had to counsel blacks how to "cut" Han­ higher than central city residents. The poor, as a group, rahan and still vote Democratic, or many would simply are the least likely to have the social, educational and have voted a straight Republican ticket. Municipal decen­ psychic resources to support participatory behavior. Polit­ tralization has not occurred to any significant degree in ical participation even in upper-class suburbs is a luxury, Chicago, but incidents similar to this arc more and more with heavy time and energy costs if the citizen wishes to likely to occur. In less centralized cities, the possibilities infonn himself. Life is not easy in the central city, and of electoral setbacks due to the intervention of the new ghetto area dwellers generally have little time or interest leaders of the poor or working-class become very high. in political activity. This is not to say that participation This result is precisely what many political scientists is unimportant, but merely to stress that a modest goal and all politicians presently in power fear. They sense of involving black, Chicano and other poverty groups that it will further weaken the city vis-a-vis the suburbs should not start by insisting on an immediate high level and continue to weaken the mayor, whose role will degen­ of participation. erate to a broker between neighborhoods as he attempts If it cannot yet be determined that decentralization to retain a modicum of power. This seems inevitable if will improve the delivery of urban services, and if it is further decentralization in large cities continues; and the unlikely that most urban dwellers, particularly the poor, development of these new elites will, of course, result in will participate more fully in political life because of de­ demands for increased decentralization and devolution of centralization, then what benefits to the political system power. will occur? There will, I think, be at least one major ef­ Decentralization will by no means bring down the fect if the present decentralizing trends continue. curtain on big city mayors. They will have to contend with A new set of civic and political leaders drawn from neighborhoods and legislators, whose status may be con­ the "underclass" of central cities is likely to be created. siderably upgraded in the eyes of the new elites. However, The process has already begun in many places. Many will the task of negotiating between neighborhoods is no worse be upwardly mobile working-class persons, as was the than the present task of facing down intractible depart­ case in the CANs, even from poor and minority neigh­ mental bureaucracies. These powerful functional aristocra­ borhoods. Some will be true "ethnics" from areas pop­ cies of police, fire, garbage collection and teachers have ulated by second or third generation immigrants. Some will carved out "functional turfs" in the same way that develop­ be from racial minorities. These new elites will be drawn ing neighborhood leaders are likely to carve out "spatial into leadership roles because they will be the ones who turfs." They certainly will resist any type of client-centered invest the time and energy in political activity. They are decentralization recognizing real threats to their hegemony. found among the five percent who vote for community Mayors may find that interests based on area present a corporations' directors, if they do not run themselves; who source of countervailing power for the chief executive to serve on neighborhood advisory commissions; and who use in dealing with city-wide bureaucratic and nonbureau­ take part in PTA and school affairs. Tremendously influen­ cratic interests. I suspect that neighborhood-based interests tial in their areas, this group will be the opinion leaders will be more willing to compromise and take a city-wide for their subcommunities. view when necessary, than city-wide employee interests Any political and social strategy for the fuhue of whose leaders are constrained by the bureaucratic poisons of large cities has to pay considerable attention to the de­ pseudo-professionalism and self-interest have been to date. velopment of these new elites. Continued municipal de­ If this is true, mayors and those who are concerned with centralization will increase their numbers and influence the viability of the city should welcome municipal decen­ and is likely to completely fragment the city into areas tralization with open arms. • controlled by subpublics, perhaps as Newark is now di­ vided into black and working-class white "turfs." Any FOOTNOTES I. Pat Lines, "Why Decentralize?," Ripon FORUM (Cambridge: Jan­ ability to hold the city together rests on the attitudes and uary 1971 L pp. 15-22. 2. For a fuIler discussion, see Steven Erie, et aI., Refo~ of Met­ cooperativeness of new leaders, who hold the key to their ropolitan Governments (Johns Hopkins Press, 1972, distrIbuted for Resources for the Future). pp. 43-49. . . areas. 3. For a good discussion of the various benefits of decentrahz~lo=:! see Henry Schmandt, "Municipal Decentralization, An Overview, These new elites are not likely to be allied very heavi­ Public Administration Review (Special Issue, October 1972). pp. 576-577. ly with anyone party, although their parents and friends 4. Marilyn GitteIl, "Decentralization and Citizen Participation in Ed­ are heavily Democratic. For example, Charles Hurst, head ucation," op. cit•• p. 360. 5. See The New Grass Roots Government (Washington, D.C.: Advtso~y of Chicago's black Malcolm X Junior College, endorsed Commission on Intergovernmental Relations), pp. 14-20, for thiS and most of the. foIlowing discussion of EDlitical dec:entralization. Nixon in 1972. They will pick and choose their issue and 6. Milton Kotler, Nelghborhood Government (Bobbs MerrIlI, 1969). 7. The New Grass Roots Government. p. 49. For more information on candidates, based on relevance to their neighborhood. They administrative decentralization, see joseph Zimmerman, The Fed­ erated City (St. Martins, 1972). will probably remain Democratic at the national level, but 8. As of 1972 these figures were correct, but the number and their this will mean less and less at the local level. Local poli­ emphasis may change from year to year and between administra­ tions. tics are likely to become less predictable and more exciting. 9. George Washnis, Nei\l:hborhood Facilities and Municipal Decen­ tralization. Volume 1 (Washington, D.C.: Center for Governmental A glimpse of this occurred recently in Chicago, where Studies). 10. These were the findings of the "Study of Community Representa­ Democratic State's Attorney Edward Hanrahan was defeat­ tion in Community Action Agencies," by the Florence HeIler Grad­ uate School in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, as presented ed by Republican Bernard Carey at least partly because a by David Austin in "Resident Participation: Political Mobilization or Organization Co-Optation," Public Administration Review (Spe­ number of "machine" black wards voted for Carey, out cial Issue, September 1972). pp. 402-420.

May, 1973 21 AT ISSUE:

Salt Talks

Miscol1ceptions regarding a true "strategic balal1ce" of nuclear weapons between the Soviet Ul1iol1 41ld the United States threaten to hamper the CIIrrent SALT II talks. Accordinf( to Richard Burt, a doctoral candidate at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, an ac­ cmrate feflectioll of "strategic balance" would have to include total megatonnage of u.s. and Soviet missiles al1d bombers as well as missile accttracy, reliability, and placement (eg., aboard submarines). The United States, should not, therefore, approach the SALT II talks locked into numerical formulas. Imtead, the Nixon Administration should exercise technological resl1'aint in the actual development of new missile systems, seek "package" ceilings rather strict numerical parity fo weapons systems, and at­ tempt also to l'each agreements in other, non-SALT areas of arms conl1·ol. Bmt also works as a staff aide 10 the lP' ednesday Group of progressive congressional Repllblicans.

by Richard Burt

The SALT accords, signed last May in Moscow, were reevaluation of U.S. strategic doctrine now underway in the culmination of the most significant arms control effort the White House. The reappraisal stresses the "flexibility" in the history of the 25-year-old nuclear arms race. The of U.S. strategic forces, stressing such weapon character­ accords - the result of three years of hard bargaining - istics as warhead accuracy and size. The Administration has ended the threat of heavy ABM deployment by both not made clear the purposes of this reappraisal, but the sides and put a five-year ceiling on the numbers of land­ uncertainty caused for the Soviets by such an activity makes based missiles (ICBM's) and submarine-launched missiles a SALT II agreement increasingly unlikely. Military plan­ SLBM's and did not include other strategic weapons such ners, Soviet and American alike, plan for the worst con­ limit technological improvements to either ICBM's or tingency and an attempt by U.S. planners to increase the SLBM's and did not include other strategic weapons such hard-target killing capability of U.S. forces might lead the as bombers, the accords did create a major bureaucratic Soviet military to suspect that the United States was en­ and diplomatic momentum in the direction of further arms tertaining notions of building "a first-strike" nuclear capa­ control efforts - symbolized by an agreement by both bility to use against the Soviet Union. sides to go further in arms limitation at a second round of The third factor involves the Jackson amendment SALT talks. adopted last summer which urged that SALT II "not lim­ Much of the optimism expressed earlier over the pros­ it the United States to levels of intercontinental strategic pects of SALT II has since been replaced by a growing forces inferior to the levels provided for the Soviet Union." confusion, contradiction and frustration in the American While the amendment is ambiguous, it is symbolic of a arms control effort. To a great extent, the momentum of growing concern over the SALT I accords, which allowed the SALT I successes has been lost. While the talks have a greater number of ICBM's and SLBM's to be deployed only been underway a few months, they seem increasing­ by the Soviet Union .... 1liisconcern, while partially justi­ ly endangered by four distinct thrusts of current American fied, should not obscure other advantages enjoyed by the nat:onal security policy. American forces. But more important, an insistence on a The first factor concerns present United States' plans simplistic formula of numerical equality could stand in for weapons system development and deployment. Using the way of an agreement that takes the strategic balance the philosophy of the "bargaining chip" and "negotiating into account in a more sophisticated manner. from strength," the United States is currently building and Fourth, the current management of the U.S. arms threatening to build a wide array of new weapons - new control effort has become' confused and fragmented. Co­ strategic systems, warheads and defensive devices - that ordination of agency work in the area of arms control - could not only damage further arms control agreements the hallmark of the SALT I effort ~ has broken down in SALT II, but could force the Soviets into reviving their and the agency charged with leadership responsibilities in massive strategic forces buildup of tIle late 1960's. the talks - the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency The second factor threatening SALT II is the current - has suffered a major budget cut and has lost its di-

22 Ripon Forum rector, Gerard Smith. The selection of U. Alexis Johnson Another major obstacle to further arms limitation at to head the SALT negotiating team is also seen as a sign SALT II results from the fear in some quarters that the that the military services will have a greater role in plan­ United States came off second best in the first round of I ning and setting the SALT negotiating position, creating SALT. This concern stems from the terms of the Interim a greater built-in resistance to accords limiting or banning Agreement - the accord that limits the number of ICBM's, weapons deployment. SLBM's and submarines allowed by each side. It has been Together, these four factors cast doubt on earlier ex­ argued that in allowing the Soviets a superiority in land­ pressed hopes that SALT II would result in a number of based missiles (1618 to 1054) and submarine-launched mis­ significant agreements. This is unfortunate, not only be­ siles (950 to 710, after both sides retire older ICBM's), cause future agreements will be more difficult to reach but the United States has been placed in a position of strategic also because what happens at SALT affects the whole gamut inferiority. The fact that Soviet missiles generally carry of United States-Soviet relations. The accords reached in heavier payloads than U.S. missiles is also viewed as a Moscow in some ways were interdependent with expanded factor that further decreases U.S. security. technical and economic relations between the two powers. These concerns must be carefully examined because Failure to continue the successes of SALT I could not they so crucially affect the U.S. bargaining stance at SALT only result in a new round in the arms race, but also could II. In analyzing the relative strategies of the United States contribute to a weakening of United States - Soviet collab­ and the Soviet Union, however, all the factors affecting oration on a wide range of fronts. The ramifications of a the strategic balance must be taken into account. failure to successfully pursue the opportunities for agree­ As stated above, the Interim Agreement does not set ment in SALT II would be felt in almost every area of ceilings on ICBM and SLBM launchers that provide for U.S. concern with the Soviet Union, the Middle East, a superiority in numbers for the Soviet Union: trade relations, collaboration in space and the Vietnam settlement. SALT I LAUNCHER CEILINGSI The nature of the U.S. arms control effort also to a United States Soviet Union ICBM's 1054 1618 great extent affects the Soviet approach to SALT. There SLBM's 656 740 is really no non-military constituency in the Soviet Union Submarines 41 56 that supports arms control; arms control negotiations have With Replacements:2 ICBM's 1000 1408 traditionally been a province of the Soviet military. One SLBM's 710 950 of the most positive aspects of SALT I was that Soviet Submarines 44 62 I Figures for the tables in this sectio:! are taken from the Interna­ civilians - party leaders, scientists and government bu­ tional Institute for Strategic Studies' 1972-73 Military Balance. The London-based institute. is viewed by experts to be a highly accurate reaucrats - became involved for the first time with na­ and objective source oj- mililary statistics. 2 Both sides can replace older ICbM's with new submarines and tional security issues. If momentum for further arms con­ SLBM's. trol is lost, these individuals will most likely lose what. ever hold they possess over Soviet military policy. A failure But numbers of ICBM's and SLBM's alone do not by the United States to energetically pursue a SALT II provide an accurate overall picture of the strategic balance. agreement could, then, weaken a variety of arms control The first notable aspect of the Interim Agreement is that efforts - conventional force reductions in Europe, a com­ it only concerns launcher vehicles - numbers of ICBM's, prehensive test ban and efforts to limit nuclear prolifera­ SLBM's and submarines. It does not restrict the modern­ tion. ization of these forces nor warhead technology and the

May, 1973 23 number of warheads allowed by each side - an area where States, for instance, possesses hundreds of fighter aircraft the United States enjoys a clear superiority. In terms of based in Europe and aboard carriers capable of deliver­ separate targetable reentry vehicles - the number of dif­ ing nuclear weapons on the Soviet Union. Also, although ferent nuclear warheads that can be delivered to separate the Interim Agreement allows the Soviet Union more bal­ targets - the United States has a 2-1 advantage that will listic missile submarines than the United States, a lack grow as the United States continues to deploy MIRV's of foreign bases means the Soviets are unable to keep as (separately targetable multiple warheads) on its missiles. high a proportion of their submarine force within missile The United States is currently MIRVing missiles on 31 range as the United States. of the United States' missile-submarines and on 550 of In conclusion, none of the indices discussed give a the Minuteman land-based missiles. The effect of the U.S. complete description of the strategic balance. Numbers of MIRV program on the relative balance of deliverable war­ missiles, bombers or submarines alone cannot provide a heads is shown below: sufficient basis for deciding whether or not the United States gained or lost in SALT I. But taken together, the WARHEAD LEVELS! indices do suggest that the United States and the Soviet In 1972: Union currently possess roughly equal strategic nuclear United States 4,300 Soviet Union 2,090 capabilities - capabilities that make it impossible for In 1977: either side to disarm the other. United States 7,700 Soviet Union 2,420 Simple numerical formulas will not suffice for SALT J If Congress approves the FY 1974 request for funds to MIRV the re­ II, for what one side lacks in one area of weaponry, it maining 450 Minutemen, the 1977 U.S. figure could rise above 8,500. tends to make up for in another. Recognition of this fact Also not included in the Interim Agreement are long­ seems essential in approaching future arms control agree­ range strategic bombers, another area where the United ments. States possesses a significant margin of superiority. The The methods and mechanisms for reaching agreements United States' bomber fleet of B-52's and FB-III's numbers during SALT I should not necessarily be totally relied over 450 aircraft. The Soviet Union possesses approximate­ upon to produce results at SALT II. The "bargaining ly 140 long-range bomber aircraft, which are generally old­ chip" strategy, for instance, of building new weapons in er and slower than their U.S. counterparts. The U.S. bomber order to force the Soviets into agreeing to their limitation force is also capable of carrying substantially larger weapon seemed a plausible strategy at a time when the Soviets loads than the Soviet Union's, and as the chart below in­ were engaging in a massive arms buildup. But now that dicates, this capacity will grow as the United States be­ temporary limits have been placed on missile force levels, gins to deploy the SRAM (short-range attack missile) on future agreements should attempt to build on the confi­ its bomber force: dence created by SALT I instead of relying too heavily on the fear created by the threat of new arms develop­ BOMBER WEAPONSl ments. In 1972: At the same time, it is necessary to be realistic when United States 2,000 discussing possible achievements of SALT II. Potential Soviet Union 420 In 1977: areas of agreement should most certainly be analyzed in United States 7,500 terms of what the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency Soviet Union 420 calls "negotiability" and "verifiability" - the ability to 1 Based on current weapons size and aircraft payload capacity, in­ cluding gravity bombs and s:a.ld-off missiles. make an agreement and to enforce it. Possible areas of agreement at SALT II and problems associated with these Another index of strategic power is megatonnage, areas include: or the total explosive power that both powers can hurl at each other. The majority of Soviet missiles carry larger (A) Ceilings on Offensive Strategic Weapons - The payloads than U.S. missiles, while, as indicated above, SALT I Interim Agreement runs out in 1977 and unless American bombers carry heavier payloads than their Soviet the ceilings set on land-based and sea-based missiles are counterparts. The total nuclear megatonnage capable of set by a permanent treaty, both sides will thereafter be being delivered by missiles and bombers combined is rough­ free to add to their missile forces. It would certainly be in the interest of both countries to negotiate a permanent ly the same for both powers: treaty limiting offensive, strategic weapons, particularly if equal numerical terms could be worked out. The United TOTAL MEGATONNAGE United States Soviet Union States would also probably support the idea of cutting back Missiles 2,400 MT 11,400 MT on the mutual levels for ICBM's prescribed by the In­ Bombers 16,500 MT 3,600 MT terim Agreement and replacing them with the more in­ Total 18,900 MT 15,000 MT vulnerable submarine-launched missiles. (It is generally believed that U.S. ICBM's would be vulnerable to MIRV­ It must be emphasized that megatonnage is a crude ed Soviet SS-9 rockets.) The Soviets, for bureaucratic rea­ indicator of power because it does not take into account sons, are not as interested as the United States in reducing such factors as missile accuracy and reliability, which in ceilings for ICBM's. many respects are more important than megatonnage in One way around this potential problem would be to determining the damage capability of strategic forces. design a permanent ceiling on offensive strategic weapons Other factors must also be considered. The United - in terms of launcher numbers, warhead numbers or

24 Ripon Forum payload capacity - that would allow each side the free­ is to focus on limiting U.S. and Soviet development pro­ dom to determir:e what weapons it wished to emphasize grams - primarily testing. While it is impossible, with­ within its respective forces. Under such a system, a gen­ out on-site inspection, to de~ermine the kinds of warheads eral ceiling would be agreed to, and then each power could each side is deploying, a limit on how many missile tests determine what proportion of its force would be made up each side could hold would serve nearly the same purpose. of ICBM's and SLBM's - within the limits set by the A ceiling 0;] missile tests would prevent both sides from ceiling. The Soviets would be unlikely to agree to a mutual developing sufficient confidence in new warhead devices ceiling with the United States, because under the present to warnnt wide-scale deployment. And a limit on num­ terms of the Interim Agreement they are allowed greater bers of missile tests would also have the advantage of be­ numbers of ICBM's and SLBM's. This problem could ing verifiable. perhaps be solved by including long-range bombers in a mutual ceiling - where the American advantage in bomb­ ers would cancel out the Soviet advantage in numbers of ICBM's and SLBM's. Thus, both powers could agree to a similar ceiling and then would unilaterally decide what proportion of their forces would be made up of bombers, missiles and submarines. (B) Ceiling on Bombers - Whether or not bombers could be included in a general ceiling on strategic weapons, the attempt to include long-range bombers in a SALT II agreement should be made. The United States' superiority in bombers could be used as an inducement for the Soviets to accept a more equitable balance in numbers of missiles, or if the Soviets insist on maintaining superior levels of missiles, the American numerical superiority in bombers could be ratified by treaty. (C) Forward-Based System Controls - While the United States does not consider its forward-based land and carrier-based fighter aircraft to be strategic systems, the Soviets do. And while the Soviet ICBM and SLBM advantage may be a prime U.S. concern at SALT II, the Soviets are said to be most concerned about U.S. fighters stationed abroad that have the capability of striking their homeland with nuclear weapons. Up until now, the United States has not wanted to discuss these weapons in the con­ text of SALT, and for good reasons. Bilateral United States - Soviet discussions over the future of European-based air­ (E) Antisubmarine Warfare Controls - The oceans craft would upset the NATO allies and an agreement to have become the newest arms race arena and submarine­ limit U.S. aircraft in Europe might weaken the conven­ launched missiles are increasingly becoming the primary tional capability of NATO. But some judicious conces­ instruments of strategic de~errence. Both the United States sions by the United States on this issue - which include and the Soviet Union are, however, attempting to counter­ advance consultation with U.S. allies - could bring about act each other's submarine forces by working on projects greater Soviet acquiesence in other areas of importance to of submarine detection, tracking and destruction. Like ac­ the United States. curate warheads, antisubmarine warfare (ASW) is de­ stabilizing because a breakthrough in submarine detection (D) Controls on Warhead Modernization - This is and destruction could give one power the capability of de­ an area of strategic weaponry totally neglected during stroying the ballistic missile submarine force of the other. SALT I that could threaten, as feared earlier with the There are a number of ways ASW could be controlled at ABM, to upset the arms race. Recent United States efforts SALT II. Suggestions have been to limit the number of in the area of multiple warheads and improved missile hunter-killer submarines possessed by each side as well accuracy tend to be destabilizing because they could ul­ as banning certain kinds of underwater listening devices timately give U.S. missiles the capability of destroying used to detect missile-carrying submarines. Another ap­ Soviet missiles on the ground. While the United States proach would be to create ocean "sanctuaries" for sub­ currently enjoys a lead in warhead technology (the Soviets marines of both sides to operate, free from attempts to have not tested a MIRV warhead yet), larger Soviet mis­ locate and destroy them. While there are certain difficul­ sile payloads mean that once the Soviets do perfect a ties with all of these proposals, particularly the problem MIRV system they too will possess a significant kill cap­ of distinguishing between ASW programs assigned a tacti­ ability against U.S. missiles. cal mission from those designed to combat ballistic missile Controlling warhead modernization is difficult, owing submarines, controls on ASW should be pursued at SALT to the difficulty of verifying compliance. One plausible II. means of controlling improvements in warhead technology Although there are a number of political and tech-

May, 1973 25 liIeal problems attached to the possibilities presented by the State Department, the CIA and the White House. A SALT II, the benefits stemming from potential agreements similar management effort should be directed toward SALT listed above provide powerful arguments for approaching II. The Arms Control and Disar~ament Agency (ACDA) • the negotiations with as much flexibility as security in­ should again be put in charge of the day-by-day direction • terests permit. Several guidelines can be suggested to maxi­ of the talks, and the agency should have a budget com­ mize the possibilities for success at SALT II. They em­ mensurate with this task. The ACDA budget has been body a whole range of national security concerns - weap­ slashed by almost a third and the agency's director no ons system procurement, arms control leadership, and de­ longer heads the SALT negotiating team. fense budget appropriations by Congress. Possibly more important in the long run, promises I. Procurement Restraint - While "negotiating from of new weapons made by the White House to the services strength" seems a sensible guide to bargaining, too much to gain military support for arms control agreements should strength introduces fear and uncertainty into arms control be restricted. When the Administration earlier linked the talks. The Soviets, for instance, were unwilling to serious­ continuation of the B-1 and the speed-up of the Trident ly discuss strategic arms limitation until they possessed a programs with support for the SALT I accords, future weapons arsenal similar to that of the United States. The arms control possibilities could have been placed in jeop­ tendency of the United States to exploit every technological ardy. advance - multiple warheads, improved missile accuracy, IV. Other Areas of Arms Control - While the SALT ASW devices - to force agreements with the Soviets can­ II talks now dominate arms control thinking, there are not always be depended upon to produce agreements. The other areas where initiatives should be attempted. A veri­ decision to begin the Safeguard ABM program might have fiable Comprehensive Test Ban would, for example, con­ contributed to a successful ABM Treaty, but the Soviets stitute a significant achievement. A total ban on nuclear had earlier deployed an ABM system of their own. In testing would not only eliminate certain environmental areas of U.S. technical advantage, such as warhead design, dangers, but would act as a check on new weapons de­ the decision to MIRV U.S. missiles has made a MIRV velopment. Efforts to curb nuclear proliferation - a grow­ agreement difficult to achieve at SALT II because the Soviets ing problem that has generally been ignored - is also an are unlikely to accept any agreement that permanently area where initiatives are necessary. An agreement by the places them in a technologically inferior position. This is NATO and Warsaw Pact nations on conventional force not to suggest that the United States should not go for­ reductions in Europe (MBFR) is another arms control ward with new research and development programs. In­ goal that should be vigorously pursued. stead, careful consideration should be given to new weap­ V. Congressional Initiatives - Congress has tra- • ons programs before procurement decisions are made. De­ ditionally supported arms control and disarmament objec- , ployment decisions over such weapons as the B-1 bomber, tives. Congressional hearings in the late 1950's were part- the Trident submarine, super-accurate missile warheads ly responsible for the establishment of the Arms Control and advanced underwater listening devices should be care­ and Disarmament Agepq and Congress has supported, fully evaluated and in some cases deployment should be with few reservations, the 'Limited Test Ban Treaty and postponed pending the outcome of the talks. the Nonproliferation Treaty, as well as the SALT I ac- An active R&D program is probably as good a cords. Congress could play a larger role in this crucial bargaining chip as actual force deployments. Maintaining area by both fostering a wider discussion of arms control a strong R&D program would not only act as an effec­ issues and more closely examining the political and tech­ tive bargaining ploy, but could also result in material nological components of the arms race, thus honoring its savings in defense expenditures. responsibility to educate the public in this difficult area. II. Strategic Numbers - In view of the complexi­ Arms control, however, to a great extent is dependent ty of determining the significance of relative strategic upon the President's conduct of foreign policy and, even force levels, no attempt should be made to tie the hands more importantly, upon defense spending. Congress, then, of U.S. negotiators by insisting on strict formulas of stra­ must make a determined effort to link arms control issues tegic parity. As suggested earlier, a number of factors go to the defense budget. Congressional committees concern- into the determination of the United States-Soviet strate­ ed with defense spending should not only focus on fiscal gic balance. The United States should be willing to ac­ and military issues, but these grounds should also examine cept a numerical disadvantage in certain areas, if a U.S. the implications of new programs for the prospects of fu- advantage in other areas is recognized. Better yet, for­ ture agreement at SALT ,II. mulas that tie different weapons into overall package SALT II has become a complex arena for discussion, ceilings should be discussed at SALT II. Each power would where the political, strategic and technological factors in­ then be able to select the weapons it favored without volved demand a high degree of specialized talent. While reference to ceilings on specific weapons categories. In con­ recognizing that the executive possesses the bulk of ex­ structing and negotiating such a general ceiling, an at­ pertise in this area, Congress does possess analytical cap­ tempt should also be made to provide for the gradual re­ abilities - in the form of committee staffs, the Congres- duction of strategic forces possessed by each side. sional Research Service," the General Accounting Office • III. Arms Control Leadership - The SALT I ac­ and the newly organized Office of Technology Assessment • cords were not only a result of hard-headed bargaining, to contribute to the arms control debate. Each of these but disciplined and efficient organizatiQn :- within the groups can provide some of the expertise necessary to Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, the Pentagon, deal with the complexities of strategic arms limitation. •

26 Ripon Forum ciple purposes: first, to facilitate individual power, "the maximum use of his intellectual and physical faculties for BOOK REVIEW personal and corporate ends." Second, to promote agency, "the personal style, assurance, and self-control that allow him to act in both socially acceptable and personally mean­ ingful ways." And finally, the schools should promote joy, The "the fruit of aesthetic discipline, of faith, and of commit­ ment." But Sizer, now headmaster at Phillips Andover Bored Academy, recognizes that "no single institution can pro­ vide all of a child's education. Many institutions teach, in varied, powerful ways." Therefore, Sizer proposes the bi­ 01 furcation of the educational system into "places for learn­ ing, places for joy." "While we grant that power on one hand and agency and joy on the other overlap significant­ EduaatioD ly, a practical division of institutional labor between them makes sense. Let us have academies primarily devoted to BUSING AND BACKLASH: White Against White in an Urban School District power. And let us have different kinds of activity - for by Lillian B. Rubin the sake of simplicity I'll call them collegia - through University of California Press, 1973, 257 pages, $2.45 which society may provide, deliberately and systematical­ PLACES FOR LEARNING, PLACES FOR JOY: Spec­ ly, for agency and joy. Let us have, in sum, two kinds ulations on American School Reform of 'schools,' with children expected to attend both, often by Theodore R. Sizer concurrently." Thus Sizer answers demands of formalists Harvard University Press, 1973, 167 pages, $ 7.50 who stress basic cognitive skills and humanists who stress CHILDREN IN THE LEARNING FACTORY: The the affective development of children. He does so thought­ Search for the Human Teacher fully and "politically," in the practical vein often rare by Irwin Flescher among educationists. Chilton Book Company, 1972, 180 pages, $5.95 School psychologist Irwin Flescher (Children in tbe EQUAL EDUCATION: A New National Strategy Learning Factory) also has his own proposals for restruc­ by John F. and Anne O. Hughes turing American education - but Flescher is more biting­ Indiana University Press, 1972, 243 pages, $7.95 ly critical. He begins his book with a bit of doggerel: &hools teach facts, by Dick Behn and the facts are these: An acquaintance of mine, a principal by trade, re­ schools are learning factories. cently asked what I had been reading lately. When I told Flescher's perspective as a school psychologist is, he ad­ him, "education books," he asked, "Don't you get tired mits, a new one for educational debates, but he adds a of reading about education?" and proceeded to describe further extra dimension. His book is hypotheticalIy a a frivolous little Irish novel which he was reading at the "proxy address delivered before the Global League of Ul­ time. timate House Analyzers at Wash-DC on month 2, day The principal's attitude - though that of a dedicated 22, year 222." Flescher's penchant for such utopian new professional - may be symptomatic of the state of Amer­ vocabulary as "house analyzer" (school psychologist) , ican educational lethargy. An article by reporter Evelyn "priestess" (humanizing "good" teacher) and "kinder­ Keene in the Boston Globe cited a report by the Massachu­ hinderer" (a bad die of a teacher) can be annoying, but setts Association of School Superintendents, which stated beyond the occasionally distracting rhetoric come some in­ that, in the past year, 21 school superintendents had quit teresting proposals. For instance, Flescher rejects remedial or resigned following disputes with local school boards. reading and math in favor of what he calls "remedial In the past five years, according to the Association, " ... of childhood." Such efforts at injecting "enthusiasm, wonder, the state's 261 superintendents, there have been 14 deaths gratification, and meaningfulness" into children with learn­ due to heart failure, 14 cases of heart attacks resulting ing difficulties would of course be directed by the "Director in forced early retirement or prolonged illness, eight cases of the Love of Learning," who in Flescher's complex voca­ 0f severe ulcer conditions requiring hospitalization and bulary also should double as head of the "Department of five cases of nervous breakdowns while on the job." Intrinsic Motivation" and therefore be a school psycholo­ My friend, the principal, is not alone in his attitude gist. Obviously, Children in the Learnil1g Factory requires toward the education controversy. As. Theodore R. Sizer, certain foreign language skills, but the perspectives are former dean of the Harvard School of Education, writes unique - perhaps a subtle result of the impression that in the opening of his book, Places fOl' Learnil1g, Places the author is analyzing the reader. for Joy, "Americans are bored with being told that their Irwin Flescher's ideas are not the sort which would educational system is a mess." It is perhaps understand­ be compatible with the conservative Board of Education able considering the myths and misconceptions and con­ members of the Richmond United School District on San fusions of values which surround American perceptions of Francisco Bay in California. As Lillian B. Rubin explains their school system. the attitudes of Richmond conservatives toward education In Sizer's opinion, American education has three prin- in her book, Bnsing and Backlash, "When a conservative

May, 1973 27 is asked what he ideally expects from an educational sys­ cavalierly ignore the aspirations and fears of working-class tem, the first phrases that almost invariably spring to hb whites as "racist" any more than they can excuse delays in lips are 'the three Rs,' 'more discipline in the classroom,' redressing ancient inequities to black school children on 'end sex education,' and 'get rid of sensitivity training and the grounds of compromise. of liberal teachers who are trying to brainwash my kids.' Chronicling a larger scenario of politics and politic They want a no-frills, no-nonsense education, schools that education are John F. Hughes and Anne O. Hughes in will train their children to be moral and upright citizens, Equal Education: A New National Strategy. They review teach them to be patriotic, 'put some starch in their spines,' the development of elementary and secondary education, and avoid filling their heads with notions that parents do particularly Title I for disadvantaged children, and con­ not understand." Although the Richmond anti-busing con­ clude that the federal government must assume the "dom­ servatives would find common ground with Flescher in inant role" in a new strategy for delivery of equal educa­ their dislike of sensitivity training (Flescher prefers D­ tional opportunity. In the Hughes' opinion, "The partial groups, for dialogue, to T-groups, for emotional catharsis) strategies embedded within ESEA - with their limited and the 3-Rs, agreement would probably end there. For funds, incomplete mechanisms for renewal and reform, whereas Flescher stress~s "development of a wholesome, and uneasy mixture of mythology and reality - have positive feeling toward school and learning" as a prime fallen short of achieving their goals." Therefore, although function of elementary schools, Richmond conservatives, they detail the failure of the U. S. Office of Education to after their ascent to power in 1969, seemed determined to adequately administer Title I, the authors propose a new impose their own dogmatic views on the district's schools. and expanded aid formula which "assumes that the Fed­ They not only banned ecology and peace symbols from the eral Government has a special responsibility for filling in schoals, but prohibited use of The Leamillg Tree as the gaps that now exist at every educational level, and an English text, banned a chicken hatchery from an ele­ especially those in preschool and adult education." They mentary classroom because it might be used for sex educa­ further propose an Education Bill of Rights and the as­ tion and refused to honor Martin Luther King's birthday sumption of school financing responsibility by state gov­ as a school holiday because King was not a "national ernments. leader." Implicit in the Hughes' assumptions is the ability of Rubin's book, however, is not really about education, the federal government to react positively and efficiently but about politics. It is the story of how a group of upper­ to ensure the delivery of educational services to local class, liberal, elitist whites were deposed from the school "clients." Unfortunately, it seems doubtful that such faith board of the Richmond United School District when they in the federal government is justified - and even were it bungled the issue of integration and busing. The liberals justified, whether the federal government is the most ef­ were well-intentioned, but wishy washy - too elitist to ficient mechanism for the redress of local educational or seek the active assistance of the working-class conserva­ social problems. Admittedly, in recent years the federal tives in the formulation of integration plans and too dem­ government has become the primary agency for innova­ ocratic to act decisively to integrate the school system over tion in social problems; too often, however, there have the objections of the conservatives. The approval of the been too many bureaucrats spending too much money to unification proposal in 1964 consolidated the schools of achieve too little. The poor and other short-changed groups Richmond, which were 40 percent black, and those of have learned to look to Washington to redress their griev­ smaller white suburbs. The newly elected school board was ances . . . just as politicians tend to look to Washington completely white and completely liberal but when it began as the focus of political power. Americans seem afflicted to show signs of moving to integrate the district's schools with the notion that if one goes high enough in the gov­ and perhaps, perish the thought, begin busing, the lower­ ernmental structure (ultimately, the White House, the Con­ middle-class conservatives in the suburbs revolted. Partly gress or the Supreme Court) their problems will be solved. through their own political ineptitude and partly because Perhaps the rationale is that if the buck is passed high they refused to effect a fait accompli, they fed the anxieties enough, the politician will be sufficiently removed from and organizational power of conservatives by talking in­ the nitty-gritty to ignore the considerations of his oppo­ tegration to death, and the liberals were replaced by an all­ nents. Thus, Americans tend to expect that if Congress conservative school board. Whereas the liberals vacillated, will not do it, the President will do it and if the President and conducted masochistic orgies of integration hearings, will not do it, the Supreme Court will do it ... thus elim­ the new conservative board showed a strong intemperance inating the necessity for communities to work through to opposing views. The new board cancelled its own meet­ such difficult political questions as integration and com­ ings on short notice, held extensive executive sessions with­ pensatory education on their own. True, communities have out making public their decisions, limited public debate at too often been dominated by complacent majorities, have board meetings and edited the minutes to eliminate any too long ignored the interests of politically impotent minor­ vestiges of dissension. Although Rubin admits her ideo­ ities. But neither conscience nor complacency are solely logical preference for the positions taken by the liberals, federal or local prerogativ.es; as the conservatives in Rich­ she sympathizes with the anger of the conservatives. 'The mond learned, if they want something badly enough, they thrust of my argument here is that America's so-called can do it themselves. silent majority has been left out of the political process As Sizer writes in Places for Lea1"1ling, Places for loy, far too long and that, in part, their- present anger is a "And so American education stumbles on, not mindless response to that political fact." Liberals cannot afford to really, but tangled in contradictions it dares not face." III

28 Ripon Forum sense of human dignity." Then the narrator takes his reader through the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) and DULY NOTED: BOOKS the Gaza Strip. He presents a number of achievements under Israeli administration; for example, the opening of 20 training centers for carpenters, electricians, dress­ • Dear Israelis, Dear Arabs: A Working Approach makers, beauticians, and textile workers. With regard to to Peace, by Roger Fisher. (New York: Harper and Row, these last three fields, Weigert shows the changing roles 1972, 166 pages, $6.95) Professor Fisher of the Harvard played by women under Israeli occupation as contrasted Law School has written an imaginative, provocative and with the reigns of Abdullah, Talal, and Hussein. The important work dealing specifically with the Arab-Israeli author asserts "daily contact with the Israelis in every­ confiict and more generally with principles of confiict res­ day life and business had made a strong positive impact olution in international politics. This brief book consists on West Bankers." Turning to the Ga:lJa Strip, Weigert of letters Fisher sent to Egyptian, Israeli, Palestinian, reports 380,000 people in an arid 140 square miles. For­ Jordanian, American and United Nations officials in the merly under Egyptian military administration (since summer of 1971, together with a general memorandum 1948), most of the populace was unemployed. Weigert outlining his general approach. The ,approach itself is fallaciously attributes Arab participation in guerrilla familiar to readers of Fisher's International ConOict for movements to unemployment and overcrowded condi­ Beginners and his numerous articles, including "Frac­ tions. He also f.ails to enlighten the reader regarding tionating Confiict." Fisher seeks to demonstrate how the Jerusalem's special situation, the strategically important Middle Eastern conflict might be carried on so as to ad­ Golan Heights, or the Sinai Peninsula. He ignores the vance the legitimate interests of each of the parties while recently settled Jewish religious colony in Hebron. What avoiding needless violence. Contained in his letters are of reported Palestinian resentment bubbling under the specific, operational suggestions as to what each party surface? Ultimately, Weigert betrays the polemical na­ might do to pursue its own enlightened self-interest in ture of his own work, by, for example gauging the a more civilized and constructive way. He urges avoidance Palestinian Arabs rising standard of living by observing of non-productive questions which fix blame or dwell on that on their roofs are now a mass of television anten­ past events or on legalities, and suggests instead a focus nas. However, this book serves as a springboard for dis­ on "what ought to happen" - what can be done to im­ cussing certain facets of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Regard­ prove the situation, and how such developments can be ing hopes for a future negotiated peace settlement, Weig­ made more likely. Central to his approach is the notion ert writes that movement toward a peace settlement "is of "fractionating" the conflict in the Middle East. Rather based on the assumption that any agreements between than engage in fruitless attempts at 'Ii package settle­ the heads of the Arab states and the Israeli government ment, the parties are urged to pursue specific separate will not lead to a final and lasting peace unless the Pales­ agreements on a variety of issues - each involving dif­ tinian problem is first solved." It is in that light that ferent parties and capable of being negotiated at sep­ Arabs and Israelis: Life Together should be approached. arate intervals. Each party is provided with a number Reviewed by Stephen Rosen. of "yesable propositions" which it might offer to its ad­ • Cold War and Counter-Revolution. The Foreign versaries - that is, propositions which are sufficiently Policy of John F. Kennedy, by Richard J. Walton. (Peli­ specific so as to be answerable by a simple "yes," suf­ can Books, 1972, 250 pages, $1.45) Viewed in retrospect, ficiently palatable that an affirmative answer might rea­ it appears that the Kennedy era was something less than sonably be expected, and sufficiently operational that de­ hoped for and anticipated by his friends and admirers; sired outcomes can be expected to occur. Included in the to borrow David Hltlberstam's phrase, the best and the letters are the full texts of 35 proposed drafts of letters, brightest may be found wanting in the revision of his­ resolutions, and proposals that each party might present tory. In this respect, Richard Walton, using Kennedy's to the others. In each case, the drafts are framed in and the Kennedy team's own accounts, reflects the such a way as to increase the political costs to the ad­ recent appraisal that Camelot was something less than versary of not making the desired decision. To the Egyp­ advertised. In what has been called a "biting assess­ tians, Fisher suggests cogent reasons why both the threat ment," Walton suggests: "The record is clear. What­ of deliberate war and the demand of complete Israeli ever his achievements in less significant areas, whatever withdrawal are counter-productive; rather, he argues, he might have done later, John F. Kennedy as President Egypt should identify for the Israeli people specific de­ was Cold Warrior and counterrevolutionary. Cuba, Ber­ sirable consequences that will follow from partial Is­ lin, Vietnam - these are his monuments." In describing raeli concessions. To the Israelis, Professor Fisher demon­ the momentus events of that time - Laos, the Bay of strates that the simultaneous maximization of territory, Pigs, the Missile Crisis, Berlin, Vienna and Vietnam - democracy, and the Jewish character of the Israeli state Walton finds no finest hour but rather an embarking is most unlikely. He argues that the continued focus on on anti-communist crusades "much more dangerous than short range security objectives and retention of all oc­ any policy Eisenhower ever permitted." In addition to cupied territory can well lead Israel to a situation par­ believing that John Kennedy had an alarmist, dogmatic allel with what the United States confronted in Vietnam. view of the world!, Walton further speculates that the No reader is likely to agree with all that Fisher pro­ late President may perhaps have possessed "machismo," poses. But such is not his purpose; rather, he urges his the need to assert masculinity. A dogmatic world-yiew readers to take his side as a starting point, and to en­ coupled with "machismo," if Walton is correct, may well gage in formulating their own concrete suggestions to have been a voIatible mix not beneficial for the making government officials about what might be done to bring of foreign policy_ While Kennedy is harshly assessed, his about a just peace in the Middle East. As Philip C. Jes­ advisers fare little better, as Walton writes: "They were sup states in the foreword, Fisher's approach is "un­ youngish but wedded to the old Cold War vision. They usual," but "no one interested in the Middle East - or were intellectuals but understood the new world no bet­ in the process of coping with an international conflict - ter than the old businessmen of the Eisenhower years. should ignore this book." Reviewed by Professor Robert They were liberal - by self-definition - but prosecuted H. Donaldson. the Cold War more vigorously than had the Eisenhower • Arabs and Israelis: Life Together, by Gideon Weig­ conservatives. They were realists, they thought, but their ert. (Published by the author and the Jerusalem Post advice, during Kennedy's term 'and after, led to a series Press, 1973, 103 pages, 6.50 Israeli pounds) Jerusalem of disasters, each of which confirmed them in their wis­ Post Arab Affairs correspondent Gideon Weigert has as­ dom." Analysts have recently revised their perceptions sembled a collection of positive impressions of Israeli­ of the early 60's. What was thought to be, apparently Palestinian relations spanning the period from summer is no longer. Writers have moved from an ideal of what 1967 to winter 1972. Weigert utilizes figures from the Is­ they hoped was to a harsher reality as if they were some­ rael Central Bureau of Statistics, public reports of the how cheated by what might have been. By using the Israeli Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense (the words of Kennedy and his publicists, Walton draws dif­ latter being responsible for the administered territories), fering conclusions. He maintains that Kennedy's person­ and the testimonials of Palestinian notables to show that ality, not his lack of accomplishments, has been the sub­ the "five years of Israeli occupation of the West Bank ject of analysis. This is not 'a neutral book but one that have not solved any political issues in the area But these lends perspective and is written in a most lucid, readable areas have brought prosperity and with it a growing style. Reviewed by Dean L. Lapham.

Mi:ty; 1973 29 • Prisons, Protest and Politics, edited by Burton M. sis which is necessary to draw specific conclusions con­ Atkins and Henry R. Glick. (Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1972, cerning the economic and social impact, the changing na­ 180 pages, $5.95) Editors Atkins and Glick have put to­ ture, and the relative merits of the different types of gether a reasonably representative potpourri of prison pra­ governmental subsidies. Reviewed by Robert D. Behn. test writings ... by authors ranging from former Attor­ ney General Ramsey Clark and former Arkansas prison superintendent Tom Murton to Bobby Seale and Eldridge Cleaver. The book includes the usual citations of prison brutality, the usual explanations of the politicization of LETTERS prisoners and the usual ideal compilations of basic prison­ er rights. The road to penal reform is not easy; too many Gov. Meskill employees have a stake in blocking it. However, minimal I have been a member of the Ripon Society for a reform involves a basic recognition of prisoner rights and tong, long time, and while I have frequently disagre.ed it is in this area that legislatures and courts can move with Ripon policies, I have felt that it was 8 healthy ID­ most forcefully. Because an inmate is incarcerated, does 'luence in the party. However, I believe that it has thp not require that he be dehumanized. Prisons, Protest and same responsibility for objective journalism when it is PoUtics says nothing new, but it says it well. Reviewed making reports as any other public medium. I am thor­ by Dick Behn. oughly staggered by the one-sided picture of the report e An American Philosophy of SOCial Security, by J. on Connecticut in your March 15 newsletter. Without go­ Douglas Brown. (Princeton University Press, 1972, 240 ing into detail about the rather irresponsible comments pages, $8.50) Professor J. Douglas Brown's book is an that were made in the article, most of which could be immensely readable, concise, and factual account about refuted in whole or in part, it seems to me that it is the development of our Social Security system, in which hopelessly bad journalism to write only of negatives and he was intimately involved during the 1930's. He was him­ overlook absolutely and completely the positive accom­ self a member of the fir .. t Council established in 1934 plishments of our current administration. The Governor to draw up a plan. This Council rejected the European took over a state which was operating on a deficit basis approach to social insurance which paid out fiat benefits and without control, with prospect for ever more taxes by class of worker, and decided to regulate benefits by and ever more deficits and ever less confidence in the wages earned with 50 percent of premiums to be paid state's future and its government. The Governor's worst by the worker. This uniquely American plan maintained detractors, possibly with the exception of your reporter, traditional self-reliance and incentive while merging them would admit that he has turned this around and we into a national scheme which offered both wi-de accepta­ are now looking forward to tax reform and reduction, bility and adequacy of coverage. Professor Brown attri­ and the expectation that confidence in the state's econom­ butes the stability of the system to the crucial role play­ ic future will return and expand with the prospect of ed by the Advisory Councils in serving as a liaison be­ more jobs, more public services better performed, and tween Congress and the President. One of the author's a stable and fair tax pattern. Gov. Meskill is a forth­ most important points is to warn against the temptation right and decisive man. Many people, including myself, of succumbing to political pressures by joining the social disagree with him with respect to one or another of the security insurance system with any form of welfare pay­ positions that he has taken, but if the basic job of the ment. Brown rightly distinguishes between old age in­ governor is the maintenance and improvement of the surance, disability and medical coverages, and unemploy­ overall economic health of the state, and the delivery of ment insurance (usually in error charged to employers services in an efficient and effective manner, then his 100 percent). Rather, Professor Brown urges the passage performance to date has been unusual and is highlight­ of a separate system as a mechanism for national em­ ed by the sharp contrast with the past. Your report was ployment protection. Moving to health insurance, the unbalanced ,and unfair. author discusses at length the failures of our 19th cen­ JOHN ALSOP tury medical care philosophy. He proposes a national Republican National Committeeman health insurance system which will "rationalize the fi­ State of Connecticut nancing" of health care centers, charge understandable fees, ,and put an end to the doctors' ex parte charges. Reviewed Some readers may disagree partially with Professor I applaud the large proportion of the March 1973 Brown's expansionist approach to social insurance, argu­ FORUM dedicated to book reviews and notes. I especial­ ing that the use of progressive income taxes to support ly ·appreciate the inclusion of works reporting hard, em­ increases in benefits (because of direct government fund­ pirical finrltings alongside examples of the more typical, ing) will reduce the element of acceptability among the chatty political journalism. But I regret the choice of middle-class which receives a smaller proportional pay­ Frederic R. Kellogg as the reviewer of Leonard Good­ ment than the poor. However, all readers will surely agree win's Do the Poor Want to Work? What promises to be that this book presents us with valuable information and an interesting review, soon degenerates into a crude tirade ideas for future legislation dealing with poverty and em­ against social science. Certainly, there is good social ployment security. Reviewed by Ferd LaBrunerie. science and bad, and if the Coleman Report neglected crucial variables it is shoddy social science indeed. But • AmeI1:can Enterprise: Free and Not So Free, by Mr. Kellogg's more basic criticism is that social science Clarence H. Cramer. (Little Brown and Company, 1972, is wasteful, telling us only what we already know. He 728 pages, $17.50) For those who long to return to the offers as a case in point the conclusion of Mr. Goodwin's days when a laissez-faue economy combined with indi­ book: "the poor want to work, but they will not want to vidual initiative and enterprise to build America, Clarence quite so much if they try it and do not succeed ...." Cramer's history of American business may provide an Well, that conclusion may be obvious to Mr. Kellogg, but education. For it is the thesis of Dr. Cramer, professor it certainly is not obvious to, for example, Mr. Nixon, of history at Case Western Reserve where he was once who persistently clucks ·about the "welfare ethic." I wish dean of the Business School, that every major break­ Mr. Kellogg luck when he goes to the White House to through in this nation's economic development was sup­ change opinion, armed with only his bluster and bril­ ported by significant governmental subsidies. Consequent­ liance; were I assigned the task, I think I would take ly, Cramer organizes his history, not chronologically, Mr. Goodwin's book along. But even if it were a conclu­ but along the lines of separate economic factors - labor, sion obvious to all, it would still be worth investigating. both free and slave; transportation and the merchant All things obvious are not true, and sometimes the re­ marine; money; power (gas, oil and electric) and its con­ sulting errors matter for<~ial policy. In short, I share trol; land and tariffs - illustrated with copious anecdotes the view that trees are valuable commodities, and the about individual businessmen and public officials. Un­ paper produced at such high social cost should be used fortunately, all these asides hinder the -development of judiciously, not for printing rubbish. And I think this Cramer's theme concerning subsidies. Though the book principle comes down harder on the reviewer than on the provides a string of well-resear.che

30 Ripon Forum ., The Boston and Cambridge Chapters have bridged the Charles River to form the new, improved, economy 14a ELIOT STREET size Boston-Cambridge Chapter. The action was taken at a meeting of the new chapter on March 29 in Boston at which discussion of Massachusetts politics with State Sen. Robert Hall and State Rep. Barbara Gray was featured. • Jonathan Brown has been elected president of the The new, improved officers are Bobert D. Behn, pres­ Washington, D.C. Chapter. Brown was elected at a chapter ijent; Prunela V. Ormsbee, secretary; and M. Victoria meeting on April 23 at which Bob Monagan, assistant Golden, treasurer and membership chairman. Other mem­ secretary for congressional and intergovernmental affairs bers of the executive committee are Peter C. Berg; John for the Department of Transportation, spoke. Other D.C. K. Dirlam, Jr.; Joel P. Greene (Worcester recruitment); Chapter officers are vice presidents, Willie Leftwich and Mark C. Frazier (campus recruitment); E. Jackson HaIl Chris Topping; secretary, Sheldon Steinbeck; treasurer, (Boston recruitment); Martin A. Linsky (policy chairman Rick Carson; and executive committee members, Carol and NGB member); John F. Moffitt, program chair­ AbeD, Larry FInkelstein, and Stan Sienkiewicz. Under man; Martha A. Reardon (NGB member); and Robert the leademhip of Was Boles, the D.C. Chapter recently G. Stewart (special events and NGB member). completed a reassessment of the chapter activities. • It is not the function of 14a Eliot Street to pub­ licize the socializing process of former FORUM editors, • NGB member, Mark BlOOmfield, has been appoint­ but it may be of some passing interest to FORUM dev­ ed to the Steiger Commission. otees that George Gllder is to be married eventually, ac­ cording to unusually reliable sources. These same sources say that Gilder's spouse-to-be is a successful screen-writer and that the wedding ceremony is likely to pre-date the THE RIPON SOCIETY INC. is? RepubJ~ca~ research , pebcy organtzatlon whose publication of Gilder's opus magnus: Sexnal Soiclde - members ar,. young business, academic and professional men and The Deadly Fallacies of Feminism. women. It has national headquarters in Cambridge, Massachusetts, chap!ers h sixteen cities, National Associate members thrcugheut (9 Memphis Ripon member Bill Whitten has been elect­ the fifty states. and several affiliated groups of subchapter status. ed to the board of directors of the Memphis Young Re­ The Society is supperted by chapter dues, individual contribu­ hon!, and revenues from its publications and contract work. The publicans. SOCIety offers the follOWing options lor armual contribution: Con­ 4'» The Minnesota Chapter held its annual Issues Confer_ tributor $25 or more, Sustainer $100 or more; Founder $1000 or more. Inquiries about membership and chapter organization should ence on March 10-11 -at Hudson, Wisconsin. About 60 Re­ be addressed to the National Executive Director. publicans and independents participated in the discussions NATIONAL GOVERNING BOARD and listened to addresses by journalist-author Neal R. Officers Peirce; Russ Hemenway of the National Committee for 'Ron Spe~d. President an Effective Congress: University of Minnesota President 'Paul F. Anderson, Chairmcm of the BOClQ'd Malcolm Moos; and White House Special Assistant Lee 'Patricia A. Goldman, Chairmcm of the Executive Committee 'Richard E. Beeman, Vice President of Finance & Treasurer Huebner. Conference participants were particularly con­ 'Edward W. M!ller, Secretary cerned that proposed HEW regulations for federally-as­ sisted day care programs would cripple Minnesota centers. Boston Pittsburgh 'Martha Reardon 'Murray Dickman • NGB member Wllliam J. Kllberg has been appoint­ Martin A. Linsky James Groninger ed solicitor for the Department of Labor. Kilberg was Michael W. Christian Bruce Guenther Cambridge previously associate solicitor for the department. Presi· Joel P. Greene Seattle dent Nixon has told the 26-year-old Kilberg that he is 'Bob Siewart 'Tom Alberg the youngest general counsel of a major department in Gus Southworth Mason D. Morisset Chicago the country's history. 'Jared Kaplan A. Richard Taft Washington Tomas Russell 'Alice Tetelman Delinquency Prevention Detroit Larry Finkelstein 'Dennis Gibson Willie Leftwich In an interview three years ago with CBS reporter David Stephen Selander Schoumacher, former Attorney General John Mitchell Mary E. Low At Large Hartford "Josiah Lee Auspitz had a few comments to make about the Ripon Society. Nicholas Norton "Christoper T. Bayley They may bear repeating. Below is the complete trans­ 'Stewart H. McConaughy Christopher W. Beal cript of the interview as it was aired on the CBS Eve­ Los Angeles Robert L. Beal 'Michael Halliwell Hobert D. Behn ning News with Roger Mudd, January 17, 1970. Thomas A. Brown Mark Bloomfield The Ripon Society, a group of liberal Republicans, Edward McAniff •• Michael Brewer charged through its magazine this week that Attor­ Memphis Jan Bridges 'Linda Miller Ralph Caprio ney General Mitchell has been playing politics for WilUam D. Whitten "Bruce Chapman President Nixon and hampering and delaying civil Jerry Katz Pamela Curtis rights progress. Mitchell was not readily available Minneapolis Robert W. Davidson for comment .•. only he was literally cornered by 'J ohn Cairns Evelyn F. Ellis Jim Manahan Al Felzenberg CBS news correspondent David Schoumacher. Kat! SassevUle Glenn Garstell Schoumacher: Nashville "Howard F. Gillette, Jr. 'Leonard Dunavant Berna Gorenstein What about this Ripon Society charge that you have Dru Smith Ralph J. Heikkinen permitted politics to playa part in your operation Bill Gibbons "Lee W. Huebner of the Justice Department? Philip C. Johnston New Haven William J. Kilberg Mitchell: 'Peter V. Baugher Ralph Loomis As far as those little juvenile delinquents are con­ Melvin Ditman Judith R. Lumb cerned ... I don't have any comment about them. Jeffrey Miller '*J. Eugene Marana New Jersey Tanya Melich Schoumacher: *J ohn Bratschol Don Meyer Is it not true ... Harry KJine "John R. Price, Jr. Nancy Miller "John S. Salomn III Mitchell: New York Daniel J. SwllUnger You must have been a blocking back. Martha Ferry Leah Thayer Schoumacher: 'Werner Kuhn Chris Topping I learned that trying to chase you down ... it's true Richard Scanlan • 'Peter Wallis on ... though ... that you have asked the Supreme Philadelphia R. Quincy White 'Robert J. Moss Lyndon A.S. Wilson Court on occasion to delay school integration. Is that William Horton Richard Zimmer because of politics? Ex-Officio At Large Mitchell: 'Richard W Rahn, Managing Director Not true at all ... you must understand that the 'Michael F.' MacLeod, National Director Justice Department are the lawyers for the Govern­ 'Robert Gulick, Counsel 'Clair W. Rodgers, Jr., Counsel ment. We carry out legal functions on behalf of the 'National Executive Committee Member Government and in so acting we are acting on behalf "Past President. Chairman of the Board. or Chairman of the of HEW. We are lawyers, not policy makers. Did Executive Committee you ever look at it that way?

May, 1973 31 to a key White House patronage post, and former Brock press secretary Bill Goodwin to a consultant's role with the Senate Republican Campaign Committee. Kevin Phil­ DULY NOTED: POLITICS lips's newsletter has commented that "clearly, 1974 GOP • "Our Supererogatory PresIdent," by Stewart Alsop. congressional nominees will be picked, groomed and man­ Newsweek, April 9, 1973. "A President with a superero­ aged by a close-lmit group of people with ties to Senator gatory impulse attracts around him people with a sim­ Brock." Shannon reports that Brock himself joked that ilar impulse to overdo, to press, to indulge in the super­ "I'm thinking of putting out a Sherman statement ..." fluous ... 'In the campaign, there were maybe a couple But she concludes that a "man of ambition who could of hundred young guys in the White House or near it deliver in 1974 might jump several steps ahead in the you and I never heard of,' says a Republican senator. feverish fame of oneupmanship which precedes a presi­ 'They'd all walk over their grandmother to elect Nixon dential election with no incumbent. For Brock, pieces of (a reference to Charles Colson's well-publicized pledge), the action are out there. Whether he will have the in­ and most of them think a liberal Democrat is next thing fluence and ability to pull them together is another ques­ to a Communist.' The 'couple of hundred young guys' tion." were strictly political amateurs, like the bell-bottomed • "'Beasley bunch' will control next session of state McGovern youths, initially hailed as geniuses by the gul­ lcgislature," by Al Fox. The Birmingham News, April 1, lible press. Like McGovern's bell-bottoms, Nixon's but­ 1973. By controlling the Alabama Finance and Taxation ton-downs were essentially ideologues, with the tunnel Committee, a group of legislators led by Lieutenant Gov. vision that always leads ideologues to muck things up. Jere Beasley (D) has taken the leadership position of President Nixon has always had curiously few true p0- the Alabama legislature away from Gov. George Wallace. litical pros in his inner circle. In campaign time, the only Neither Beasley nor Wallace factions really control the pro fairly close to the throne was Clark MacGregor, who legislature, Fox points out, but the pendulum has definite­ wisely but futilely argued for a policY of lancing the ly swung away from Wallace and toward Beasley, himself Watergate boil by indignant full disclosure right away. a potential gubernatorial candidate next year. The other old hands were amateurs. Like many men with • "Waller Legal AId Veto Another Blow at Poor," by long faces who smoke pipes and grunt a lot, John Mit­ A.B. Albritton. The (Memphls) Commercial Appeal, April chell acquired a reputation for politiool shrewdness, but 8, 1973. "Despite Gov. Bill Waller's populist approach to the only thing he did to earn it was to follow his wife's government which may one day make him a hero to the advice to get away from 'all those dirty things that go 'working man,' the Governor continues to show a callous on.''' Concludes Alsop, "the big things he (Nixon) has attitude toward the poor people of Mississippi," writes done may all be obscured by a silly, tawdry and purpose­ Albritton. "His latest show of disregard for the poor less exercise in political supererogation." came last week when he vetoed a non-controversial bill • •• 'SIgnal' on Watergate'!''' by Rowland Evans ,and which gained overwhelming legislative approval to allow Robert Novak. Publishers-Hall Syndicate, April 6, 1973. e,tablishment of a public defender system in populous "The Republican party is in a growing mood of indepen­ Hinds County." But 'according to Albritton, that action dence from the White House on the Watergate and at­ was only one of many cases of Waller's insensitivity to tendant scandals, with minimum concern about political the poor. He cites the Governor's opposition to the Mound damage to President Nixon and maximum concern about Bayou Community Health Program, his inaction on kin­ its own skin," write Evans and Novak. These two syn­ dergarten legislation, and his veto of a community service dicated columnists report on the unusual appearance of program for Hinds County. Waller's opposition to "so­ the "haughty" H.R. Haldeman before the "Wednesday cialism" resulted in the veto of the public defender bill. Group," an organization of progressive Republican con­ • "Statement of Congressman John B. Anderson be­ 'I gressmen, but indicate that "far more was needed to end fore the Snbcommlttee on Separation of Powers, Com­ the dangerous split which is putting the White House on mlttee on the Judiciary and Subcommittee on Intergov­ one side of the Watergate scandal and the rest of the ernmental Relations, Committee on Government Opera­ Republican Party on the other ... As one key conserva­ t~ons, United States Senate," April 11, 1972. "Until the tive Republican senator told us: 'The only way for the present I have not been inclined to take an overly re­ Republican Party to keep from getting badly hurt is for stx:ictive view of executive privilege. It seemed to me us to dig it all out.' .. qUIte reasonable to allow the President to enjoy confi­ • "What In the world is wrong with Nixon'!''' by James dential relations with his direct advisers regarding mat­ J. Kilpatrick. The Boston Globe, March 31, 1973. "It is ters of national security. But I feel compelled to stress time for those of us on the political right, drawn by in­ before thi:; committee today in the strongest terms pos­ stinct toward the NixOJli Administration and the Repub­ sible my utter shock and dismay at the testimony present­ lican Party, to face up squarely to the long-simmering is­ ed yesterday by Attorney General Kleindienst. His state­ sue that now threatens to boil over. The issue is corrup­ ment was not only unnecessarily provocative and con­ tion. For understandable reasons - rooted: in human na­ temptuou'> of the Congress, but, more importantly, it ture and in the partisan spirit - many of us have tend­ contained such an alarming and dangerous expansion of ed to avoid the issue. Since the flrst ITT case blew up the notion of executive privilege, that I can see only one a year ago, conservatives have been flghting defensive course of action: Congress must immediately pass legis­ battles. These have been months of embarassment, dis­ lation strictly limiting executive privilege lest the delicate comfort, bewilderment and shame. We have apologized, balance of shared power between the two branches be minimized, and justified. Both in public and in private ruptured permanently," said U.S. Rep. Anderson, chair­ life, Republicans have shown surpassing loyalty. But loyal­ man of the House Republican Caucus. "One would have ty has its limit, and mine, at least, has been reached." hoped that the executive privilege issue could have been re­ Kilpatrick's column goes on to discuss ITT, Dita Beard, solved only after very deliberate and searching e:mmina­ Vesco and Watergate and concludes: "It is late, but not tion by the Congress, and after some ikind of communica­ too late, for Mr. Nixon to exert his personal leadership tion and consultation with the Executive. But in my view in clearing the air. If he fails to gl'IasP the seriousness there is no longer time for that. The Attorney General of the situation, and to respond effectively to it, he will has thrown down the gauntlet; if this Congress is to pre­ yet forfeit much of the respect he has fought so long to serve even a semblance of integrity and independence earn." it must act immediately to nullify the sweeping claim of • "Oan Brock Pot It All Together," by Elaine Shan­ executive power asserted by the Attorney General." non. Nashville Tennesean, March 4, 1973. Not only has • "With a New Leader, State Democrats AIm for a Sen. Bill Brock been elected chairman of the Senate 1974 Comeback," by Null Adams. (Memphis) Press.Sclm· GOP Oampaign Committee, but his long-time associate itar, March 28, 1973. "Book-writing professors, meeting Ken Rietz has now been named to direct 1974 congres­ recently in a seminar in North Carolina, were in agree­ sional campaign activities for the Republican National ment that the propheey of a Republican majority in the Committee. Other Brock associates have also acquired South in 1976 would not come to pass." Emory University key roles in RNC and White House organizations: former professor James Clotfelter said that Wallace supporters aide William Timmons in the White House, Nashville fi­ would never fully join the GOP because Republicans nancier David K. "Bat" Wilson as chairman of the na­ .. 'are the embodiment of the establishment' that Wallace tional GOP finance committee, Wilson protege Lewis Dale a ttacked in his campaigns."

32 Ripon Forum