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Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology in the Caucasus
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Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region: Extent and Limits of Achaemenid Imperial Ideology
Pax Persica and the Peoples of the Black Sea Region: Extent and Limits of Achaemenid Imperial Ideology Maria Brosius The problem of the historical record In contrast to ancient historians studying the Black Sea region in the sixth and fifth centuries BC, archaeologists appear to have a considerable amount of data on which to base scholarly debate. The finds emerging from Georgia and Azerbaijan are particularly striking. But, while archaeologists are able to hold on to undeniable factual evidence for Achaemenid presence in this region in the shape of Achaemenid column bases and entire palace-like structures, the attempt of ancient historians to provide a historical assessment of the Black Sea region in the Achaemenid period resembles a clutching at straws. To be sure, the evaluation of the archaeological evidence is not without its own problems, yet incorporating the Black Sea region into the historical discussion of our period poses a difficult challenge. Amongst other concerns there is a debate over the extent of the Persian controlled area,1 the exact definition of its borders, the duration of Persian presence, the question of Persian naval communication across the Black Sea, the status of these regions within the Persian political structure, as well as that of the Greek cities of the Black Sea region and Persian rulers.2 The following observations aim to address some of these issues and con- tribute to the discussion on how we are to contextualize the evidence for the Black Sea region during the Achaemenid period and to evaluate the impact of the Persian presence there. -
Circassians, Apkhazians, Georgians, Vainakhs, Dagestanians – Peoples of Old Civilization in the Caucasus
Circassians, Apkhazians, Georgians, Vainakhs, Dagestanians – peoples of old civilization in the Caucasus Merab Chukhua The general title of this paper reflects a desire to present the great historical past of the indigenous (autochthonous) peoples of the Caucasus, which in most cases is misrepresented in early Russian historiography when the Caucasians were considered to be peoples without culture and history. It was not just about the North Caucasians, it was also relevant to Georgians in the 19th century (and later) [EGH 1970: 5–6]. It may be recalled that the second half of the 20th century is the time when the progressive circles of the Georgian-Caucasian community strengthened their interest towards the historical past of their peoples, native languages, literature and culture. And naturally the tsarism, which aimed at Russifying all the peoples of the Russian empire, at liquidating their national features, did not welcome the process of national self-consciousness in the Caucasus. Articles were published where the national pride of the Georgians and Caucasians was insulted, claiming that these peoples had neither history nor culture, and that they had acquired their culture and script from others later. For a long-time tsarism and Soviet ideology (on which the official ideology of modern Russia is still based and still continues aggressively) proved that the conquest and subjugation of the Caucasian peoples had been implemented for their well-being, that Russia had introduced these chuzezemtsy (‘uncultured peoples’) to the Russian culture and integration with Russia as a voluntary act (though it was, in fact, an occupation/annexation). It is a well-known fact that when the great Czech scholar, the first decipherer of the Hittite inscriptions, Bedřich Hrozný visited Tbilisi University in 1936, he remarked that the issue of his research – the problem of Hittites – was attracting direct patriotic interest in Tbilisi. -
Conflicts in the North Caucasus
Central Asian Survey, (1998), 17(3), 409-441. Conflicts in the North Caucasus SVANTE E. CORNELL* Although the conflicts that have attracted most international attention in the post- cold war era have been those of the Transcaucasus, another area of both potential and actual turmoil is the North Caucasus. The first example of serious conflicts in the area, naturally, is the war in Chechnia. However, the existence of this war, and its astonishing cruelty and devastation, has been instrumental in obscuring the other grievances that exist in the area, and that have the potential to escalate into open conflict. These can be divided into two main categories, which however spill over into one another. The first type of conflicts are those among the peoples of the region; the second type is conflicts between these peoples and Russia. Doubtlessly, the main example of the unrest in the North Caucasus has been the short but bloody war between the Ingush and the Ossetians. However, this war distinguishes itself only by being the only one of the conflicts in the region that has escalated into war. Among the other known problems, three issues call for special attention: First and perhaps most pressingly, the bid for unity of the Lezgian people in Dagestan and Azerbaijan; Second, the latent problem between the Turkic Karachai and the Circasssian peoples in the two neighbour republics of Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria; and thirdly the condition of the most complex of all the North Caucasian republics: Dagestan. It seems logical in this study to start with the most well-known of these issues: the war that raged in November 1992 in the Prigorodniy raion between the Ingush and the North Ossetians. -
Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991
Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ian Thomas Lanzillotti Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Professor Nicholas Breyfogle, Advisor Professor Theodora Dragostinova Professor David Hoffmann Professor Scott Levi Copyright by Ian Thomas Lanzillotti 2014 Abstract The Caucasus mountain region in southern Russia has witnessed many of post- Soviet Eurasia’s most violent inter-communal conflicts. From Abkhazia to Chechnya, the region fractured ferociously and neighboring communities took up arms against each other in the name of ethnicity and religion. In the midst of some of the worst conflict in Europe since 1945, the semiautonomous, multiethnic Kabardino-Balkar Republic in the North Caucasus remained a relative oasis of peace. This is not to say there were no tensions—there is no love lost between Kabardians, Balkars, and Russians, Kabardino- Balkaria’s principal communities. But, why did these communities, despite the agitation of ethno-political entrepreneurs, not resort to force to solve their grievances, while many neighboring ones did? What institutions and practices have facilitated this peace? What role have state officials and state structures played in, on the one hand, producing inter- communal conflict, and, on the other hand, mediating and defusing such conflict? And why has land played such a crucial rule in inter-communal relations in the region over the longue durée? More than enhancing our knowledge of a poorly-understood yet strategically important region, the questions I ask of Kabardino-Balkaria are windows on larger issues of enduring global relevance. -
Chapter 1 the Azerbaijanis Until 1920
Chapter 1 The Azerbaijanis until 1920 The Azerbaijanis live in an area that has been a center of ideological ac- tivity, confrontation, and accommodation between different cultures. Un- til the second half of the nineteenth century, the delineation between their identities as Turks, Azerbaijanis, Iranians, and Muslims was not clear, and Azerbaijanis rarely referred to themselves as “Azerbaijani.” The de- velopment of the Azerbaijanis’ collective identity intensiªed and became a struggle toward the end of the nineteenth century, when a distinctive Azerbaijani national identity emerged as a political force. The polemics and competition over the identity of the Azerbaijanis were stimulated by revolutionary changes occurring in all the empires surrounding the Azerbaijanis, their increased exposure to the growing nationalism of the peoples around them, the idea of modern nationalism, and the political activities of various ideological movements that competed in the region at that time: Pan-Islam, Pan-Turkism, Iranian nationalism, and commu- nism. The competition between these rival ideologies further intensiªed in the ªrst quarter of the twentieth century after the fall of the Ottoman Em- pire and the subsequent disengagement of Muslim and Ottoman identi- ties, and the division between Turkic cultural identity and Turkish state identity that occurred with the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. The change in the state identity of Iran also intensiªed the struggle over the identity of the Azerbaijanis. Until the establishment of the Pahlavi regime in the twentieth century, the identity of Iran was not ex- clusively Persian, but supra-ethnic. From the eleventh century until the founding of the Pahlavi regime, the political leadership of Iran was mostly Turkic, and both Turkic and Persian cultural elements inºuenced 16 l borders and brethren the ethnic character of the regime and the culture of the country. -
The Caucasus — Article for the Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology [David Levinson & Melvin Ember, Eds
K. Tuite — Caucasus [Encycl. of cultural anthro.] — juillet 5, 2006— p. 1 The Caucasus — article for the Encyclopedia of cultural anthropology [David Levinson & Melvin Ember, eds. Lakeville, 1996] Kevin Tuite, Université de Montréal A medieval Arab geographer once referred to the Caucasus as “a mountain of languages,” and indeed we find in this small region a greater linguistic diversity than that of all Western Europe. Over forty indigenous languages, grouped into three linguistic families, are spoken in the North and South Caucasus, along with representatives of the Indo-European and Turkic families. Geography. The Caucasus is the highest mountain chain of Europe, with several peaks over 5000 meters. The rugged terrain and steep mountain valleys have provided refuge and a degree of isolation for the indigenous peoples and more recently-arrived groups such as the Ossetians. There are lowlands as well, along the coastlines of the Black and Caspian Seas, surrounding the major rivers (Kura, Rioni, Terek) and to the north of the region. History of settlement. According to some archeologists, at the end of the Stone Age the ancestors of the three indigenous Caucasian groups were already in place: [1] the Northwest Caucasians (Circassians [Adyghes], Abkhazians, Abazas) occupying a territory extending from Abkhazia northward along the Black Sea coast to the Sea of Azov, and inland to the Kuban River; [2] the Northeast Caucasians, (Chechens, Ingush, and the numerous Daghestanian peoples: Avars, Andis, Laks, Lezgins, Dargins, etc.) from somewhere north of the Terek River southward along the Caspian Sea into Azerbaijan; [3] the South Caucasians (Georgians, Mingrelians, Laz, Svans) approximately where they are now: the Republic of Georgia and parts of northeast Turkey. -
Georgia-Abkhazia: the Predominance of Irreconcilable Positions *
THE WAR REPORT 2018 GEORGIA-ABKHAZIA: THE PREDOMINANCE OF IRRECONCILABLE POSITIONS * © ICRC OCTOBER 2018 I GRAZVYDAS JASUTIS * For ease of reading, there are no qualifiers such as ‘de facto’, ‘unrecognized’ or ‘partially recognized’ in relation to Abkhazia. This does not imply a position on its status, nor does the article make any judgement regarding this. Abkhazia is recognized as an independent state by Russia, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Nauru and Syria. Georgia considers it to be a territory occupied by the Russian Federation (RF). A majority of UN countries support its territorial integrity. THE GENEVA ACADEMY A JOINT CENTER OF The Georgian historian Pavle Ingoroqva claimed that the INTRODUCTION ‘historical’ Abkhaz – the people to which authors used to Georgia was engaged in an Abkhaz conflict in 1992– refer as Abkhaz in the writings of previous centuries – were 2008 with some respites. The Georgian regular Armed in reality Georgian tribes, while the contemporary Abkhaz Forces and volunteers fought against the Abkhaz from the descended from Adyghean tribes who had come from the breakaway territory of Abkhazia and the Confederation North Caucasus to settle in Abkhazia in the 17th-18th of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus in 1992–1993, which centuries4. resulted in an Agreement on a Ceasefire and Separation of The Georgian-Abkhaz conflict stems from the Forces signed in Moscow on 14 turbulent period at the end of May 1994 (Moscow Agreement). The Georgian-Abkhaz conflict stems the First World War. On 25 May The Moscow Agreement did not from the turbulent period at the end 1918, Georgian independence prevent further bloodshed and of the First World War. -
The Western Question in Greece and Turkey
THE WESTERN QUESTION IN GREECE AND TURKEY A STUDY IN THE CONTACT OF CIVILISATIONS BY ARNOLD J. TOYNBEE ‘For we are also His offspring’ CONSTABLE AND COMPANY LTD LONDON · BOMBAY · SYDNEY 1922 TO THE PRESIDENT AND FACULTY OF THE AMERICAN COLLEGE FOR GIRLS AT CONSTANTINOPLE THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR AND HIS WIFE IN GRATITUDE FOR THEIR HOSPITALITY AND IN ADMIRATION OF THEIR NEUTRAL-MINDEDNESS IN CIRCUMSTANCES IN WHICH NEUTRALITY IS ‘HARD AND RARE’ PREFACE THIS book is an attempt to place certain recent events in the Near and Middle East in their historical setting, and to illustrate from them several new features of more enduring importance than the events themselves. It is not a discussion of what the peace-settlement in the East ought to be, for the possibility of imposing a cut-and-dried scheme, if it ever really existed, was destroyed by the landing of the Greek troops at Smyrna in May 1919. At any rate, from that moment the situation resolved itself into a conflict of forces beyond control; the Treaty of Sèvres was still-born; and subsequent conferences and agreements, however imposing, have had and are likely to have no more than a partial and temporary effect. On the other hand, there have been real changes in the attitude of the Western public towards their Governments’ Eastern policies, which have produced corresponding changes in those policies themselves; and the Greeks and Turks have appeared in unfamiliar roles. The Greeks have shown the same unfitness as the Turks for governing a mixed population. The Turks, in their turn, have become exponents of the political nationalism of the West. -
Circassian Nationalism | International Encyclopedia of the First World War
Version 1.0 | Last updated 18 May 2021 Circassian Nationalism By Pınar Üre Circassian nationalism refers to national movements among Adyghe people, a North Caucasian ethnic group. The term is also used to include other North Caucasian peoples who share historical commonalities with the Adyghes. By 1914, the overwhelming majority of Circassians were living in the Ottoman Empire as a diaspora population. Table of Contents 1 Who Are the Circassians? A Terminological Clarification 2 Circassian National Identity before the Great War 3 Circassians during the First World War 4 After the War 4.1 Circassians and the Turkish National Movement 4.2 Circassians in the Early Soviet Union Notes Selected Bibliography Citation Who Are the Circassians? A Terminological Clarification In its narrow sense, Circassian is an exonym for Adyghe people, an ethnic group originating from the North Caucasus. Traditionally, it is accepted that the Adyghe nation is comprised of twelve tribes, each of which is represented with a star on the Adyghe flag.[1] However, Circassian is also an umbrella term because throughout history Russians as well as Ottomans lumped several North Caucasian peoples into one category as Circassians. Split into numerous linguistic and tribal groups, Sunni Islam, rather than nationalism, had been a unifying factor in the North Caucasus when the region became a target of Russian expansionist policies in the 19th century. Therefore, until the 20th century, it is practically impossible to separate national movements among different North Caucasian peoples. Circassian National Identity before the Great War Russian expansion into the North Caucasus started in the late 18th century. -
THE NORTH CAUCASUS: T Minorities at a Crossroads • 94/5 the NORTH CAUCASUS : Minorities at a Crossroads an MRG INTERNATIONAL REPORT
MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP INTERNATIONAL R E P O R THE NORTH CAUCASUS: T Minorities at a Crossroads • 94/5 THE NORTH CAUCASUS : Minorities at a Crossroads AN MRG INTERNATIONAL REPORT G R M by HELEN KRAG and LARS FUNCH THE NORTH CAUCASUS: Minorities at a Crossroads by Helen Krag and Lars Funch © Minority Rights Group 1994 Acknowledgements British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Minority Rights Group gratefully acknowledges support A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library of the Danish Commission on Security and ISBN 1 897693 70 2 Disarmament, and all organizations and individuals who ISSN 0303 6252 gave financial and other assistance for this report. Published December 1994 Typeset by Brixton Graphics This report has been commissioned and is published by Printed in the UK on chlorine-free paper by Manchester Free Press Minority Rights Group as a contribution to public under- standing of the issue which forms its subject. The text and the views of the individual authors do not necessarily represent, in every detail and in all its aspects, the collective view of Minority Rights Group. THE AUTHORS DR HELEN KRAG is an associate professor and Head of Minority Studies at the University of Copenhagen in Denmark, with a particular interest in minority-majority relations in Eastern Europe and the former USSR. Dr Krag is the Chair of MRG’s affiliate in Denmark, and a member of MRG’s Council and Programme Committee. She has written extensively on minority issues in the former USSR and Eastern Europe and acts as an advisor to various international bodies and human rights organi- zations. -
"Why White People Are Called 'Caucasian,'"
Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Gilder Lehrman Center International Conference at Yale University Collective Degradation: Slavery and the Construction of Race November 7-8, 2003 Yale University New Haven, Connecticut Why White People Are Called 'Caucasian?'1 Nell Irvin Painter Introduction On first thought, the theme of collective degradation would seem to exclude white people, not only because white people are not now considered particularly degraded—at least, not as a race—and the themes of "slavery, resistance, and abolition" apply more intuitively to people of African rather than European descent. Even one of the classic texts in the history of whiteness, The Invention of the White Race, by Theodore W. Allen, associates slavery and race with black people. But as Allen realizes, the function of the general concept of race is to establish and maintain hierarchical boundaries in human 1 My gratitude goes to William Clark, Patricia Springborg, Glenn Shafer, Ottmar Ette, Stephen Kotkin, Hans Aarsleff, Anthony Grafton, and Thadious M. Davis. I’d like to extend especial thanks to Suzanne Marchand, Michael Hagner, Lorraine Daston, and Nicolaas Rupke in Berlin and Göttingen. I offer particularly heartfelt thanks to Malinda Alaine Lindquist, my research assistant in Princeton, whose help proved absolutely indispensable in the course of German research. Thanks also to Birgit Ölsanger and Renate Sherer, my German teachers in Berlin. Further thanks go also to Ben Braude, Angela Rosenthal, and David Bindman. I thank David Brion Davis for the invitation to present this work at this conference. Nell Irvin Painter, "Why Are White People Called "Caucasian"?/2 taxonomy, even when the categories are not "black" and "white"; Allen, therefore, begins the first volume of his study with the case of the Irish.2 Sound as it is, Allen's Irish opening is relatively rare in race studies, which usually finger blackness compulsively.