REPORT TO NATIONAL ACTION COUNCIL "The laws of this state ban discrimination" (afrris Bryant, Governor of , summer of 1963)

STATE: Florida remains a "tight-white state" despite a "facade of relative racial calm," was the report of the Florida Advisory Committee to the Commissic on Civil Rights. A white power group keeps the doors generally locked to Negroes. There is an insensitivity to civil rights problems and a "tokenism" approach to desegregation in Florida. There is a "dual" system of junior colleges, and the "pupil placement laws insure segregation in most public schools. There is discrim­ ination in apprenticeship and employment programs and discrimination in public employment of Negroes; lack of proper training for jobs in private industry excludes Negroes from these jobs also. The report supports the fact that there is much Negro apathy fostered by fears of intimidation and financial reprisals. The committee believes that most people in the state feel that Negroes are entitled to their citizenship rights but that public officials are not willing to progress with these changing feelings. The report singles out St. Augustine and Tallahassee as areas in which the fuse of "the segregated super-bomb" is short. Finally, the report cites the refusal of the governor to work with it and the very low or non-existent Negro registration in many counties in the state. 00ALA: With the arrest in Dunnellon of Zev Aelony and his subsequent incarceration and maltreatment in the Marion County Jail in Ocala, the activities of the NAACP there began to pick up. Several of us from Tallahassee went to Ocala where we organized a mass to protest this arrest at the County Jail, About 40 of us were arrested there. Outraged Negro citizens then began coming to local NAACP meetings en masse, and the Ocala group, despite threats, physical and many arrests, has a largo group (over a thousand) meeting every week. Picketing was halted with arrests, but these are being faught in court. DUNNELLON: A Dunnellon CORE Chapter was started (this town is about 25 miles from Ocala). Betty Wright, a Tallahassee 90RE member was able to organize nearly all of this town's Negro population which attended summer meetings and raised some funds. That group began picketing at local establishments. §1> AUGUSTINE: This town, the "oldest city in the United States," has been the scene of violence and very strong police resistence to any sort of progress, Negro children have been sent to detention homes when their parents refused to prohibit them from picketing. Civil Rights groups are fined and members incarcerated when they hold public meetings or demonstrate, A suit seeking to enjoin St. Augustine officials from interferring with anti-segregation demonstrations has been filed by the NAACP legal defense fund of New York. A local doctor and integration loader was beat up at a Klu Klux Klan meeting and then charged and fined for assault. His home has been fired into, A white man was killed as he rode through a Negro area with a loaded shot-gun. Negro residential areas and businesses have been bombed and strafed, and alledgod retaliations have occurred. Civil Rights groups are seeking to obtain tho prevention of federal funds to be spent in connection with a quadricentennial celebration to bo hold next year. The situation there is very tonso and called by tho Civil Rights Commission the "worst in the state." JACKSONVILLE: A mass march of two thousand demonstrators took place the xreekend of September 14 in this city. Some token school desegregation has occurred, but NAACP leaders plan further extensive protests and negotiations in the downtown area. TAMPA: Field Secretary Robert Saunders of the NAACP is asking that tho state NAACP endorse a plan to picket the Florida World Fair exhibit unless the state acts posit­ ively to ease racial tension in St, Augustine and other cities, GAINESVILLE: After summer picketing by a fairly strong youth council (NAACP) group, the Student Group for Equal Rights (a University of Florida group of about 300 faculty and students—mostly white) has carried on with picketing, tutoring and a plan for school desegregation, A bi-racial committoe has been set up there, but communications between the whites and Nogroos there are limited, : In Miami the people are apathetic about voting. Some consider this city unlike the rest of the south, but this is not true. Major problems include housing, school desegregation and knowing where you can go, TALLAHASSEE: Tallahassee CORE was organized in October of 1959—the group was and is interracial. Slthough largely composed of students from Florida A. & M. and FSU, ye have had instructors from both schools participating. Very few townspeople other than ministers participate. During the past summer wo picked up more and more white townspeople, but we seem to be losing them now. This is because tho program has not expanded off campus sufficiently to include these townspeople. There is a great need for community leadership and backing. Townspeople are very relectant to join when students are leading, but they refuse to lead themselves. We need more community leadership and moral and financial support. We have had many projects in Tallahassee. These include (l) testing buses (2) sit-ins. Due to the sit-ins we were able to open five lunch counters—Soars, Walgreens, Woolworths, McCrorys and Neiseners, in January of 1963—we started in February of i960. (3) bus stations opened after several arrests and a million dollar suit. (4) the airport opened after arrests and a U.S. Supreme Court decision. (5) the courtroom was supposed to be S?nnSd aft?r a million dollar suit by a gentleman's agreement, however, only CORE or NAACP people are allowed to sit on tho white side. (6) there was a wade-in at a city pool which resulted in arrests. (7) Howard Johnson's restaurant is opened, but not -2-

its sleeping facilities, (8) stand-ins and picketing at local theatres. Because of mass demonstrations a restraining order was drawn up on May 29 limiting the number of pickets to IS at tho Florida Theatre two abreast and 15 at tho State Theatre single file. Pickets wero to walk 8 foot apart. Amendments and modifications of the amend­ ments later insued; at present thoro arc no numbers in tho order except that of 8 foot apart for pickotors. Voices are to bo kept at a conversational tone, and relief personel and pickets captains aro allowed. As a result of misunderstandings of the latest order on the part of polico and other officials, 157 persons wero arrested at tho Florida Theatre on September 14. 91 other students wore arrostod tho samo night on disorderly conduct charges for protesting those arrests at the county jail. Two days later 104 studonts wero arrested on trespassing charges for a sing-in, pray- in at tho county jail protesting tho earlier arrests and tho segregated jail facilit­ ies for demonstrators. As a result of tho first theatre arrests, tho 119 students who pleaded "no contest" received suspendod sentences of $250 fines or 45 days in jail. Of tho 37 who pleaded "not guilty", Ruben Kenon and I received $1,000 fines or six months in jail; 22 students received $500 fines or 3 months; 13 recoivod $250 or 45 days. These sentences were given on tho "basis" of tho person's supposed participation in tho demonstration, Konon and I being called leadors, the second group "second offenders," and tho third "bent on assisting in tho disorder." The 119 wore considered to bo "victims of faulty leadership." Tho trospasser-group was found guilty and finud a50 each with a suspended jail sentence of 30 days—thoso studonts had pleaded "not guilty." Tho disorderly conduct group pleaded "no contest" and were released on "good behavior." As a result of the convictions, Ruben and I were suspended from A. & M., and tho 28 other A, & M. studonts woro put on probation. All five of the FSU students woro placed on probation and restricted to campus. Tho two U, of F, students woro also placod on probation. Tho 37 theatro demonstration cases arc being appealed. A grand jury has boon impaneled to investigate tho 37 students and Prince Mcintosh—president of the student body. The two suspensions have boon protested by sleep-ins and burnings of effigies at FAMU. The NAACP of Jackson­ ville is planning to picket tho Florida Classic football game in Jacksonville in protest, and it is asking Miami NAACP to picket tho Orange Blossom Classic there. Protests have como from several groups. Because of thoso arrests, Tallahassee CORE had to borrow about *11,000 to pay fines and appeal bonds, although some fines were paid by parents. The FSU faculty is attempting to raise funds, although Rep, Russol is urging Board of Control people to disapprove of this action. Thoro is littlo academic freedom in Florida—Mr, Haloy was fired in I960 because he participated in civil rights activities, and many other professors are afraid to participate in any way. In a period of 4 yoars, Tallahassee CORE and National CORE have spent noarly $20,000 in Tallahassee, Very little money has como from tho coramunity itself—this problon is primarily duo to tho fact that tho CORE group is mainly student and hasn't had timo to take full advantage of community resources. Some efforts aro being made to raise funds in the community, however. During trials white only restrooms woro ofton locked, and Attorney Simons finally called for a mistrial until facilities should be opened to all—this request was hooded by tho judge. Thousands have participated in Tallahassee CORE projects, but tho program has bt.on sustained over the four yoars by just a few people and sometimes n ot sustained at all. Wo have mot with continued police brutality in tho form of kicking, hitting, dragging, etc; prisoners have boon sogrogatod and harrassed while in jail. Although we have taken our grievances to city officials, commissioners and asked for polico protection, theree attempts at negotiation have boon to no avail. For tho November 6 mooting of Talla­ hassee CORE, I suggested to Prince Mcintosh tho following itons: (l) tho need for an office and mimeograph machine (2) the possibility of getting 12 persons in tho community to say thoy would each pay a month's rent on an offico (3) tho possibility of getting one person to pay for a regular tolophono with tho group paying for all non-local calls. (4) getting persons to donate old cars in working condition (5) tho possibility to obtaining a p.a, system which could also bo placod on a car (6) tho possibility of tho donation of a dictaphone (7) the possibility of finding part-time voluntoors to nan tho offico from tho community. VOTER DRIVE: Many persons fool that a North Florida voter drive would bo an extremely valuable project. Lafayette and Liberty countios, with nonwhito populations of 11.9 and 15.2 por cent have no registered Negro voters. Other countios, such as Jefferson, have a greater percentage by population of potential Nogro rogistoos (such as, 3,901 whites and 5,641 Negroos) or Gadsden with 24, 944 Negroes and 17,038 whites, or Madison County (which is more representative of tho usual situation in North Florida (7,430 whites and 6,723 Negroes). Z~1963 Chamber of Commerce ConsusJ/, Further bocause of the very poor apportionment situation in Florida , only 14 % of tho House and 12$ of Senate arc necessary to olect a majority in thoso houses. Because of this very poor apportionment situation, tho most Votes in North Florida count from 10 to 100 tines more than a vote in South Florida—that is, a congressional district in North Florida with only about 9,000 persons, for example, has tho sano manor of representatives as the largo Dade County district (Miami) which has 900,000 persons. Thus until a fairer reapportionment legislation is oiiactod, a drive in North Florida would bo highly efficient for thoso reasons. It would also have tho effect of gaining support in Miami (on tho assumption that those now voters would not support the traditional "Pork-chop" gang), and it would servo to hasten the much needed reapportion :ont legislation. Throe other goals, equally important, would bo tho education of rotors nowly registered as to tho power and groat aood for thoir vote and would thoy ^ould do with it in eliminating undesirable thin ;a. .further, those persons could also 'oocomc acquainted with the philosophy and objectives of CORE, and thoy night then fool ->

more like londi$/thoir moral and financial support to a group which thoy know some­ thing about. In such a drive we would nood a team of persons, an office, trans­ portation and the part-time services of a lawyer at tho very least. Thoro is a possibility of my going to Now York during Christmas to look for support of such a project.

MARCH ON TALLAHASSEE: A committoo has boon sot up to spook to tho Governor asking hin to issue an executive order banning discrimination in this state. If this should fail, wo aro already making efforts to contact civil rights groups in the stato to gain their support for a march on Tallahassee, This march would bo similar to the March on Washington. For this, wo estimate wo would need a minimum of $15,000 and several full-tino persons to help with tho project. Wo fool that a march at this time would bo very important. The Governor is making rainy attempts to attract now industry and foreign as well as domestic tourists to tho stato. Ho continuoly whitewashes probloms here, and a march would show that thoro is discrimination in the state and that "Negroes..." do not "come to Florida bocauso thoy like it thoro." This summer, after shootings, boatings and mass arrests, tho Governor proclaimed in London that "We havon't had one single incidence of violence,,,Wo in Florida havo no problem of integration because the laws of ovx state ban discrimination," On his ruturn from a threo week trip to Japan, after several killings, mass arrosts and very extreme tension and violence in St. Augustine, tho Governor spoko last week about bond issues and tho fine and alert police protection tho city of St, Augustine has at its disposal. Wo fool that such a march would illustrate tho negligonco and nood for action on the part of stato officials,

RECOMMENDATIONS: (l More full-tino pooplo working in Florida in and ' voter drives (2 Persons noodod to organize communities (3 Moro workshops on tho philosophy and objectives of CORE (4 Need for national loadors to visit groups in Florida (5 A committee noodod to got task force workers from Florida universities (6 A speakers bureau for tho stato to make speakers available to groups \m\shing to know about tho movement and CORE (7 Tho nood for a lawyer who would advise pooplo in direct action projects—ofton very moderate or conservative advise inhibits groups unnecessarily. Wo have to go 500 miles for a lawyer, and havo had to in tho last four yoars, (8 Wo know that Florida is not unique, but with a well organized program wo can eliminate many of the probloms wo havo. Tho roccomnondations, wo foel, would aid in organization and in an effective program geared at eliminating our probloms.

Thus, you soo some of our probloms and accomplishments. Without more organized community support and effective projects, our program will not bo able to survive, A concentrated voter drive will solve many problems at onco, and tho march on Tallahassee will servo to awaken tho whole stato to tho now existent probloms in Florida .

Jours in Freedon, t d u <"-...«'' »<) f~:> •' / v A~->\- 1 cc. Southeastern Representative November 7, I963 May 19, 1962

REPORT By- John Robert Zellner Tjjtr White Southern student project (School year of I96I-62)

This is a report to the Southern Conference Educational Fund and the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee concerning the project set up by SCEF and SNCC to contact white southern students and to in­ terest them in the movement. At first I would like to quote an outline that I drew up at the beginning of the project outlining the aims that I hoped to achieve and the work this year. The following were the 10 aims I. projected:

1. Contact white students on southern campuses. 2. Interpret student movement to them. 3. Inspire and interest them. IJ.. Interest them in some sort of constructive action. 5>. Aid the students In contacting Negro students in the area. 6. Aid them in meeting the leaders in the area. 7. Acquaint them with the organizations that are active In the movement and their publications^ for Instance - SNCC, CORE, NAACP, SCEF, SCLC, etc. 8. Acquaint them with some of the leaders in the movement. 9. Aid them in relating themselves to the activity in their area, if any. 10. Indicate some areas or techniques of action.

As to the matter of achievement in carrying out the program of the project that started in September of 1961, I would like to report that I have visted some 28 colleges in the South. This does not include several colleges visited outside the South. Fifteen of this number were white colleges or predominately white. Among the white colleges visited were Millsaps College, Jackson, Miss.; Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.; Peabody College, Nashville, Term.; University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tenn.; State College, Atlanta, Ga.? Emory University, Atlanta, Ga.; Birmingham Southern, Birmingham, Ala.; University of , Tuscaloosa, Ala.; Auburn University, Auburn, Ala.; Duke Uni­ versity, Durham, N.C.; University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C.; Tulane University, , La.; University of Louisville, L0uisville, Ky.

The Negro Colleges visited - some of them - were Jackson State Teacher's College, Jackson, Miss.; Campbell College, Jackson, Miss.; Tougeloo College, Jackson, Miss.; Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn.; A & I University, Nashville, Tenn.; American Baptist Theological Seminary, Nashville, Tenn.; Alabama State, Montgomery, Ala.; Alabama A & M, Huntsville, Ala.; Miles College, Birmingham, Ala.; Talladega College, Talladega, Ala.; Stillman College,Tuscaloosa, Ala.; Benedict College, Columbia, S. C,; Kavier University, New Orleans, La.

I have contacted many students in various conferences across the -2-

South and some in the north. I have attended the National Convention of the NACP. That's not the NAACP. It's the National Associated Collegiate Press. The convention was in Miami and there were many southern students there. I talked to students from the University of , "'"'.'•.• Mississippi State University, Louisiana State University, the University of South Carolina, Auburn University-many students from all over the South. I also attended the annual meeting of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in Nashville, Tenn. at the beginning of the project to become acquainted with the program that SCLC is conducting and some of the activities that they have going on In the South. I attended various workshops: for instance, a human relations seminar sponsored by the National Student Association in New Orleans, La. I at­ tended a SDS (Students for Democratic Society) conference. One of the things they were discussing was a southern political education project that they were Interested in launching In the South to contact students on Southern campuses and try to get them interested in the vital polit­ ical questions of our nation, I also attended a conference in Chapel Hill sponsored by the Southern Conference Educational Fund on Civil Liberties. I attended a fund-raising reception in New York sponsored by SCEF. I spoke there and later in Philadelphia to groups trying to interpret what is happening in the South in the student movement. Incidentally, ~$ missed a few too. Recently I missed my own SNCC conference in Atlanta because I happened to be temporarily detained in the county jail in Talladega. At the same time I missed a SDS conference in Chapel Hill that I planned to attend as well as a fund-raising dinner sponsored by in New York but these are some of the things you get into if you become the guest of some Southern politicians. A few of the things I felt have really been an accomplishment I would like to report now. In several places I have been instrumental in forming several groups of students in college towns where there was a Negro college and a white college and yet there was no contact be­ tween the student bodies0 In Montgomery, Ala. I helped form a group; it has had a lot of trouble but a group of students at Alabama State and a group of students at Huntingdon College have been meeting irreg­ ularly and secretly trying to get to know each other, trying to find out the things that they can do in the situation in which they find themselves. In Birmingham, Ala. I contacted students at Birmingham- Southern and students at Miles College and interested them in forming a group. They have been meeting quite regularly since that time; there has been very little action on the part of the students at Birmingham- Southern, but at least they have been able to keep up \vith what has been happening in Birmingham, and they formed some real friendships with students at Miles College.

Also I was instrumental in helping a group at Tuscaloosa, Ala., students at StiUman College and students at the University of Alabama. That's a very tense situation there, but they've been able to have some meetings and maintain a certain degree of contact. This seems to me to be a very important thing as far as Southern white students are concerned in the South. On most white college campuses there are students who would sincerely like to have some real personal contacts with Negro -3- students in their area but many times they do not know how to go about setting up this thing, so it is necessary to have someone v/ho can move in both communities and arrange some sort of meeting and some sort of method by which they can get together.

Another project in which I helped was in the formation of the Talladega Improvement Association in Talladega, Ala.; it is made up of citizens of Talladega. They were of course inspired by the students at Talladega College but we were able to bring them together and to form some sort of stable organization. I think we'll continue and be able to do some improvement in Talladega. I hope that has been some­ thing of an accomplishment. I will come back later and explain more about the Talladega situation. Now I want to discuss some of the problems that have been pre­ sented by this project. Being a white Southern student I have had some problems in bridg­ ing the gap between the white Southern liberal and the militant Negro student and the militant Negro citizen. At first in the project I thought my work would mainly be a quiet sort of work-simply meeting and talking with students about what was going on. But I soon realized the impossibility of explaining what was going on unless I myself became an integral part of it, and of course my personality make up and psychology also tanded to draw me into the area of action. So I did get into action-first in McComb rather suddenly when I joined a march there and was arrested for breach of the and contributing to the delinquency of a minor. Next it was Albany, Ga, where I was arrested for a so- called Freedom Ride when I went down with several members of the staff. We were arrested for going through the white waiting room of the train station there. I spent 12 days in jail there. Next, it was Baton Rouge, La. This did not involve any sort of overtaction but it hap­ pened when I visited Dion Diamond, another SNCC staff member who was in the Baton Rouge jail. Chuck McDew, SNCC chairman, and I went to see Dion to try to get him some literature and some fruit because we couldn't get him out on bond. We were arrested for criminal anarchy. Then, later, there was the Talladega situation. Now, the dilemma that I was faced with was that I had become a somewhat active person in the movement and had been arrested several times and had some publicity and by this time I felt quite estranged from the Southern students that I was supposed to be talking to. It was difficult to talk with them and bridge the gap between us that had arisen by this time, since I had become quite active and there was so little chance of them really becoming active. I felt insecure and un­ comfortable on the Southern white campus by then, because I had been so caught up in the action of it. The dilemma that is presented here is perhaps the dilemma that faces every Southern white person who becomes deeply committed to the integration movement. How do you relate to the white southern moderate or liberal and at the same time relate to a group of people who are as militant and as activist as students in the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee? I don't know how to resolve this dilemma, -u. but I have found myself in it, and I have had some thoughts that may­ be this did hurt the project that we originally set out to work on. Yet as far as I'm concerned I could not have done anything differently. It was inevitable that I did become involved and I think actually may­ be in the long run it will accomplish more since then I did have some­ thing to talk about. I did know intimately what was going on, the thoughts that go through Student's mind when they are involved in action. In order to document some of the occurrences that caused me to feel very insecure on Southern white campuses and made me feel in a somewhat difficult position to talk to white Southern students I'd like to report two instances that happenedo One happened in Montgomery, Ala., at Huntingdon College, the very college from which I graduated in 1961. I had gone to the college to visit some students0 I was in the dormitory talking to them^ and then we left to go get a bite to eat, after which I planned to come back to get my brief case and things and then leave. On the way out two deans, the dean of students and the dean of men, met me as I was coming out of the dorm and ordered me to leave the campus. I asked the reason why. They said that my presence posed a potentially dangerous situation -that there were some students at Huntingdon college who violently dis­ agreed with what I had been doing and that it was possible that I would be hurt physically if I remained on campus, I was very surprised to hear this tactic, which certainly it was, being used by administrators of a Christian college. Huntingdon is the college related to the Methodist Church. I quietly explained to them that if they were asking me to leave because I might get hurt if I didn't I would choose cer­ tainly not to leave. I told them this was the same sort of tactic that was being used all over the South by police officers in stifling le­ gitimate protest and legitimate meetings because of the threat of violence. I said that I would not leave, that I did intend to go get something to eat and that I would return. They ordered me not to. I went and got something to eat with the students with whom I was talk­ ing and came back to the college.

While I was gone the deans called a meeting of all the boys in the dormitory and in effect produced a mob with which to throw me off campus when I came back. Now these were former classmates of mine and former fellow students. The deans, of course, were very sly about what they did. They simply explained that I was on campus (many of the people did not even know I was on campus) and certainly I had a right to be there and yet the dean said, "We know that you boys don't agree with Bob and we don't either. We think he's doing things wrong but he does have a right to be here. But please don't beat him up. Don't do any physical violence to him when he comes back." Of course there was a small group of boys who had been opposed to me and had been while I was there in school, and so by the time I got back there were IL.5 or £0 boys in a large crowd and the deans asked me, "Are you going to leave now? There's a mob and they're going to beat you up if you don't leave0" And of course, I refused to leave in the face of the mob and I simply stayed on campus until they dispersed and, then I left. This was one of the things that I encountered. -s-

Another thing occurredat Birmingham-Southern College where I was visiting some people. I was staying in the dorm and I had been to a mass meeting of the organization directed by Rev. Shuttlesworth and had spoken there. When I returned to campus, police were on the campus talking to the house father of the dorm. He immediately asked me to leave and refused to let me stay In the dorm. These are some of the things that I did encounter that caused me to be very uncomfortable on the white campuses. I think by this time I have a thick enough skin that that sort of thing doesn't bother me anymore. But at the time it was quite traumatic and It made me very reluctant to put myself in the situation again where I would feel that everyone thought I was a real subversive or criminal of some sort0 However, after thinking long and hard about the project-about the future of it-I think that it will be extremely necessary to continue th£ project. There have been some indications that there is increased willingness to participate on the part of white students. At the SNCC Conference in April for instance, it is estimated that 30 percent of the participants were white southern students. This is the highest percentage ever since i960. There has been each year an increase in southern white student participation and this year the largest in­ crease. Now I don't, even by the wildest stretch of imagination, think that this project had all that much to do with it, but it does indicate that there is an increased willingness to become more intimately in­ volved in the struggle for civil rights on the part of southern white student So I think that if someone can take this project and can success­ fully Integrate himself with the staff of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee participating to some extent in its actions, while also talking with as many white students as possible, it will have great value. Whoever takes the project must recognize the basic dilemma: it is very difficult to relate intimately with the SNCC staff without getting involved in action and in getting involved in action you tend to put some distance between yourself and the white southern moderate. But some way this dilemma must be solved. Someone must reach the white students and interpret to them what is going on; to do this, he must know and feel what is going on. T^ere've been many instances where white students who have found out what is going on have been inspired to take moves on their own, to try to figure out what they can do in their situation. But there has to be some or­ ganized effort to reach them with information and interpretation. Many Southern students are so provincial that they don't realise that this real fight, this stimulating struggle is going on for civil liberties. Someone must tell them, acquaint them with publications and reading material, communicate the spirit of the movement. Some­ one must; try to relate and bridge the gap between them, the white Southern students and the militant peonle who are fighting on the front lines. This is the function this project should serve.

Whoever carries on the project next year will have at the out­ set the list of contacts I have built up on predominantly white _6-

campuses this year. This will be a starter from which work can be expanded. I would like to recommend the following procedure of work for the project next years Immediately at the beginning of the school year, the person in charge of the project should arrange as many concrete appointments as possible on various white campusesa He should then visit as many of these as possible during the fall months, talking with the students. In the course of these visits, he should assess which campuses seem to have the greatest potential for establishing an on-going group commit­ ted to civil rights. He should then select two or three of these for more intensive work in the latter half of the year. When he has selected the two or three campuses with which he would like to do more intensive work, he should begin to plan for student workshops on or near these campuses to be scheduled for the spring. These should be regional, If possible-—for example, perhaps one in the Eastern Seaboard states, one in the , and perhaps one in Texas or in that area. Perhaps such a wide range should not be covered, but in any event the workshop sites should not all be in the same state. Then he should attempt to pull to each of these workshops centers in­ terested students from other nearby campuses, I think It should be possible to have at least two and probably three such workshops In the springo These projected workshops would give him a concrete goal to which he would be working during the year. The workshops would be for the purpose of furthering the education of the students who attend and making it more possible for them to engage in action. In addition, as the person in charge of the project contacts students on various cam­ puses about the workshops, he would be engaged in bringing information and interpretation of the civil rights and civil liberties movement to workshop prospects---so that these students will receive some benefit and stimulation even if they do not get to the spring workshops. Simultaneously too the person In charge of the project can be visiting more isolated campuses, talking with students, as his schedule permits. I believe that anyone conducting this project must also visit the Negro college campuses on occasion—else he loses touch with what he is trying to communicate to the white students. In the course of these visits, when he encounters a local situation where Negro students de­ sire SNCC staff help to develop their own action projects, he should assess the potential and report to the SNCC staff, with the idea that SNCC may then be able to send in another staff member to work with such campuses on a continuing basis, conducting workshops and plann­ ing action. If the above plan is adoptei d for the pro:jec t next ;year , it will have to be remembered that the "best laid plans of mice and men... etc. " may go astray---espe

*K -7-

To retogress a moment, I would like to report on another sort of isolated project that I've been carrying through. I think of it as certainly compatible with my work with the Student Nonviolent Coor­ dinating Committee and the Southern Conference Educational Fund. It's an interesting sidelight to my case in Mississippi. I was very much concerned about the lawyer situation in Mississippi, I knew from accounts of people who had been involved in the civil rights struggle in Mississippi that it was very difficult to get legal counsel. There are very few Negro lawyers In Mississippi and the ones who are in Mississippi are literally swamped with cases involving civil rights. So I wanted to conduct a project to put the white lawyers in Mississippi on a spot in which they would have to choose between their personal prejudices and their code of ethics as lawyers. Therefore, I wrote to about i>0 or h.% lawyers and called about 5 or 6 more asking them to take my case in McComb in which I was involved in an anti-segregation demonstration and was arrested. I'd like to report some of the results of this. I contacted Attorney John Satterfield the president of the American Bar Association and he lived luckily in Yazoo City, Miss. I asked him to take my case. He refused to take it on the grounds that he was too busy. After the trial in Municipal Court I contacted him again and asked if he would have time to take my case in the County Court. He again refused and has consistently refused and has refused even to answer letters after the first two. I also asked , Jr., the son of the governor of Mississippi and a lawyer, to take my case. He asked me some of the details about the case. I told him it Involved a demonstration. He asked what kind of demonstration. I said a demonstration against segregation with Negro students. He said, "I'm sorry, I can't handle that case." I said, "You can't consider taking it at all?" He said "No, I can't."

To the lawyers I contacted by mail, I wrote the following letter: "Dear Sirs On October the ii,th in the city of McComb I became engaged as a matter of conscience in an activity against racial discrimination in Pike County. Being a white man and involved with Negroes in a protest march, I am encountering difficulty securing white legal representation on my trial on charges of dis­ turbing the peace. I am due for arraigment on appeal May Xlj. in Magnolia, Miss, Could I engage you to represent me? If you can take my case I would appreciate your send­ ing me an estimate of your fee and suggestion of a time when I could discuss the case with you." So this was the kind of pattern I encountered all along. •8-

I received numerous letters back from lawyers and I will give you just a few excerpts from these to indicate the way that segregation has undermined the very ethics of the legal profession and how prejudice tends to destroy a man in many other areas. I have here a letter from an attorney in Hazelhurst, Mississippi, dated March 30, 19o"2^ He writes: "John Robert Zellner Century, Fla. Dear Sir: Receipt is acknowledged of your letter, March 22nd, 1962. There was no excuse or justification for out­ side agitators coming into Mississippi seeking noto­ riety. No matter of conscience was involved. I have lived all my life in Mississippi and grew up in a community where there were more Negroes than there were white people. The two races got along fine. I'm on the school board in the city of Hazelhurst and the Negroes here have a half million dollar school plant, their facilities being much better than that of the whites. As far as I'm concerned you're not interested In protecting the rights of the Negro race but you are seeking notoriety for pay. Therefore, I suggest that you get a lawyer from the group that you are a part of. If you prefer to promote the Negro race against the white race and prefer to be black instead of white then you employ a Negro lawyer.

Yours very truly,

This is an example. Now I'd also like to give you an example of one of the good replies, although it was still a refusal. This is from _, dated April 16, 1962: "Your letter dated April 7, 1962, has been received. I admire your courage and you are certainly entitled to legal representation. I have engaged in limited amount of practive outside of . County but I have confined such practice to matters in connection with labor relations and I have not engaged in any practice in connection with criminal law. It seems to me that in matters of this kind where constitutional rights of individuals are involved there should be some organization that could and would provide legal counsel and representation. I practice alone and at times have a rather rough way of it, partially because I have been identified for a long time with attempts to improve the economic status of -9-

laboring people, I find now that some of this segment of popula­ tion whose economic status has been appreciably improved appear to have forgotten the source of their economic betterment and are now engaged in states rights, fighting sin and keeping the quote 'nigger" in his place. There are some very fine law firms here in :'• some of them claim to be interested in the rights of humanity but I couldn't say as to whether these firms claims bear the degree of sincerity to the extent of defending someone facing charges In a situation such as yours. May I again say I appreciate your letter but I feel that under the circumstances it would be best that I decline an attempt to represent you. Sincerely,

Just a few statements from other letters? "Under no circumstances would I be interested in representing you as I feel very strongly that you and your kind are doing a disservice to all of the people in this state both black and white. Sincerely yours

"In view of my own personal belief, it will be impossible for me to represent you on this charge. I respect your right to form your own opinion wi th regard to the question of racial discrimination in the state of Mississippi but I feel that you are definitely wrong in becoming involved in such a demonstration as was carried on at McComb for the obvious purpose of creating a civil disturbance. The colored and white people of Mississippi have had mutual respect for one another for many years and demonstrations of this character can do nothing but destroy the harmony that has existed in the past between the two races." This Is from a lawyer,-according to his professional ethic, a lawyer is not supposed to refuse his services to a defendant because of his personal beliefs. And yet this is what they write in Mississippi. I feel it is necessary to exposes so this is one of the things that I have attemtped on the side. -10-

As yet I do not have legal counsel for this trial. I'm to be tried this coming Monday. That will be Monday, the 21st of May. I suppose that I will conduct my own defense in this trial as a sort of a protest against the inability of anyone involved in an unpopular cause to get legal representation. I hope that this will accomplish something in the long range struggle. This has been a hurried report and I've been so Involved since Talladega and Involved in other arraignments and courts that I'm sorry that I've not had time to prepare a more thorough report. But I hope that this will give some indication of what has occured in the project and maybe some ideas toward Improving it, and I hope I have made a good case for continuing the project for next year. Before the project ends in June I'm sure that I will prepare a more thorough statment and a more thorough prospectus toward the pro­ ject next year. So may I end with an expression of appreciation to the Southern Conference Educational Fund for making it possible for me to engage in this work this year and also for the Student Non­ violent Coordinating Committee for putting up with me and helping me to learn a little bit about what life is all about and some ways that I can perhaps do something to improve the situation. Thank you0 PROPOSED FIELDS CF W02K FOR SCEF IN PERIOD AHEAD

The following areas of work were discussed as possible concentration points by the SCEF staff at its meeting in the summer of 1963* The staff decided at that time to recommend this program to the board and, if approved, to use the program as a guideline in its work* It is under­ stood, of course, that it might not be able to carry out all of the proposed points c. depending on money and manpower available. Because of the emergency nature of the fall, 1963, board meeting and the fact that it dealt almost entirely with the now attacks on SGEF, there was not time to present those proposals for discussion0 They seem, however, just as valid i:a the spring of 1964 as they did when adopted by the staff -with the bbvious addition of a point on a fight-back program around the SCEF case itself (this actually would come under Point 4 of the original proposals)0 1* Assist in development of economic programs where nccded---such as coops, credit unions, horn© industries, development corporations to attact industry, ctca (The need for this has been especially evident in West Tcnnesce and Mississippi, and SCEF has already done some work along these lines*J 2. Assist in more and better interpretation of the integration movement, its goals, etc, to the general public—-leaflets broahiiees? etc., especially in crisis situations* A great need, 3* Expand the Patriot as soon as feasible, by attempting to double* the circulation with an eye toward increasing the frequency to twice month iy« 4* Continue program of education in civil liberties and the relationship of civil liberties to civil rights* More workshops such as one held in Atlanta last summer* 5. Legislative activity, building grass roots support for civil rights legislation, national., state9 and local* The Western States project was a program along this line, 6* Political activity—support for civil rights candidates on a non-partisan basic, building political activity at the grass-roots* Some of this is already in progress* 7» Helping, through education and the stimulation of idea exchange, to broaden the objectives of the movement to encompass political and economic issues, general reform of society, 8, Parochial visitation—-that is, individual contact with people, building a framework and a network of key people in communities across the South, people who can be moved into simultaneous action when issues call for it and who can have some manner of contact with each other* -2- 9, Encouragement and help of militant local movements where possible, 10* Encouragement and help to labor movement and peace movement in the South, where possible. It is obvious that most of these fields of work are ones in which SCEF has already worked in varying degrees. Formalizing them into a program simply gives the staff a clearer framework in which to work. The staff also discussed the need for SCEF to strengthen its own organizational structure For a number of reasons, in lines with the board discussion at Satlinburg in the fall of 1962 it was not ready to recommend a membership organiza­ tion as a way of doing this* Rather it recommended the systematic building up of a list of key persons with whom regular contact would be kept—possibly through about one action mailing month. (This is in line with Point 3 above,) A goal was set that we try in the immediate future to find at least one key person in each main city to fit into this framework, or about 5 to 10 to a state, The hope would be that these key people would commit themselves to reaching other people and organizations in their communities on various issues as they arise. This list would reach into states outside the South too, but a special organizing effort would bo made to build the key list by personal contact within the Southern and Border states, Tho staff agreed that to do this effectively it needed more people and a division of the South into approximately four areas for such work.

The above organizational work has not really been implemented, except in a haphazard way here and there, at least partly because of the confusion and emergency needs created by the raids and arrests in New Orleans* It still seems valid and needed, however, whenever it becomes possible to implement it* Another decision at tMs staff meeting was that in order to implement SCEF's expanded plans each member of the staff commit himself to spend a certain portion of the year, at least two or three months, to intensive fund-raising. It appears that this will be even more necessary in the coming year. REPORT

FROM: Anne Braden TO: Jim Dombrowski and the SCEF Board RE: Work since fall, 1963, board meeting.

mee working presence. Most of my work for SCEF since the last board meeting falls into three categories: 1, Continuing educational work in the field of civil liberties? attempting to relate this to the civil rights move­ ment* This includes considerable writing, including a new pamphlet on KUAC which I assume most of you have seen by now, or you soon will* It also includes a number of speaking engagements and personal contact. I would like to add that I feel that the SCEF board can feel proud of the work it has done in recent years in this area of civil liberties* Time nay show that it was one of the most crucial contributions the organization made to the movement. Much, much remains to be done, but because of the work SCEF has done in informing people, the is at least better prepared than it would have been otherwise to meet the Sosmsoti red-baiting attacks that have recently been mounted*) Whether the movement as a whole meets these successfully yet remains an unanswered question, but the importance sf'S^SF's groundwork in this field is becoming more obvious. 2. Considerable work, along with Carl, on helping to stimulate and develop the growing movement among white students in the South, This has involved going to a series of meetings, much eoisirespondeneej running a sort of motel as the young people have happened to be in our area, and just generally trying to be available and helpful when needed. There will be fuller reports at the May 16 meeting on the snowballing Southern white student movement and the forms it is taking, I consider it the most important development in the South within the past year and one of the most hopeful things that has happended in a long time* I do not want to give the impressions that I am in any sense trying to take basic credit for this because the credit belongs to the kids themselves* However I have tried to help and encourage where I could, I do think that SCEF can justly take some of the over-all credit for this new development because of its pioneering work _2- with white students through the grant for work among white students* Public credit-seeking can be a bit disgusting, so we do not have to say all these things publicly. But certainly the SCEF board itself should take satisfaction in knowing that the sparks lit by this project have in many ways been responsible---sometimes directly, sometimes indirectly---for the growing fire among whdjjse . students* By making the grant to SNCC when few people saw hope on white campuses, we kept the door open for white participation; we encouraged SNCC to seek white participation. These efforts sometimes seemed to be rather dismal failures. But the seeds planted are new coming to frui*tian« Much credit belongs to Bob Zellner who paved the way on the project for two years, to Sam Shirah who took it over this year, and to Ed Hamlett who has been working with Sam in recent months and to many others who worked on their campuses, often against great odds*

Under Sam, the perspective of the project has changed and broadened. Originally we thought, because it was all that then seemed possible, of mobilizing a handful of white students to be the tokens to insure that the movement was not all Negro but in at least a token way was black and white together* This year, as Sam has developed a new philosophy for the project in consultation with many other young people, it has become feasible to talk about organizing great numbers of white people—• not only to join the pro- integration picketlines but to work in related fields of academic freedom, civil liberties, etca It has also become possible to talk of the more advanced of these students going into the white communities* as Negro students have gone into the Negro communities, to organize the white unemployed} the white disinherited and try to bring him into a joint movement with the civil rights movement, Sam and Ed will be able to discuss this perspective further* I feel that the board can be proud of this project oSNCC is requesting that it be continued and expanded if possible, I urge that this be done and that in view of the vastly expanded possibilities we try to raise money for a larger grant0 If a special descriptive piece of literature on what the project has done so far and what it plans to do would be helpful for such fund-raising, I will gladly volunteer to prepare such, 3, My other field of activity has of course been the Patriot, Because of the press of the above two things, plus other factors, tho Patriot has sometimes got the short end of things this year and I have sometimes neglected it, getting in the last few months very much behind on time schedule, I also feel I have not kept up the quality as well as I would like. By this I mean I have not been able to make enough trips to get first-hand articles and do the needed job of interpreting today's movement, I hope to correct both of these shortcomings in the coming months* I have a college student volunteer who is going to help me in the summer. -3- By fall we should bo back in harness on the Patriot, I hope to go ahead on with the campaign started last fall to double the circulation so we can increase the frequency, I would like to add that if I have devoted less time to SCEF in the past six months than I have done in previous years it is partly because I have been devoting more time to a community project in Louisville which I think will interest you, although it is not directly related to SCEF3 This is the West End Community Council,, a very promising campaign to try to keep the area in which we liqre (a large area 1000 blocks in size, housing 150,000 people) from becoming a ghetto, I teve felt the need to do something about this for years and finally about a year ago decided that I could not continue trying to save the rest of the world while I did nothing to keep my own part of town from going to hello The net result is that the Community Council has consumed great hunks of my time0 Technically this is my '"own time*% but since lusid' to work for SCEF sort of 24 hours a day-like, this has made a difference I do think I have gained valuable experience that may be useful to SCEF elsewhere0 I see the growing ghettoization of cities as a key issue in the SouLhe I would propose that as soon as feasible SCEF call a conference on segregated housing in the South and ways to fight it„ This Is a frontier-—and SCEF should be on the frontiers* I enclose some conies of the brochure I wrote for the Louisville West End Community Councilo

For the months immediately in the future, I car* oomasit . . myself to the following work; Getting the Patriot back on schedule, writing a new descriptive brochure about SCEF, writing a pamphlet on the SCEF case (which I think has t< separate

I have made a copy of the recommendations made at a staff meeting last summer because they sssga to me still valid and the crisis of the past year has prevented full discussion of them. Many are simply a formal statement of what has always been SCEF policy?, At this time I would like to call attention especially to Point No 2 in this program-—assisting in interpretation of the integration movement to the general public through brochures and leaflets ctc„? and to suggest that Nashville, where a movement: now boils, might be a good place to try this* I urge that the possibility be discussed with our board member, C}T-, Vivian, who is working in Nashville for SCLC and i~ deeply concerned that there be a program to reach more of the white community. ffom*t\ie desk if Carl and)id)/ Aijine Braden

I 5 l

I f? -yu^A*~ S^*-

k=X— £~ 7' Southern Patriot—-Jan. iasue lede zellner set 8 on 10, M picas wide

italic note

The Qtkthor /MHIh&i article is a young white Southerner, reared in Alabama, son of a Methodist minister, graduate of Huntingdon College in nontgoraery, Ala. For two years, he worked as a field secretary for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), under a special grant from SCEF, on a project designed to carry the message of the integration movement to Southern white students and stimulate them into action. His vx»rk took him to campuses and into communities all over the South. In the course of it, he was arrested over 20 times on charges carrying possible total sentences of 25 years; most of the cases are still pending. Now back in graduate school temporarily, he reports fa*** his observations of conditions and states of mind among today's # Southern white students and his conclusions as to what can be done about them,

] BY BOB^it HUJ I pt, bold caps

For two years, I worked to cut through the cotton curtain to the minds of Southern white students, I tried to inspire thek to some personal commitment to the struggle for human dignity going on around them—or at least to Inform them of the facts which they are systematically denied. The primary obstacle to this task is the repressive and sometimes stars'terror tactics used by the Southern state and 2,

college administrations. One small esample of this occurred last year on the campus of Huntingdon College in Jiontgomery, Ala., when I was arrested on the orders of George Wallace before he became Governor of the state. The arrest was effected by Col. Al Lingo, a Wallace appointee, who had not taken office at the time either. My crime:fcaxsricsts a visit to ray alma mater to talk to students about what the State of Alabaaa was doing to its Negro citizens across the state, and especially in nearby Selma where a reign of terror was being carried out by the White Citizens Council. I mtiy cite this example only because the circumstances of my arrest attest to the fact that the power structure has absolutely no respect for the law when their deep-seated fear of free discussion and inquiry is aroused. Kence white students are "protected" from "suspicious" thoughts, and academic freedom and civil liberties are destroyed.

These may sound like cliches; they _are ,_not because they D age-aegnelusfljana*d*amr^rsm^rhe actual situation in the South today. A Here are some concrete examples from the experiences of students I met in the course of my work; ~^~-ks/tT students at the Univeristy of Mississippi, jagfch natives of that state, had dinner with James Merddith, the first Negro to enter the University, it As a result,fefee=£aeo-jB±u..dents were the targets of threats, physical abuse, fire-cracker afesaults, and their roomsransx were ransacked. All of this was done by "students under the overt leadership of something called the 3.

"Rebel Underground, but if university authorities disapproved, they did nothing to make this known or to stop the terror. of the Finally, KJRB two/white students had to leave school. At an Okkasm Alabama college, a segregationist student asked his pxtaiKsarxx professor*s permission to Interview a Negro

minister for an assigned pxaa paper on the'race problem.' This P student explained that he had been to the office of the local White Citizens Council; he had obtained large quantitites of segregationist material, and now wanted another point of view. The teacher refused to allow him the interview. He said: "It might get us into trouble, so you just write your paper from the material you have, and I'm sure it'll be adequate." Smothered in fear themselves, most Southern educators don't know the asBH*R meaning of academic freedom. As an undergraduate at a Southern college, I experienced first-hand the power that the state and college administrations have to kill the spirit of protest or inquiry. In the course of research for a sociology paper, I met several Negro students from a nearby sikksx E± college, attended a federal court civil rights hearing, and observed a nonviolent workshop at a Negro church. Because of these activities, two crosses were burned near my dormitory; the Klan distributed smear literature about myself and four other students involved; the attorney general of the state summoned the five of us to his office to explain our actions (and accused us of communist associations)? and our college 4.

president asked us to withdraw from school. More vicious and terrifying is the experience of another student acquaintance.^, XBxrarxiKxfctoisxinxfcaRRKxkaxxHafcxaniyxxx taKsirci&XHKlCBslxxfcxkimximx ^ He a was expelled from four different Southern colleges for his integrationlst^ beliefs, and the wrath of the Southern oligarchy has been visited not only on him personally but on his family. They are being investigated by a county grand jury, and his younger brother was kidnapped and beaten by local police without ever being charged with a crime. One should not get the impression that these situations occur each day in the South, The fact is k that these fascist n attacks are seldom necessary because the a majority, in the deepest levels of their unconscious minds, understand that there are certain area of life and ideas into which they are not to venture. Therefore the few white students who are capable and desifous of participation in the integration movement are burdened with fear, pressured by their families (some of whom are "moderates" or "liberals")*axafcB3t to "stay out of this integra­ tion mess," and confronted by thefckaaax real and sometimes imagined threat of state oppression. These students desperately need help. I have tried to find ways in which those of us involved in the movement can aid th 5.

First of all, these students and others are usually totally isolated from people of like mind. On every college campus in the South there are one or two students who would like to do something but they usually don't know each other; even if they do, they feel that nobody else thinks as they do, and therefore action is futile because of lack of support. The SNCC project, on which I worked, tried to cope with this problem. The project is now being carried on by Sam Shirarh, <*• young white Southerner. He is visiting campuses contacting white students interested in the movement, giviing them literature about the organizations involved, telling them what is happening and trying to set up meetings where they can find each other and forge an organizational tool tea for support of each other. Another function this project can perform is to.bring these students to meetings and conferences, such as thaye held by SNC6 and SCEF at intervals, where they can £«4 fellow- Southerners both black and white who are working to change they system. Another possibility is the holding of weekend workshops in each state where students can get together and exchange ideas* The problems are difficult ones and can only be solved by st^eongnani^Tygl^dafj^ uaa«* communication* aaaang between I potential activsts and the handful already in action. In my opinion, we shouldn*t at this point aaxtetaxaaakxxxx spend too much time trying to reach those who are not at all interested or those who are opposed to any action. Those of us in the integration movement should direct our attention 6.

to those white students who a show interest and a potential for significant action and give them all the support and encouragement nossible. ^Recently, while attending graduate school in Cambridge, Mass., I attended a meeting at Harvard University where Alabama Governor George Wallace spoke. During the question period, I asked him why in Selma, Ala., SNCC voter registration workers had been beaten and arrested by 15 atakataxx Alabama state troopers. He replied: "I know you're from Alabama, Mr. Zellner. You're notorious down there; in fact, you've been in about every jail down there. You don't deserve to speak for Alabama because you represent only a minute minority," It is evident that Wallace, Governor aataalrkxx Barnett and Senator Eastland of Mississippi, and others like them are using real fascist tools---Sovereignty Commissions, Citizens Councils, and witch-hunting legislative committees—to aaarxaaa suppress any traces of democracy they findf.and thus make sure that the few who do speak and act against Southern injustice remain a "minute minority," Our duty, therefore, is to see that those who might act are encouraged to do so, and that once they do they are not / isolated and quietly destroyed. i

- Southern Pateiot—Jan* Issue box zellner set 8 on 10, bold, 10% picas wide

'finer Miss JJa^otfty"^^ in fckx ~the~~~'

.kab Zellner is now attending graduate school at Brandeis University and his wife, the former Miss a Dorothy Miller (also until recently a SNCC staff member in the South), is working for the New England Friends of SNCC, If you live anywhere in New England and would like to arrange a meeting at which one or both of them could speak and mobilize financial support for the Southern student movement, contact the Zellners at 71 Chestnut Street, Cambridge, Mass. January 31, 1964

SUBJECT: Organization of the Students from Georgia Tech, Agnes Scott College, and Emory University TO: James Foreman .CC FRC ick Stevens Georgia Tech Adorers: 889 Penn Ave N.W. Apt 2 Atlanta, Ga, 30309 Tele: £'75-2076 i. During the past few weeks definite attempts have been made towards the organization of the college students at Agnes Scott College, Emory University, and Georgia Tech. The total student papulation of these three universities Is near 12,600 white students and about 15 Negro students. (All tMree colleges are integrated and are accepting Negro students each year.) 2. It was disco v red that through various organizations several small campus groups have voiced open opinion syrapthizlng with the "movement" and have, sparsely participated in various demonstrations throughout Atlanta. The majority of these students do not know what is happening in Atlanta now, do not know what Is planned for the future, and why the events are anticipated and are beins planned. These students have Indicated a strong desire to keep up-to-date on the events In the Atlanta area andthroughout the South, but have no media through which to find out the information they want. 3. These three colleges have a very good representation of the finest students in the South. The colleges are very conservative (as most southern universities are) but do have compartavely large segments of students within them who are extreaely sympathetic with the activities of SNCC and other similfar organizations through the South. 4. It |e ay opinion that the at students ought to he brought u;-to-date on the activities of the civil rights organizations in the Sou^h and be given tangible ways that they, as a group or individually, might be able to aid in the cause. IROFCSaLS AJ D FL Si I arc holding a meeting of these students (ones that I have contacted personally) on Saturday ^Febr: a 1) at ay apart-1 ment to dlaauas the void information outlined in paragraphs 1-4 above. I have almost fifty students v Q are rlanning to come, with a group planning to bring friends. SUBJECT: Organization of the students from Georgia Tech, Agnes Scott collge, and Emory University 6. The meeting will include: a. Danny Lyons is planning to talk to the group on the organization and aims of SNCC, what is being planned for the future, and what has been one In the past. He will Include the successes and failures of SNCC and(the activity of the other committies in the South, to include their alma and organization. He will also give any way that we, as students, wight be able to help SNCC in their aims and any plans that are open during the summer which might Interest this group. b. Sam Shira has told me that he will be back from Nashville in time to speak to the group on his plans and proposals— particularly the proposition of an eventual all white picket line. c. Two students from Morehouse and two students from SpeiV^man are going to speak on: why the students In the Negro community are behind the movement and behind SNCC. Theyare going to try to convey the feeling of the Negro community and "why they want total desegration now and not a year from now". It has been my opinion that this Is extremely hard for the white community to totally understand, but I do not doubt that this group will be able to accept it aa these Vegro students relay 5t. d. Following these speakers we plan to conduct a group discussion between everyone about the possibilities of introducing various proposals on our campuses and what we will be able to do as a group or individually* 7. I plan to continue these meetings each Saturday for the next few months and after a period of time space them out as deemed necessary depending on activity. 8. I firmly believe that this will bring these students together as a group in a much better way than If done through each Individual college* The Ideas will be given as a collective group and discussed as they would be conducted on each Individual collage campus. S. Banes will be kept by myself and a cosrplc lling list will be maintained and riven to SNCC (if desired). Literature concerning the activities will be distributed as they are received from SNCC on Saturday. 10. Plans are definitely being pursued to talk to the eight individual rellgous organisations on the Georgia Tech caapua about the "movement" and the operation of SNCC. I have already spoken to the Baptist Student Union and the Episcopal Canterbury and both organizations have received the proposals bery veil. Both these organisations have been spoken to previously by myself concerning the beginning of an exchange between similiar religious organizations on the Negro college campuses In the Atlanta area and throughout Georgia, Both have begun to do this and have definite dates planned for the future. Through these small individual organizational activities I believe the student body of Georgia Tech (as well as the other two universities) will be better able to accept a big .SUBJECT: - Organization of the students from Georgia Tech, Agnes Scott Collges, and Emory University, 11, Concerning deflaite desegration attempts or at least a movement in that direction: I mentioned to a very influential •ber of the Georgia Tech administration that The Varsity was one of the establishments in the Atlanta area which is being considered -. r.ce.ne of possible demonstrations providing they refuse to daaagragata. This was done as an atteirpt to discover If the adirdni ion of Georgia Teen would act collectively or inidvually in requesting that this place be desegrated prior to any demonstrations. The reaction that I received was as I had expected: one of almost panic. Th- :ti ody of Georgia Tech, particularly the almost 3,000 students In t a dormitories immediately across tie expressway from The Varsity, eve demonstrated that in the past any small bit of axoiteaent will succeed in drawing tbea away from theIr rooms in order to Investigate tho consotlon. The fact of some sort of activity at She Varsity above and/beyond the normal amount of commotion would attract almost everyone of the students in this dormitory area. Jusr't the Number of students congregating here in a already extremely conjested area would almost immediately precipitate a situation bordering on aaae violence. Because of the possibility of demonstrations at The Varsity, definite attempts have been made and are being made to get the etudonta ready for this event if and when it is necessary for SNCC to demonstrate. Besides my appeal for the school to take these precautionary measures (which are serving a dual purpose; the second one being that of Informing these students that "something" is happening in the city of Atlanta, and that the demon­ strations are beginning to effect these students more than they have In the past) I made an additional appeal for the faculity and administration to ask Ma-. Gordy (the Owner of The Varsity) to desegregate his facility thereby (from the point of view of the school and that of Mr. Gordy) preventing any possible demonstrations bringing about alaoat definite violence. The administration had stated that It will not come out openly and definitely supporting measures tovairds immediate total desegreMdtftoA/ of Atlanta but that it will make attempts (through influential individuals) to appeal to the establishments surrounding the Georgia Tech can.pus and those patronized by the students. A measure that is being initially done la tha t of having the captain of the campus security force approach Mr. Gordy asking him if he knew of the eminence of a demonstration at his place if he was not to teaagrogata« The security chief is not oing to ask him to immediately desegregate, but is going to act ae sort of a "spring board" for further measures to be taken by officials of the administration* IT necessary the president of the school will request it of the aanager to deeegrats. It will be necessary that I work on this from my position as a student and one who has been working with SNCC and one who is aware of what is happening In Atlanta, At this time (or can I even see in the future concerning this) there is no need to consider demonstrations at The Varsity because of th oat fruitless possibility of maintaining a state of non-violence at this place. If you deal re for me to detail a further report on this place concerning desegration, I will be very willing. I will submit follow-up reports concerning this and any other programs I have previously mentioned. $cbd%pt*o Robert L. Tanney Prespectus far Atlanta fer tha 889 Pann Ave. Atlanta, Georgia White Seuthern Student Project 19 Feb., 1961j.

Atlanta is presently in the state af turmail and change. The traditional Image ©f Atlanta as the "model city" with"go®d race relations" Is being breken down* The pewer structure has werked hard far years t© create this false Image. The initlatiae in attacking the image was taken by the students, and primarilly by Jcha SNCC. But since SNCC and the young peeple did take the initiative In the movement means that they recieved.and are recieving,a large am@unt of criticism. However, the adult community is new becoming involved in the movement. Among the student groups that are working In Atlanta Is the Georgia Students for Human Rights. This group was organized about 3-Ij. weeks ago in an attempt to give the students on the white campuses in Atlanta an outlet through which to express their concenrs ahout the problems that confront us today. It is primarilly an action group dedal dedicated to w©rking for the civil rights and civil liberties of all people (black and white). They are Involved In the civil rights struggle now, because that Is the primary focal point in Atlanta at present. follows: To date the activities of the GSHR have kaaaa been as faxauaasx lo Mass Meetings - 2. Picketing of Restaurants 3. Distribution of XHQHXXSMXSXMXkx $000 prayer leaflets urging a boycott of downtown atores during lent. This is similar to the call given to the Negfc© churches for the same thing, ii. Organization of local campus groups and holding meetings on the Individual campuses• 5>. Hit and run sit-ins followed by negotiations with the mangers of the restaurants. 60 Some of the Georgia Tech Students have been involved In an investi­ gation by the states Attorney General's office. Some training In nonvi®lence by^C.T. Vivian. I Contacts with a number of adultsand community leaders, have been made a and la y the ground work for future activities. A group of Scott students are engaged in tutorials and working in the underdeveloped areas. The GSHR has an ongoing program and organization. At present its organization Is very simple with a ftxk chairman (Rick Steeens), sec. (JudyWiloy), and committee chairman (Deadre LaPin). The various campuses (Ga. Tech, Emory, Agnes Scott, Oglethorpe, U. of Ga., Spallman, Morehouse, Morris Brown,) either have their own groups or have close lines of communication with each other. There is a wiile range of views and ©pinions in the group, thus adding a bit of spice. Some activities planned for the future include: 1. Continuation of ra©st of the above activities as the way opens. 2. Conduct an a "operation dialoque" project similar ax to the Danville, Va. project. This would be aimed at the ' ** more or less well to do white people. It will Involve training programs for the participants. The present situation would be reviewdd and xfcjcpig*ixxa;aKxkiBRxxK8Midxk-KXKKxwexsrf answers to "typical" questions would be thought out, if possible a fact sheet on Atlanta will -2-

be prepared and used. Groups of 2 or 3 students would then go door to door in a few selected neighborhoods and attempt to talk with the residents there about the problem. The sf^S^Mb ¥»§&fefe be primarilly educational in nature, but may also into active participation in the movement.

3. A March through Geergia (or perhaps through the Stats South), This would be very symbolic and significant if a groups ef predominatly white students initiated an actien of this sort. Serious tha talk and thought have been given this project by GSHR,

It. Far the less action minfled s students, a survey ef facilites could be made throughout the city. This would bring up-to-date lists at the Human Relations uouncil ar other civil rights groups who at present do net have time to do this among the myriad ef Other things that also need to be dene.

5, Since the civil rights issue is uppermost in Atlanta now, projects in the a alum areas is important. As *ha begin to gain their rights they must also fat n the resp onsibility to deal with the^. This requires an education program iaxths ttmtxxmt and community progrma in the field of illiteracy, hygiene, community spirit, and physiaal improvement of the areas. This could be dene aa en a workcamp basis at first, with the possible development of community centers. (Greuos of 15 • 20 students could meet en Fri, night and have an orientation session during whih the area situation, eta. would be discussed. Sat, would be spent in working with the people in their homes or neighborhoods. MBxpauKiHxbBxsBxszaiHstiaH An evalua­ tion of the program would be conducted Sun. morn. 8fcxxxicSaSJG*&»SbceJb^ y$B£lk »r©jBC$s of this sort WBHIKXBB are needed in both the white and Negro slums. Of course the groups would be integrated,*saxikisxxBati»bcsa:asxsg3gtBia> ixtttansxtkex 6, argaxtxs Opertunities for organizing the unemployed are as yet unknown. However, much ground work would have to be done first. %e workcamps (and eventual community centers) mentioned above would be a large part of this round work. 7, Through the above action project the self-confidence of the students must be built up, jOtsMyxafxthsntxaaatt *ar many of them this is new ana at present they are not willing to risk suspension or expulsion from school, 3his Indeed limits their activites. This is because as yet it is still nit atruely "THEIR" mevement. Ihis way of thinking must be developed. Actions by the administrations to attempt to quel the students can be used as rallying points for mass student protest, 8, In order to make inroads into the white community, the community contacts already iaxxaxLy established must be enlarged and maintained. At present they are gibing logistic and moral support, tax* In times of eiisis they can be an effective voice of protest. 9, An aakx exchange program with Tuskegee Institute and Ga. Tech is in the thiught stage at preaent.^od: Ibis could be put into effect next year.

Needs At preaent there is a one staff worker with the GSHR. Two axxthx more people could be used, SsMxshasaMdas At least one should be southern and at least one shous have a car. The GSHR is branching out to campuses all over the state of Georgia and the posslblitiea of coordinated action is great. However, this would involve at least one worker who coulfl travel around to the campuses to coordinate the activities. Also if a large movement is started in a community it is very helpful if not necessary to have one person stay there for quite a while to make sure the "show stays a& the roao?». Also ther is the pojnt that students are pressed for \

time and a full time person is needed to take some of this load. There is tremendous worth in the personal relations built up between the staff and the students. This can not be effectively done with a travelling person. Ihe group tends to do nothing until the staff member is in town, which may be sledom and for short periods. Staff worfcers this summer on the c-mpuses is important in order to make the group and its actions continuous and ihus avoiding the complete reorg. or refoundhg of the group in the Fall. AiaaAlso summer students have more time to devote to other activities, the ground work laid during the year a y be utilized for as tensive work and action during the summer. The following statement was adaoted by a group of Southern students from predominantly white colleges and communities in a majority of the Southern states—Alabama, Florida, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia—meeting in Nashville, April 3-5, 1964.

WE'LL TIKE OUR STAN D — NASH VIL LE, APRIL 4, 1964

It has beel 35 years since a group of young intellectuals calling them­ selves the Southern "Fugitive Group" met here in Nashville and declared their hopes of stopping the clock and preventing social, spiritual and economic forces which are today still coming of age in the South. They wrote a statement called "I'll Take My Stand" in which they endorsed the old feudal rgrarian aristocratic order of the South and opposed what they saw coming in the new order—widespread industrialixation and urbanization with democracy and equality for all the people.

We do hereby declare? as Southern students from most of the Southern states, representing different economic, ethnic and religious back­ grounds, growing from birthdays in the Depression years and the War years3 that wo will here take our stand in determination to build together a N ew South which brings democracy and justice for all its people.

Just a few years after the Fugitives took their stand, Franklin D. Roosevelt assumed the presidency of the U. S. and called our Southland "America's number one domestic problem," He talked about the needs of those who were ill-housed, ill-fed, and ill- clothed. Today, in 1964, when a majority of our nation is living in an affluence which makes the spectres of poverty and tenfold more inexcusable, a Southerner is in the White House. Y et the struggle for equal opportunity for all men—white and non-white, young and old, man and woman, is by no means completed. Our Southland is still the leading sufferer and battleground of the war against racism, poverty, injustice and autocracy. It is our intention to win that struggle in our Southland in our lifetime—tomorrow is not soon enough.

Our Southland is coming of age, they say. But we both hope and fear for her new industries and her new cities, for we also are aware of new slums, newly unemployed, now injustices, new political guile— and the Old as well. Is our dream of democracy to be dashed just as were Jefferson's dreams and the Populist struggles lost in the blend of feudal power, racial fear and industrial oligarchic opportunism? Only as we dare to create new movements, new politics, and new institutions can our hopes prevail.

We hereby take our stand to start with our college communities and to confront them and their surrounding communities and to move from here out through all tho states of the South—and to tell the the Truth that must ultimately make us free. The Freedom movement for an end to segregation inspires us all to make our voices heard r a f° begijining__of a true democracy in the South for all people. We pledge together to work in all communities across the South to create non-violent political and direct action movements dedicated to the sort of social change throughout the South and nation which is necessary to achieve our stated goals.

Our region must be an exemplar of the national goals we all believe in, rather than a deterrent to them:

(l) Not only an end to segregation and racism but the rise of full and equal opportunity for all; . (2) And end to personal poverty and deprivation; (3) An end to the "public poverty" which leaves us without decent schools, parks? medical care, housing, and communities; (4) A democratic society where politics poses meaningful dialogue and choices about issues that affect men's lives, not manipulation by vested elites; (5) A place where industries and large cities can blend into farms and natural rural splendor to provide meaningful work and leisure opportunities for all--the sort of society we can all live in and believe in.

We, as young Southerners hereby pledge to take our stand now together here to work for a now order, a new South, a place which embodies our ideals for all the world to emulate, hot ridicule. Vile find our destiny as individuals in the South and in our hopes and our work together as brothers. PROPOSAL OP ORGANIZATION

On the weekend of April 3-5* 196IL, f cr ty-f Iv e students from approximately fifteen predominantly white Southern campuses in ten states gathered in Nashville at the invitation of students from Vanderbilt University and Peabody and Scarritt Colleges. The goals of the conference were several: to assess the extent of involvement in civil rights by students at Southern campuses; to ascertain the amount of interest in action along other political, social, and economic lines, and to assess their student needs and set up a structure through which felt needs in these areas could be met.

Briefly these goals were achieved. It was determined that there is a great deal of activity on these campuses, ranging from moderate to radical. Furthermore, it was confirmed that students are interesced In not only civil rights but in other areas beyond civil rights, e.g, peace, academic freedom, civil liberties capital punishment and unemployment. Finally, a structure was set up. The group has called itself the Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC), A Continuations Committee was directed to formulate specific proposals and programs designed to implement the goals of SSOC as set forth in the statement "We Take 0%r Stand." A preliminary set of proposals, six in number, was submitted 'for consideration of the Continuations Committee in its work toward the formulation of the program of action.

SIX POINT PROGRAM A number of concerns were expressed by the students which they felt were not being pursued with sufficient emphasis by any existing organization in the South, •*-• Campus service and educational programs. The Southern campus, is generally insulated from'an aw"areness~of the civil rights movement and students lack a critical perspective on any issues, including the usual social and political sterility oT~ their own college environs. This would include: a) Educational programs and action projects are needed on desegregation* Negro deprivation, on the thurst of the Freedom Movement, and also on civil liberties, poverty, unemployment, economic issues, and political change, university reform and academic freedom, disarmament, capital punishment, etc. This should include a. program to coordinate speakers and enter­ tainers for fund raising purposes. b) Broad-based (moderate to radical) student groups working on other issues close to the campus as well as militant civil rights should be encouraged by campus travelers. c) A special newsletter, special educational materials, such as these orovided by SDS, AFSO, and NSA and including films and other mailings aimed at this campus based audience would be helpful, d) Leadership training programs are needed, to prepare students for work In communities on civil rights and other Issues*

2- Opportunities for democratic participation in the Movement for'more"Southern students. Southern students need to meet to formulate policy for' the' most militant civil rights movement and to exchange general ideas, goals, and strategies in special conferences and workshops all across the South,

Education, and P^o^0^!^ of a_range__a:[' roles_sjtu dents in helpliig t"Ee Movement* 'Students need to be shown' that, the"y""raa'y perform service" for the Movement In ways supplementary be militant direct action of fulltime staff work* Educational end publicity programs (bringing SNCC speakers to the campus., leaflet j.ng, etc) fund-raising, political support, and sympathy pickets, letters and telegrams, research, and other- roles need to he promoted vigorously.. It is our experience that many students need to start with more moderate supportive activity and work their own way into the direct action thrust of the Movement,

li. Resources for initiating, organizing, and sustaining; community organizing project's* at'""^e"~coalition level not "only in~THe*~Negro' cbmmunity but in d'lsInherite^a~~predominantly white communities as well—around the issues of unemployment, low wages, union organization, poverty, lack of community facilities, and the use of urban renewal as a racist or neighborhood destructive device.

p* Educjaticr! and prcmob 1 on of ejmployjJient opportunities for s umr. 1 e r" a :"d~TTT J .*!" -t im e wortc "Tn coram qnTty orgal**izIng are needed* "TFHTs cooTcT'lnc 1 ude civii~~1rlghts 3ctior;""kncl organizing project's among the unemployed? internships with good unions, "political1" work, voter registration projects, and. potentially progressive anti-peverty programs ''independent community centers, American Friends Service Committee, etc.)

po 111ipal"""coa 11 ETons and Iniegra'ted-1ssue 15olitlcal campaigns In addition to Negro poTltTcs and civil rights campaigns, e.g. Louisville Congressional race and Texas Dexnocratic coalition. It was the feeling of those students attending the Nashville meeting that the support and encouragement of SNCC Is necessary to bring more Southern sti.rlo.nts into the movement. Thus, those students from predominantly white campuses, meeting at the first meeting of the Southern S udent Organising Committee, have expressed a loyalty to SNCC, arid wish to find ways to work with SNCC, through SNCC, and for SNCC, Some ways in which SNCC could be expanded to meet the needs expressed in the preceeding six point program are as follows:

1. Development of publicity and educational materials aimed at the moderate or isolated student—both regarding what SNCC is doing and what they can do where they are to help SNCC. This means tailoring the Southern white student project to working with campus groups to meet these needs. This means allocating definite supportive roles—fund-raising, research, publicity, etc., to meet these people. 2. Co-sponsoring and participating in workshops and conferences with other groups (SDS, NSA, AF3C) to promote interest in t_otal social change for the South building on the defeat of segregation. 3. Urging the National Council of Churches to expand the Berea summer training program in late June to provide for "tracks" on community organizing in non-deep South communities and in the poor white communities. Ir, Civil rights action and community organizing action— building around the campus based situation. Urging the expansion of the SNCC educational program (with the cooperation of ) to encompass campus action and community organization. The assumption of the April 3~5 meeting was that the Continuations Committee would meet with the SNCC Executive Committee on April 19 to wcs?k oui; mutually satisfactory "division of labor." This could range from the complete absorption of SSOC's proposals immediately Into SNCC to the complete independence of SSOC from the SNCC program. ^^i]

M^OS^CTUe 'OP t CM"uT 0RT7W) '"*WXH?'V EP WMIRTT — IFID SWJlMUff FOP !-Wf SOUWKRN STUDENT MxOJFCT

It is, or should be, an accented fact by this group that there is a substantial number of white students and college related oersons who are wymoethetlc to tho pools of the civil riphts movement. On the other hand it is not an accepted fact that a majority of these individuals are in agreement concerning the means or methods by which these goals -nay be attained, huch an assumption would be absurd, ihere is, most arobably, considerable divergence of oiinion whithin this group gatered here, likewise, the capabilities and levels of conurltment differ within this group and among tho student sympathisers.

If we may accept these aremises, let us oroceed to consider what action may be taken which will seek to involve those who are sympathetic. (It is taken for granted that all here are involved in one way or another).

Due to our travels through virtually all of the southern states and to many of the carmuses in these states we have rood reason to believe that there is a substantial number of sympathizers; in additon, the fact that many, I ventnre most, of us here first became involved during our college days surest that others who are new in ooiio^, a«-o

!;iih^ont) ,iio t.'.rou.oj ortoA<~i»o<=o rnj oLoi' jciito iiiai-~ht, to stimulation which will result in some tyoe of commitment. Mar some tiis will r-ean the sti stimulation of such a nature that intellectual commitment will be joined with emotional commitment, or vice versa. (It is "enerally agreed that one without the other is insufficient to bear the resultant strain and trial of action.) Mar others it will mean direct action where there existed only talk. (However, it is suggested that, in some hard-core areas, talking may be construed to be direct action.) How then are we to stimulate this -otential army which is believed to exist.

Specifics: 1. v\fe are, at >resent, comilinc a card file of contacts : "fit.- *\V •.- ...... •' M t."i '.•"• " '< of students and colleges related acrsons across the South. These names of students in birminr;ham, Jackson, Columbia, and Hattiesbur^, etc. Me have beaun to contact them in erson, by telephone, and by mail. Prom some of our initial contacts we were given the names of interested friends, he thus hooe to encouraee the formation of organizations of these iconic which will be ootnetiol activist, groups on their caj uses and in their communities. J-he groupa will also be, without a doubt, varied in their structure, aims, and commitment! however, the imaortnat as icct in all should be the fact that isolated individuals have core together to suooort each other in somewhat common rroals. It should not be our «urnoae to ro in to the carius and attemot to run things as we would like to see them run. father it should be our our.iose to encourage then to continue with ideas which interest them, ive should meet them where they are and aid them in any way which they see fit. This may involve Tutting them in contact with other such --roups in other white colleges or in Negro colleges. On the other hand it may involve concuctinp a non-vioihent workshop These thinrs must be accamlished with local leadership, 2. It is exoected that before the end of the current school year that there will be small regional or statewide meetings of existing organizations. Tennessee, North Carolina, an' Georgia are ooesible starting oointa, oy next fall we hop to have a Southwide conference. 3. It would seem to be imperative at this joint that we berin »lanninf: for a staff of tne college contactors or secretaries or travellers. This represents two oeoole for five geographic areas. Those areas are as

follows: /. Virginia, Worth Carolina B, Georgia, South Carolina, Florida C. Kentucky, Tennessee, 'rkansas 0. Alabama, niasissippi, Lousiana E. Texas 't raresent there are three oeoile who are workin •; in this area of the >roject. One is in hississijpi in school, and he works :;art-time. He is a native of that state, rhe second is a native Tennessean and -ay be as be assigned to Tennessee and Kentucky. The third is working with the Georgia Students for Human Uighta in .Atlanta. It is hosed that a full staff will be in the Field in Seotember, Though Sa;r Chirah will be devoting some of his time in this area, it is expected that he will not devote full-time to it. It. /re we then to terminate our work when students are meeting together Within tie confines of their ivory towers. Post assuredly we fehouli not. is students oecome more caur,ht uo and committed they will look for areas for increased involvement, borne will seek summer work in the ..ovement. As we are ajle to set up community centers in chronically deoreseed areas, we can provide interested students with opportunity for summer work, and work study tyoes of arorrams during the school year. There are several very real 'ossibilities for this sort of thine at the -.resent time. (These are discussed in other capers). 5. Others will bo exoellod from their schools or >ressured out. Others may want to dro-p out because of pressure to cease and. desist. In many cases it may be wise for these activists to force their administrations to expel them; to force the colleges to take a stand on academic freedom. However we would be remiss in our obligation to these students if we did not helo orovide them with ooaortunities for continuing their education. Many will not be able to return to the collet of their choice in the South. Therefore, one way of aiding them would be to contact colleges and universities in other areas of the country where academic freedom and civil liberties are respected, seeking scholarships or other financial aid. A board of advisers could heli administer this aspect of the aro^ram. I submit that tins is oossible if it is handled orooerly. However, we nust be cautious that those students who are considering such a oossibility be those who are in pood standine academically and no those who are using us and the -ovement for poor achievement. 6. There is a ereat deal of concern ar.,ong many ;eo)le for the apathy not only in the country but among the majority of collepe students. ?erhaps one way of ettinp at this aoethy is to encourage a-itation for the disenfranchised college student. In short, universal suffrage at aPe 18 is needed, -ty 1965 over $0;y of the nation's aooulation will be under 25. It is an understatement to say that the oresent aeneration of leadership is doinp a oretty messed uo and inadequate job. Change is asked for from neoole who are too old to change. Je fight at 18, but have nothing to do with the laws which force us to do so. It is a not much preater crime to disenfranchise the Ke~ro than to disenfranchise the citizen under 21. Kentucky and Georgia have led the way. Let us helo other states to follow their orecedent.

7. One final suggestion is that we journey to Pt. Lauderdale and Daytona in the siring for the largest convention of students (aporoxijiat&ly 50,000) in the country. A concert by the SNCC Mreedom dingers, bob Dylan, and other orominent "folk" rrouos could focus attention on civil rirbts and academic free ion, This mass orey is undoubedly the result of a lack of consturctive arorrams through which frustrations can be alleviated back on the cam us. Leaflets could be distributed and bull sessions encouraged. Voter registration booths for 18-20 year olds (this su'^ests the caroaign in 'ississln >i) miffht be­ set uo. Little accom >lishment may be exoected in terms of actual on the soot commitments made* however, much needed publicity mi^ht be gleaned. This type of action would be in stark contrast to the usual activity of attempted iaster resurrection of the American student, (Other such activities can be olanned for the Newport Folk Festival and for Pardi Gras), In conclusion...the above is a arospectus. It reoresents several years of thinking supported by some experience. Needless to say, it is not a final draft, iurther experience will ^roduce modifications. Your suggestions are solicited. jji.bj

PROSPECTUS FOR TH" IVHItT SO'TTFRN ST'JDrNT PROJECT Kay doller, field secretary for the ":hite Southern Student Project

The need for movement in the v'n i te e ommuni t i t ies . referred specitically to this need in relation to the current crisis in the civil ri hts movement. He sun^ested that the concerned white students, instead of donnin^ overalls and goino into the Nero communities, should oroanize their own communities around action projects. There is an increasine awareness of the existence of "the invisible poor" due to the publicity oained by President Johnson's war on poverty. Slum conditions have been brought to the foreoround by Washington and New York rent strikes. Civil riohts oroups have been creat­ ine movement in the NeTO communities, hut where is the movement for the forgotten whites — the jobless, the poverty-stricken, the sharecroppers 2 There are not only lame numbers of unemployed and underemployed, but also laroe numbers who are -memoloyable. There are areas in which job retraining programs following the commino of automation cannot answer the problem because there are. no jobs available. The fact is that there simply are no jobs to be found.

The system that oppresses the Negro oppresses the poor white also--and not only the poor white. The college student, the pro­ fessor, the minister suffer from a denial of the freedom of thought, of speech, of press, of association. .'.'hen these people speak out, they lose their jobs: they are expelled from school; they are called Communists: crosses are burned in their yards: they suffer other harrassment by the community. There is a need for movement in the white community that would be complementary to the movement in the Neoro community. Potentially radical students on the verr-e of rebillion need some type of stimulus. None of the present civil rights oroani- zations have moved into this area to brine a out a people's movement.

Ac t i on ha s bee tin in certain areas.

1. Hazard, Ky,--Herman Gibson, The Committee for Winers, etc. 2. Clairfield, Tenn.--Poverty-stricken parents organized boycott of a school. 3. Atlanta--Georria Students for Human Rights organized. They have participated in direct action and ha e taken steps to speak out. ix. Florida — students have begun to move. 5. Texas--the Democratic Coalition 6. Chapel Hill--colleee students involved in the inteorotion movement. 7. University of Southern ississippi--student startino off- campus newspaper to brine out the issues that have been censored by the University. 8. Millsaps—several students contacted are action-oriented. One plans to publish an off-campus literary magazine with orientation towards social criticism. 9. Berea Collene--students interested in action in the Appalachian area and are presently worklno on the comino Mardh on Frankfort for public accomodations. 10. Nashvi1le--students have orcanized direct action and are planning a Southern Students Organizine Fund. Programs to be considered. 1. Community centers--work with juvenile delinquency, health problems, school dropouts, birth control, pre- and post-natal care, literacy and political education projects combined with voter registration. 2. Cultural projects (similar to the proposed Jackson, Mississippi Theatre) to be introduced into culturally deprived areas stich as the Appalachians. 3. Rent strikes and sit-ins at graineries. 1|. Slumc learance and area improvement. 5. Newsletter—setting up communicationof ideas and proerams for active students on campuses separated by distance. 6. Organization of miorant workers. 7. Working with children--relationship on level of person to person. Could oive valuable insiht into the problems and at­ titudes of the adult community. 8. Organization of the unemployed—mass marchegl—coord inate with the unemployed Negroes. 9. Possibility of oroanizino industrial workers throuoh nrants fron unions. 10. Summer pro ject in Mississippi in white com'mmi ty—comple- mentary te SNCC summer project. 11. Oroanization of poor whites in large industrial cities such as Birminoham. 12. Pro-rams in areas where large numbers of students conoregate — Daytona Beach during sprinn vacation, etc. 13. Help by Hiohlander Center with orcanizationa1 trainine. lip. Women's strike for freedom—Contact people experienced in this area —Li 11 ian Smith, Mrs. Matt Herron, AAiroania Durr. Ffforts to dispel the whcrle "we must maintain segreeation to protect our women", the "would you want your dauchter to marry a Negro argument." Also organized around a variety of issues- peace, bad schools, poverty, women's rights.

Possibi1i t ies for work at the student level. 1. off-campus newspapers, leaflets, mass meetings 2. Find potential activists at relirlous foundations, on newspaper staff, in the drama, literature and art crowd, etc. 3. Interest could be stimulated by brinnino in such people as Bob Dylan, Joan Baez, . li. Civil liberties and academic freedom issues—freedom of thought speech press, and association. "In loco parentis" and "conduct unbecoming to a student" clauses. 5. There could be test cases on censorship of speakers--Gus Hall Rockwell, , etc. could be invited to campus. 6. Intimidation or expulsion of students can be iss'es around which to rally the rest of the campus. Thinos to avoid. 1. Surface changes that do not eet to the heart of the problem. 2. Doing thins for people — then puliino out without establish­ ing local leaders and local movement. 3. Rigid, bureaucratic dehumani-ino orcanization.

Efforts sho Id be made to understand the relationship between issues--senre^ation, poverty, unemployment, the permanent war economy. There is a need for constant reeva 1 uat i on —t he program should be continuously checked to see if it is movinn towards the coals. Proposal to the SCEF Board From Ed Harriett and Sue Thrasher Re: Southern Student Organizing Committee Conferences for the coming fall.

As wany of you knew, the Southern Student organising Committee was formed at a meeting in Aashville, Tennessee on April 4 and 5, 1964. The purposes of the first meeting wee, perhaps, threefold: l)to ascertain the extent of in­ volvement in civil rights activity of students on white or predominately white campuses in the South; 2)to determine if there "ere involvement on these cc.mpj.ses in other activities, e.g/, anti-poverty campaigns, projects looking toward oolitical coalition, peace, aad civil liberties; 3) and to at­ tempt to understand tho needs of southern students for service and program­ ming along tho lines of their felt needs. In a word, these goals '-ere a» chieved, A Continuations Committee, composed of one representative from each campus (at present 16 or 17), was set up to c rry out a program which begins on the campus and 'Mich reaches to the community.

The CC met in - tlanta on April IS and 19, 1964. Tile goals of this meeting were to p -esent to the Si.-CC Pxec. Committee the program of .SoC (see appen­ dix) and to begin to determine what relationship the two groups (SHCC M SSOC) were to have to each other. The ICC "o-ec. Committee responded fa­ vorably to the program; furthermore, it areed to take cert-?in steps rs reques­ ted Irp the S-'-OC. One ox theso requests was for financial aid for the MS'.. C meeting which was hold on the weekend of Ma 9and 10, 1964. Another was Por the setting up of c. ''track" a.t '• estorn College (where the summer training program is to be: held for Mississippi) for the purpose of training people for work in the white community in the South, doth of these requests have been met.

Athird .eoucst of the SSOC, earning out of the recent meeting, is presented, here to the SO .P. That is t ' t financial and other aid be given in setting up two projected meetings r/hich have been scheduled xo the fall. The first is to be held October 2-4, I964, for the Continuations Committee. The pur­ pose of this conference- -orkshop will be to discuss campus organising tech­ niques, movement theory, and fund-raising. There will also be discussion on conference organising looking to state conferences and the second conference '.rith which we a-e here concerned. Tills latter meeting is scheduled for At­ lanta for a weekend in late October.

There wall be three main emphases for tsis conference: student political ac­ tivity, civil liberties, and community organising, subjects in which the SCPF has been especially interested. Though it is hoped that attendance will ap­ proach 200-250, theso subjects -111 be dealt ith intensively at the small workshop level. The anticipated cost of the affair is sevoral thousand dol­ lars. ' e are not/ taking steps to secure the services of prominent resource persons and speakers who have demonstrated knowledge and experience in th areas 0:'.' emphasis*

Since the SCuL'1 has demonstrated over the years an interest in these matters, it is imped that the Poard "ill see fit to rant this renuest to the extent to which its other commitments will alien; it to do so. SIX POINT PROGRAM

19 Campus service and educational programs, The Southern campus is generally insul­ ated from an awareness of the civil rights movement and students lack a critical perspective on any issues, including the usual social and political sterility of their own college environs. This would include: a) Educational programs and action projects are needed on desegregation, Negro deprivation, on the thrust of the Freedom Movement, and also on civil liber­ ties, poverty, unemployment, economic issues, and political change, university reform and academic freedom, disarmament, capital punishment, etc. This should include a program to coordinate speakers and entertainers for fund raising purposes, b) Broad-based (moderate to radical) student groups working on other issues close to the campus as well as militant civil rights should be encouraged by campus travelers* c) A special newsletter, special educational materials, such as those provided by SDS, AF'SC, and NSA and including films and other mailings aimed at this campus based audience would be helpful. d) Leadership training programs are needed to prepare students for work in com­ munities on civil rights and other issues,

2«, Opportunities for democratic participation in the Movement for more Southern stu­ dents . Southern students need to meet to formulate policy for thlTmost militant civil rights movement and to exchange general ideas, goals, and strategies in special conferences and workshops all across the South,

3. Education and promotion of a range of roles students can play in helping the Movement. Students need to be shown that they may perform service for the Move- ment in ways supplementary to militant direct action or fulltime staff work. Ed­ ucational and publicity programs (bringing SNCC speakers to the campus, leafleting^ etc.) fund-raising, political support, and sympathy pickets* letters and telegrams, research, and other roles need to be promoted vigorously. It is our experience that many students need to start with more moderate supportive activity and work their own way into the direct action thrust of the Movement.

U. Resources for initiating, organizing, and sustaining community projects at the coalition level not only in,Che Negro community but in disinherited,- predominant­ ly white comrauidtd.es as well->-arou.ed the issues of unemployment, low wages, uhtou organization, poverty, lack of community facilities, and the use of urban renewal as a racist or neighborhood destructive device,

5M Education and promotion of employment opportunities for summer and full-time work irt community organizing are needed. This could include civil rights action and organizing projects among "the unemployed, internships with good unions, "political*1 work, voter registration projects, and potentially progressive anti-poverty pro­ grams (independent community centers, American Friends Service Committee, etc,),

6a Information and support for new kinds of liberal-left political coalitions and in- teg'rated-issue"political campaigns, in addition to Negro politics and civil rights campaigns, eog0, l&'ulsville Congressional race and Texas Democratic coalition. It was the feeling of those students attending the Nashville meeting that the support and encouragement of SNCC is necessary to bring more Southern students into the Movement. aMb/ ]

A PROPOSAL for EXPANDED ,ORK AMONG SOUTHERN WHITE STUDENTS and AN APPALiMNOJMN P.,OJ„CT

*/ THE BACKGROUND: In the fall of 1961, the Southern Conference Educational Fund initiated a project under which it made an annual rant to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) for the purpose of work among white Southern students. The objective was to carry the message of the integration movement to these students and to attempt to stimulate them to action. For two years, Bob Zellner worked under this "grant* Tn the fall of 1963, when Bob went back to graduate school, I took over the job. During his years OP the project, Bob visited many Southern c.mpuses and, while certainly no mass movement emerged among white students, he inspired many peoole some by the spoken word, some by his example of courage. During the fall of 1963, I continued i this same pattern, visiting 20 campuses in six Southern states, I met with students in all these places, talked to them about the work of SNCC end their own problems, and sometimes joined i demonstrations with. them. Late in the fall, however, it became apparent to me that there were many new factors in the world around us that lead us to • new situation and call for a new approach. THE NEW SITUATION: In the first place, there are this year many more white students active on social issues than was true two years go, or even one yasrr ago. It is not apparent to everyone, because these thing;- are not always reported in tha press, but an upsurge is t king place among Southern white student., on many c mouses. No longer is it one or two white students active; often there are hundreds. For example, Nashville, Atlant , Tallahassee and Gainesville, Fla,, Chapel Hill, N.C,, ere spots where large movements of white students have developed. More and more individuals are seeking meaningful action els-where. This upsurge has been inspired by the Negro freedom movement, but at this po. nt there is actually more .motion on predo;; inantly white campuses than on Negro ones. Meantime, paradoxically, a crisis has bee developing in the civil rights movement. More people are active in this lovement than ever before, but desoite this there hav^ bee no real breakthroughs. There are :ore segregated schools this year than last, more segregated housing and more Negroes unemployed. It is evident that the* Negroes in raerica, and tha haadful of whites who are now uncompnomisingly co mitted to the freedom movement, do not have the strength, political or numerical, to bring real change in our society. Furthermore, the civil rights movement is now moving rightly more In the direction of a demand for decent living standards and jobs; 2.

to win these demands the movement must ask for some fundamental changes in our society, and to do this successfully it must have more strength than it has today. It must have allies. And thirdly, a crisis has been developing among the white people of the South and of the nation too, because of the rising rate of unemployment. This is caused by automation which is displacing thousands cf workers each month. It is not going to get better* it is going to get worse. Obviously, these people too need some fundamental changes and the strength to xcln them. All of this adds up to a gremendous challenge to my generation. THE CHALLENGE: This challenge was verbalized by Bayard Rustin when he addressed the SNCC conference in Washington in November, 1963, He urged the white young people who want to help the civil rights movement to stop putting on blue jeans and going to Mississip i. He urged them instead to go into the white communities and organize the people there to form an alliance with the civil rights movement. Especially, he urged them to organize the white unemployed, to inspire them with the spirit and tactics 6£ the civil rights movement—-to the end that these two groups of disinherited people, the Negroes and the downtrodden whites, may work together to achieve a society that will be of benefit to allp THE POTENTIAL: It seems to me that the time has come when it is possible to meet this challenge. I think we must offer hope to the benighted white people of the South. In many cas-s, their lot is as bad as that of the Negro or worse. They too are hungry, they too are jobless, they too are denied the vote ia some places, they faaa are hemmed into slums as Negroes are Into ghettos. And yet no movement in recent years has spoken to the needs of these people or offered them constructive channels of organization. For too long, we have atte pted to bring white people into the freedom movement. I think we must reverse this process and take the movement into the white communities, 'we must help white people see that the Negro has gained strength by casting off fear and that the white man is still the slave to fear but he can cast it off too. This is needed not only by the unemployed white, the poor and economically downtrodden white; the white Southern student, the white professor, the white pro essinnal man, the white minister—-all these are enslaved in the South, denied their free speech and thair opportunity for the good life. I realize that the dream of uniting the Negro and white Southerner is not new. It was tried before the Civil 'Par, it was tried during Reconstruction, and again during the Populist Movement and finally during the early days of the C*0 organizing drive in the 1930's. Each time the effort failed, because when the chips were down, the white Southerner fled back to the false xgglory of his white skin rather than unite with his Negro brother. 3.

Some of us dare to hope that it can be different in the 1960's because of tnree factors that have not existed before: (1) Today, because of automation the needs of the white man are desperate and will become more so; this may be stronger than his traditional prejudices. (2) Today, when the white man looks at the Negro he sees as he has not in the past a strong and effective movement, a movement which can be a source of strengtn to him and from which he can learn. And (3) today there is a growing of white students, many of them inspired initially by the civil rirhts movement, who want to pour thefcr life and energy and talents into constructive social movements. Onx the negative side, the danger we face today is also unprecedented. With not enough jobs to go around and the danger of whitesjfend Negroes fighting each other for the few that do exist, unless a joint movement can be achieved, the white Southern unemployed and underemployed could become a mass hsse for fascism, THE PROPOSAL: Therefore, after consultation with manr people, both adult and student, in*, the civil rights movement, I propose that the white student project of SNCC be expanded to the greatest degree possible. I recommend that we put more workers in the field visiting campuses and stimulating white students, and that as we bring the into activity we steer them where possible into community work in white communities, along the lines indicated above: to organize the unemployed and the downtrodden, to develop programs against poverty, slums, poor schools, etc. A PILOT PROJECT: As a pilot project, to show how this will work and to be of service in a crucial area, I propose and have already started to develop an organizational prog am among the unemployed and under-employed miners in the Appalachian regions of Kentucky, Virginia and {Tennessee. This project will include community service programs, educational programs, political action in support of ec nomic programs adequate to : eet the needs of the area. We who are students have established good relations already with leadership among the people of this area, and the potential is great. We plan to develop an office and center in a central location (probably Appalachia, Va.). his center will serve as a location of community service pro-rams, an organizational center for the uaployed, a training center for students coming into our program. It will be developed under the leadership of a local committee, and the student workers will go in to work under the direction and leadership of local people. THE COST: Me estimate we can operate this office for a five-month trial period on a budget of iplOOO, For field work in colleges we need about $5000 a year for each team of two persons. For field work in communities, one worker may be able to subsist for a year on about s>1000. OUR itEQU^ST TO SCEF: In view of the expanded nature of our program, \

we request the following of SCEF: 1. That SCEF join with other organizations in the sponsorship and financial support of our Mpp lachian office and center. We are making a similar request to SNCC, SCi.C, Students for a Democratic Society, and Committee for MinfcBB. If three of taese four agree, the cost to each group will be $250 for the five-month period, at which time the program en be evaluated for f rther support, 2. That SCEF pay to SNCC before September 1, 1963, the entire amount of its $5000 grant which was approved for the year that ends at that date. We realize that SCEF has been under great financial strain this year because of the attacks on it and that it is remakrable that it has been able to make any payments on this grant. We are informed that thus far these payments have amounted to $300 a month, which for the year would make a total of 4336OO. We would not feel justified in asking for the additional $1400, SXSLZX except that we think our expanded program merits it and we hope that what we are going will (e^jSLp SCEF to raise more money so that the additional amounts can be given. 3. That if possible SCEF raise whatever amounts it can over the projected $5000 grant using the challenge we present here as a means of reaching new money.

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