The Days of the Week and Dark Age Politics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Days of the Week and Dark Age Politics The days of the week and Dark Age politics Rausing, Gad Fornvännen 90:4, 229-239 http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/1995_229 Ingår i: samla.raa.se The days of the week and Dark Age politics By Gad Rausing Rausing, G. 1995. The days of the week and Dark Age politics. Fornvännen 90, Stockholm. It is advocated that by the intermediary of returning soldiers and officials the Ger- mani of the North adopted not only the concept of the seven-day week but also the names of the days of the week from the Romans of the late Empire. They re- named them by association to their own gods. The Romans themselves seem to have introduced the seven-day week during the reign of Augustus although lhe days of the week may not have been named until considerably låter. The setling up of the state cult to Sol Invictus by Aurelian in 274 is considered of crucial im­ portance. This may have been the time when the first day of the week was named alter the chief god of the imperial house. In the Migration Perieid the political di­ vision of Europé is also mirrored in the terminology of the week days. A Gothic, a Frankish and a Northern vexabulary evolved. The Bajuvari and the Alamanni adopted Gothic terms, which were derived from Greek. The Franks borrowed those of their catholic Latin subjects and the Germani of Seandinavia and the North Sea coast translated the Latin terms into their own language. Gad Rausing, Case Postale 22, CH-1820 Terrilet, SwilzerUind. We do not know how our earliest ancestors the whole period has been named the "Roman counted time. Some way of determing the time Iron Age". Many finds testify to the close trade of the year must have been necessary even be­ relations between the Roman Empire and fore the emergence of politically organized so­ Seandinavia in the former's heyday, and we cieties made it so, with their demands for the may also be certain that many Scandinavians various time-related services performed by the visited the Empire and served in the Empire's citizen. Agriculture became possible only when forces. Such contacts have left traces beyond the farmers could defme and determine the the purely material ones. We can see the Ro­ times of the various recurrent activities, even man influence in many fields, such as political the earliest farmers must be able to determine organization, dress, arms and armour, lan­ the proper time for sowing. Dividing the year guage and religion as well as in the names of into limar months did not help, these moving the week's days. These we all know, they have through the solar year. The week as such, the been familiar to us for centuries. Some of us group of seven days, seems originally to have may even recognize Tyr, Oden, Tor and Freja been a Babyionian concept, the number being lin king behind these names, but rather few of decidecl by the sun, the moon and the five us realize that these gods are really Roman planets visible to the naked eye (Hermodsson, ones masquerading as Norse. 1970), one which seems to have been adopted In "De Bello Gallico" Caesar lists a number by the Romans in Augustus' times, although of Celtic gods, describing them by Roman the days of the week may not have been named names as "... Mercury ... Next to him they (the until considerably låter. Celtic tribes of Gallia) reverence Apollo, Mars, During the first four centuries of our era, the Jupiter and Minerva." He also notes that "the material culture of the Scandinavians was so customs of the Germani are different ... They strongly influenced by that of the Romans that recognize as gods ... the Sun, the Mexin and Fornvännen 90 (1995) 230 Gad Rausing Fire ..." Almost certainly the Germani wor- över Europé all had one group of gods in com­ shipped also other gods already i Caesar's mon, and just as all Greeks, from Sicily and day. A century låter Tacitus teils us that Massilia to Bactria, worshipped Zeus, Athena in their ancient songs, their only way of remember- and all the gods of the Olympus. Some of the ing or recording the past, (the Germani) celebrate early Germanic gods mentioned by Tacitus an earth-born god, Tuisco, and his son Mannus ... sank into oblivion, or at least we do not meet To Mannus they assign three sons ... for whom are them in Viking Age tales, whereas others sur­ named the Ingaevones, the Herminones and the Is- taevones ... Hercules once visited them ... Mercury is vived for a long time. Isis and the Twins disap­ the deity whom they chiefly worship and to whom peared without a trace, as did the Bull, whereas they offer human sacrifices on certain days (here not only the Sun but also the Moon retained speaks a civilized Roman, one whose ancestors had their power for several centuries after Taciti not practiced human sacrifice for centuries but one time. who enjoyed seeing men killed in the arena), ... they placate Hercules and Mars with regular sacrifices ... During the first four centuries of our era the Some of the Suevi also sacrifice to Isis ... Ertha or influence of Roman material culture was strong mother-Earth ... the deiues (which) are described in enough in Seandinavia for the perkxi to be Roman language as Castor and Polux ... the name called the "Roman Iron Age", even though no being Alcis ... (Could this be a mistake for "Alces"?) part of Seandinavia was ever occupied or Do the twin axe-men from Stockhult and settled by the Romans. It should be noted that those from Grevensvaenge as well as the figures rather few Roman objects of the types so com­ on the bronze tubes from Fogdarp represent mon in south Seandinavia have been found in these divine twins? Quite evidently the Norse Germania Libera. It seems that, at the time, the pantheon of the time housed also other gods, Germanic nations in direct contact with the Ro­ of whom we know little, among them the Sun mans on the Limes were hostile, whereas the and the Moon, mentioned by Caesar. Romans could maintain contacts with German­ Låter, Mercury was to be identified with ic nations behind their enemies. The lack of Oden, although Tacitus does not refer to Oden Roman artefacts in the western parts of pres- as we know him but to his "predecessor", the ent-day Germany suggests that Germanic war­ old spear-god of the Bronze Age, probably that riors from the nations living there did not en­ same Mercury of the Cimbri to whom the two ter the Roman service. inscriptions south of Miltenberg on the Rhine At the time of the Empire many Germani were dedicated sometime in early imperial served Rome, mostly men from far beyond the times. Tacitus did not mean that the Celts and limes. Many of those who survived their period the Germani worshipped Roman Mercury, of service returned to the "old country", there Hercules and Mars nor Egyptian Isis but gods to be buried with their Roman weapons and of their own, gods whose functions more or less decorations. Such returning soldiers and offici- corresponded to those of the Romans, gods als were well versed in Roman thought and whom he could best describe to this readers by traditiems, probably influendng their country- making them the "barbarian counterparts" of men to a certain extent. Most likely the Ger­ the latter. mani of Seandinavia and adjacent countries im­ The Germanic god whom Cesar called Sol ported not only material but also immaterial was probably the old Germanic sky god, Ull, goods from the Roman province, among these and those gods whom Cesar equated with the concept of the seven-day week and the Moon and with Fire were respectivdy a moon knowledge of the gods to whom the days of the goddess corresponding to Diana or Luna, and Roman week were dedicated. Tor, the god of lightning and of thunder, Who were these gods, whom do we find in probably the one to whom men sacrificed axes our Christian diary? already in neolithie times. Even though there French quite clearly retains the names of lhe were many local gods the main gods were the Roman gods liir whom the days were named, same all över the Germanic world, just as, some whereas the Germani evidently substitutet! centuries earlier, the numerous Celtic tribes all their own gods för those of Rome in these Fornvännen 90(1995) The days of lhe week and Dark Age politics 231 Latin French English Swedish Dies Domini Sol Dimanche Sunday Söndag Dies Lunae Luna Lundi Monday Måndag Dies Martis Mars Mardi Tuesday Tisdag Dies Mercuri Mercury Mercredi Wednesday Onsdag Diesjovis Jove Jeudi Thursday Torsdag Dies Veneris Venus Vendredi Friday Fredag Dies Saturni Saturn Samedi Saturday Lördag names. Rydbeck (Lars Rydbeck, pers. comm. makes it quite clear that Sun was one of the 11/1 1995), suggests that naming the days for chief gods also of the Iron-Age Germani. gods in the Roman pantheon may have been Already at the time of the republic Sol, the connected with the important part played by sun, was one of the most populär and promi­ astrology at this time and låter. Thus "dies So­ nent gods of Rome and even though some of lis" and "dies Lunae" may have been inspired his attributes were låter assigned to Apollo, by not by Sol Invictus and by divine Luna but by the end of the second century the sun, Sol, the the sun and the moon as celestial bodies, just as god who ruled in heaven, became the main the names of the other days of the week may god of the Severan emperors.
Recommended publications
  • Religious Foundations of Group Identity in Prehistoric Europe: the Germanic Peoples
    PETER BUCHHOLZ Religious Foundations of Group Identity in Prehistoric Europe: The Germanic Peoples Any reader of Heimskringla ("circle of the earth"), the history of the kings of Norway by the great 13th century Icelandic writer Snorri Sturluson, will be struck by the enormous weight which the author attaches to religion. This refers both to Christianity and to pagan phenomena which preceded and even co-existed with it for some time. Snorri's work should, in my view, be ascribed a relatively high source value, if only because it is demonstrably based on older traditions either fixed in poetry or transmitted as oral prose. Öral tradition is of course not the topic of the present paper (cf. Buchholz 1980; Buchholz 1991), but the preservation of such traditions alone, many of which contain religious material, does indeed show that society or parts of it attached sufficient importance to such phenomena as to commit them to memory, parchment, runic signs or pictorial representation. The last scribe or "author" may of course have had considerable antiquarian interests, as is evident e.g. in some of the mythic poems of the Elder Edda, but such interests cannot be regarded as the cause for the existence of the myth, but only as one of the reasons for its preservation. We shall hopefully glimpse something of the role of myth in Germanic societies in the course of my paper. Leaving Myth aside for the moment, I want to stress that ÖN prose material, including Heimskringla, shows a marked interest in the concrete manifestations of cult (which, for paganism as seen through Christian eyes at least, definitely includes magic) and belief.
    [Show full text]
  • Domitian's Dacian War Domitian'in Daçya Savaşi
    2020, Yıl 4, Sayı 13, 75 - 102 DOMITIAN’S DACIAN WAR DOMITIAN’IN DAÇYA SAVAŞI DOI: 10.33404/anasay.714329 Çalışma Türü: Araştırma Makalesi / Research Article1 Gökhan TEKİR* ABSTRACT Domitian, who was one of the most vilified Roman emperors, had suf- fered damnatio memoriae by the senate after his assassination in 96. Senator historians Tacitus and Cassius Dio ignored and criticized many of Domitian’s accomplishments, including the Dacian campaign. Despite initial setbacks in 86 and 87, Domitian managed to push the invading Dacians into the Dacian terri- tory and even approached to the Dacian capital in 88. However, the Saturninus revolt and instability in the Chatti and Pannonia in 89 prevented Domitian from concluding the campaign. The peace treaty stopped the Dacian incursions and made Dacia a dependent state. It is consistent with Domitian’s non-expansionist imperial policy. This peace treaty stabilized a hostile area and turned Dacia a client kingdom. After dealing with various threats, he strengthened the auxiliary forces in Dacia, stabilizing the Dacian frontier. Domitian’s these new endeavors opened the way of the area’s total subjugation by Trajan in 106. Keywords: Domitian, Roman Empire, Dacia, Decebalus, security 1- Makale Geliş Tarihi: 03. 04. 2020 Makale Kabül Tarihi: 15. 08. 2020 * Doktor, Email: [email protected] ORCID ID https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3985-7442 75 DomItIan’s DacIan War ÖZ Domitian 96 yılında düzenlenen suikast sonucunda hakkında senato tarafından ‘hatırası lanetlenen’ ve hakkında en çok karalama yapılan Roma imparatorlarından birisidir. Senatör tarihçilerden olan Tacitus ve Cassius Dio, Domitian’ın bir çok başarısını görmezden gelmiş ve eleştirmiştir.
    [Show full text]
  • ABSTRACT Savannah Dehart. BRACTEATES AS INDICATORS OF
    ABSTRACT Savannah DeHart. BRACTEATES AS INDICATORS OF NORTHERN PAGAN RELIGIOSITY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. (Under the direction of Michael J. Enright) Department of History, May 2012. This thesis investigates the religiosity of some Germanic peoples of the Migration period (approximately AD 300-800) and seeks to overcome some difficulties in the related source material. The written sources which describe pagan elements of this period - such as Tacitus’ Germania, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, and Paul the Deacon’s History of the Lombards - are problematic because they were composed by Roman or Christian authors whose primary goals were not to preserve the traditions of pagans. Literary sources of the High Middle Ages (approximately AD 1000-1400) - such as The Poetic Edda, Snorri Sturluson’s Prose Edda , and Icelandic Family Sagas - can only offer a clearer picture of Old Norse religiosity alone. The problem is that the beliefs described by these late sources cannot accurately reflect religious conditions of the Early Middle Ages. Too much time has elapsed and too many changes have occurred. If literary sources are unavailing, however, archaeology can offer a way out of the dilemma. Rightly interpreted, archaeological evidence can be used in conjunction with literary sources to demonstrate considerable continuity in precisely this area of religiosity. Some of the most relevant material objects (often overlooked by scholars) are bracteates. These coin-like amulets are stamped with designs that appear to reflect motifs from Old Norse myths, yet their find contexts, including the inhumation graves of women and hoards, demonstrate that they were used during the Migration period of half a millennium earlier.
    [Show full text]
  • Hunnic Warfare in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries C.E.: Archery and the Collapse of the Western Roman Empire
    HUNNIC WARFARE IN THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES C.E.: ARCHERY AND THE COLLAPSE OF THE WESTERN ROMAN EMPIRE A Thesis Submitted to the Committee of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science. TRENT UNIVERSITY Peterborough, Ontario, Canada © Copyright by Laura E. Fyfe 2016 Anthropology M.A. Graduate Program January 2017 ABSTRACT Hunnic Warfare in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries C.E.: Archery and the Collapse of the Western Roman Empire Laura E. Fyfe The Huns are one of the most misunderstood and mythologized barbarian invaders encountered by the Roman Empire. They were described by their contemporaries as savage nomadic warriors with superior archery skills, and it is this image that has been written into the history of the fall of the Western Roman Empire and influenced studies of Late Antiquity through countless generations of scholarship. This study examines evidence of Hunnic archery, questions the acceptance and significance of the “Hunnic archer” image, and situates Hunnic archery within the context of the fall of the Western Roman Empire. To achieve a more accurate picture of the importance of archery in Hunnic warfare and society, this study undertakes a mortuary analysis of burial sites associated with the Huns in Europe, a tactical and logistical study of mounted archery and Late Roman and Hunnic military engagements, and an analysis of the primary and secondary literature. Keywords: Archer, Archery, Army, Arrow, Barbarian, Bow, Burial Assemblages, Byzantine, Collapse, Composite Bow, Frontier, Hun, Logistics, Migration Period, Roman, Roman Empire, Tactics, Weapons Graves ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to thank my thesis advisor, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Dynamics of Religious Ritual: Migration and Adaptation in Early Medieval Britain
    Dynamics of Religious Ritual: Migration and Adaptation in Early Medieval Britain A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Brooke Elizabeth Creager IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Peter S. Wells August 2019 Brooke Elizabeth Creager 2019 © For my Mom, I could never have done this without you. And for my Grandfather, thank you for showing me the world and never letting me doubt I can do anything. Thank you. i Abstract: How do migrations impact religious practice? In early Anglo-Saxon England, the practice of post-Roman Christianity adapted after the Anglo-Saxon migration. The contemporary texts all agree that Christianity continued to be practiced into the fifth and sixth centuries but the archaeological record reflects a predominantly Anglo-Saxon culture. My research compiles the evidence for post-Roman Christian practice on the east coast of England from cemeteries and Roman churches to determine the extent of religious change after the migration. Using the case study of post-Roman religion, the themes religion, migration, and the role of the individual are used to determine how a minority religion is practiced during periods of change within a new culturally dominant society. ii Table of Contents Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………...ii List of Figures ……………………………………………………………………………iv Preface …………………………………………………………………………………….1 I. Religion 1. Archaeological Theory of Religion ...………………………………………………...3 II. Migration 2. Migration Theory and the Anglo-Saxon Migration ...……………………………….42 3. Continental Ritual Practice before the Migration, 100 BC – AD 400 ………………91 III. Southeastern England, before, during and after the Migration 4. Contemporary Accounts of Religion in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries……………..116 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Snorre Sturlesons Yngliga-Saga Öfversatt Och Förklarad. Akademisk
    SNORRE STURLESONS YNGL INGA-SAGA ÖFVERSATT OCII FÖRKLARAD. Akademisk Afhandling som med vidtbeiömda Philosophiska Fakultetens tillstånd och under inseende af m a g . CARL SÄ VE DOCENS I PORNNORD. SPRÅKET för Philosophiska Graden till allmän granskning framställes af CARL NORDBERG NORRL. ä mindre Gustavianska Lärosalen d. 20 Maj 1854. p. v. t. e. in. S. U PPSALA, C. A. LKFFLER. 1854. SATSER FRAMSTÄLLDA AF RESPONDENTEN. 1. Anlingen man antager, att språket i forntiden varit all­ deles enahanda öfver hela den Skandinaviska Norden, eller, att det sönderfallit i flere, från hvarandra skilda och bestämdt utpräglade m unarter, så synes det i hvarje händelse ganska olämpligt a t t , tvärtemot de gamles eget bruk , med benäm­ ningen Isländska utmärka den språkart, hvari, såsom bekant, Nordens märkvärdigaste fornböcker äro aflattade. 2. Då en mängd Svenska ord, ordformer och talesätt ej ur språket i dess närvarande skick kunna tillfredsställande för­ klaras, utan dertill fordras kännedom af det äldre språket, så inser man lätteligen, huru maktpåliggande det är, att äfven detta senare göres till föremål för undervisningen i våra skolor. 3. Först af den härigenom vunna, djupare och allmännare kännedomen af modersmålet, dess art och tillgångar, kan man med något skäl vänta sig en större riktighet och renhet i dess behandling. 4. För det Svenska språkets naturenliga utveckling och rik­ tande, är särskildt en större bekantskap med de till en del så fornåldriga och kärnfriska Landskapsmålen af obestridlig vigt. härberget i det nästa loftet och hans svit med honom. Om natten gick han ut i svalen1, att leta sig ett ställe; han var sömnyr och stupdrucken.
    [Show full text]
  • Scripta Islandica 66/2015
    SCRIPTA ISLANDICA ISLÄNDSKA SÄLLSKAPETS ÅRSBOK 66/2015 REDIGERAD AV LASSE MÅRTENSSON OCH VETURLIÐI ÓSKARSSON under medverkan av Pernille Hermann (Århus) Else Mundal (Bergen) Guðrún Nordal (Reykjavík) Heimir Pálsson (Uppsala) Henrik Williams (Uppsala) UPPSALA, SWEDEN Publicerad med stöd från Vetenskapsrådet. © Författarna och Scripta Islandica 2015 ISSN 0582-3234 Sättning: Ord och sats Marco Bianchi urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-260648 http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-260648 Innehåll LISE GJEDSSØ BERTELSEN, Sigurd Fafnersbane sagnet som fortalt på Ramsundsristningen . 5 ANNE-SOFIE GRÄSLUND, Kvinnorepresentationen på de sen vikinga- tida runstenarna med utgångspunkt i Sigurdsristningarna ....... 33 TERRY GUNNELL, Pantheon? What Pantheon? Concepts of a Family of Gods in Pre-Christian Scandinavian Religions ............. 55 TOMMY KUUSELA, ”Den som rider på Freyfaxi ska dö”. Freyfaxis död och rituell nedstörtning av hästar för stup ................ 77 LARS LÖNNROTH, Sigurður Nordals brev till Nanna .............. 101 JAN ALEXANDER VAN NAHL, The Skilled Narrator. Myth and Scholar- ship in the Prose Edda .................................. 123 WILLIAM SAYERS, Generational Models for the Friendship of Egill and Arinbjǫrn (Egils saga Skallagrímssonar) ................ 143 OLOF SUNDQVIST, The Pre-Christian Cult of Dead Royalty in Old Norse Sources: Medieval Speculations or Ancient Traditions? ... 177 Recensioner LARS LÖNNROTH, rec. av Minni and Muninn: Memory in Medieval Nordic Culture, red. Pernille Herrmann, Stephen A. Mitchell & Agnes S. Arnórsdóttir . 213 OLOF SUNDQVIST, rec. av Mikael Males: Mytologi i skaldedikt, skaldedikt i prosa. En synkron analys av mytologiska referenser i medeltida norröna handskrifter .......................... 219 PER-AXEL WIKTORSSON, rec. av The Power of the Book. Medial Approaches to Medieval Nordic Legal Manuscripts, red. Lena Rohrbach ............................................ 225 KIRSTEN WOLF, rev.
    [Show full text]
  • Germania TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 16 TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 17
    TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 15 Part I Germania TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 16 TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 17 1 Land and People The Land The heartland of the immense area of northern Europe occupied by the early Germanic peoples was the great expanse of lowland which extends from the Netherlands to western Russia. There are no heights here over 300 metres and most of the land rises no higher than 100 metres. But there is considerable variety in relief and soil conditions. Several areas, like the Lüneburg Heath and the hills of Schleswig-Holstein, are diverse in both relief and landscape. There was until recent times a good deal of marshy ground in the northern parts of the great plain, and a broad belt of coastal marshland girds it on its northern flank. Several major rivers drain the plain, the Ems, Weser and Elbe flowing into the North Sea, the Oder and the Vistula into the Baltic. Their broad valleys offered attrac- tive areas for early settlement, as well as corridors of communication from south to north. The surface deposits on the lowland largely result from successive periods of glaciation. A major influence on relief are the ground moraines, comprising a stiff boulder clay which produces gently undu- lating plains or a terrain of small, steep-sided hills and hollows, the latter often containing small lakes and marshes, as in the area around Berlin. Other features of the relief are the hills left behind by terminal glacial moraines, the sinuous lakes which are the remains of melt-water, and the embayments created by the sea intruding behind a moraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Cgpt1; MAGNA GERMANIA; CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY BOOK 2, CHAPTER 10; FACT OR FICTION
    cgPt1; MAGNA GERMANIA; CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY BOOK 2, CHAPTER 10; FACT OR FICTION SYNOPSIS The locations of some +8000 settlements and geographical features are included within the text of Claudius Ptolemy‟s „Geographia‟. To control the text and ensure readers understood the methodology there-in utilised it is evident that Claudius Ptolemy determined a strict order and utilisation of the information he wished to disseminate. That strict methodology is maintained through the first 9 chapters of Book 2, but the 10th chapter breaks all of the rules that had been established. Chapters 11 to 15 then return to the established pattern. Magna Germania was basically unknown territory and in such a situation Claudius Ptolemy was able to ignore any necessity to guess thus leaving an empty landscape as is evinced in Book 3, chapter 5, Sarmatian Europe. Why in an unknown land there are 94 settlements indicated in Germania when the 3 provinces of Gallia have only a total of 114 settlements, is a mystery? And, why does Claudius Ptolemy not attribute a single settlement to a tribal group? It appears there are other factors at play, which require to be investigated. BASIC PTOLEMY When analysing a map drawn from the data provided by Claudius Ptolemy it is first necessary to ensure that it is segregated into categories. Those are; 1) reliable information i.e. probably provided via the Roman Army Cosmographers and Geometres; 2) the former information confirmed or augmented by various itineraries or from Bematists; 3) the possibility of latitudinal measurements from various settlements (gnomon ratios); 4) basic travellers tales with confirmed distances „a pied‟; 5) basic sailing distances along coastlines and those which can be matched to land distances; 6) guesses made by travellers who did not actually record the days travelled but only the length of time for the overall journey; 7) obscure references from ancient texts which cannot be corroborated.
    [Show full text]
  • Turbulent and Mighty Continent
    one Eu rope: Turbulent and Mighty Continent G reece was dying in the summer of 2013, and the drama around the event was as poignant as anything Sophocles has written. I was in Athens to deliver some lectures, but I was witnessing, if press reports were to be believed, what appeared to be the imminent downfall of the cradle of Western civilization and the disturbing inertia toward its plight displayed by the rest of the Eu ro pean family of nations. The pillars of a functioning state were shaking: inflation, unemployment, and the national debt were out of control, and law and order on the verge of collapse. The dying pro­ cess was confirmed when one day state TV was abruptly and in def initely suspended as employees could no longer receive their salaries. The last straw was the steady trickle of desperate refugees arriving from North Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia swelling the ranks of those impoverished mi grants already pres ent. Squeezed by the economic crisis, the traditionally hospitable Greeks vented their frustrations at the unend­ ing numbers of refugees and immigrants as they sought aid and refuge; and the greater the economic woes, the greater the popularity of the Far Right parties and the more extreme their rhe toric of hate. Groups like the Golden Dawn, with their swastika-­like emblem, were parading about dressed up as faux-­Nazis, giving Nazi salutes, and even displaying pictures of Adolf Hitler. Their target this time around was the mainly Muslim refugee and immigrant community. Their message was simple and effective, and it was influencing how people thought about the subject: Muslims were not part of Eu ro pean identity, nor had they contributed anything to Western civili­ zation.
    [Show full text]
  • Bullard Eva 2013 MA.Pdf
    Marcomannia in the making. by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Greek and Roman Studies Eva Bullard 2013 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee Marcomannia in the making by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 Supervisory Committee Dr. John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member During the last stages of the Marcommani Wars in the late second century A.D., Roman literary sources recorded that the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius was planning to annex the Germanic territory of the Marcomannic and Quadic tribes. This work will propose that Marcus Aurelius was going to create a province called Marcomannia. The thesis will be supported by archaeological data originating from excavations in the Roman installation at Mušov, Moravia, Czech Republic. The investigation will examine the history of the non-Roman region beyond the northern Danubian frontier, the character of Roman occupation and creation of other Roman provinces on the Danube, and consult primary sources and modern research on the topic of Roman expansion and empire building during the principate. iv Table of Contents Supervisory Committee .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
    Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths.
    [Show full text]