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A Year of Two Elections Written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017
A Year of Two Elections written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017 Victor flew into the tackle, blocking the opponent’s shot at goal. Shouts of praise went up from the fans and substitutes standing on the touch-line. “Sawa Victor!” (“Nice Victor!”). “Asanta Victor!” (“Thank you Victor!”). “Huyu mluhya huyo!” (“This one’s a Luhya that one!”). The last phrase caught my attention. Spoken emphatically by his team-mate John Kamau – a 19-year-old striker who likes to compare himself to his footballing hero, Chelsea attacker Eden Hazard – it was both an ardent declaration of Victor’s Luhya ethnicity and his dogged contribution to the team. Victor, 21 years-old and stockily built, had been leading the line all afternoon, chasing long balls looped over the top of the opposition defence by his 1 of 10 teammates and withstanding several poorly time tackles that had left him lying on the floor in agony on each occasion. Star Boyz, Victor’s team, were 3-1 up and on their way to a first victory in three games. His performance had been instrumental to the win. Given this context, one might better translate Kamau’s words of praise as: “He’s a special Luhya, this guy!” For the last five months I had been training with Star Boyz, a local football team comprised of players aged between 18 and 28 from the area of southern, peri- urban Kiambu County where I continue to conduct my PhD fieldwork. Originally a plan to let off some steam alongside a busy timetable of language-learning, training and hanging out with the players of Star Boyz had begun to provide me with new perspectives on masculine sociality and friendship – themes related to my long-standing research interest in the predicament of young men in an era of mass unemployment and underemployment in Africa and beyond. -
Kenya in Crisis
KENYA IN CRISIS Africa Report N°137 – 21 February 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE ELECTION CRISIS ............................................................................................. 2 A. A TIGHT AND TENSE RACE ...................................................................................................2 1. Coalition building ......................................................................................................3 2. The issues...................................................................................................................4 B. THE RIGGING OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ....................................................................6 III. THE SECURITY CRISIS.............................................................................................. 9 A. PROTEST AND REPRESSION....................................................................................................9 B. ESCALATION IN THE RIFT VALLEY ......................................................................................10 1. The rise of Kalenjin warriors in the North Rift .......................................................11 2. The return of Mungiki..............................................................................................13 3. Coast Province: the next theatre of violence?..........................................................15 -
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya By Rorisang Lekalake and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 23 | August 2015 Introduction The South African government’s recent refusal to comply with its obligation to detain Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has sparked renewed debate on the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa.1 A number of governments, civil society organisations, and prominent academics have levelled accusations of bias at the ICC, noting that all eight states in which the court is currently intervening are African. Calls for African member states to withdraw from the ICC have often been supported by the argument that a judicial body led by the African Union (AU) would be better placed to fill the role of “court of last resort” on the continent. The AU has called for a unified continental position on the ICC. As Maunganidze and du Plessis (2015) argue, however, African governments’ views on the ICC and its members’ obligations under its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, are not homogenous. As Tladi (2009, p. 57) notes, the growing rift between the ICC and the AU has “placed African states party to the Rome Statute … in the unenviable position of having to choose between their obligation as member states of the AU, on one hand, and their obligations as states party to the Rome Statute, on the other.” Support from African governments was instrumental in the ICC’s formation and survival, and the continent provides the largest regional bloc of states that are party to the Rome Statute. -
Report of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission
REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION The Government should immediately carry out counselling services, especially to those who lost their entire families to avoid mental breakdown. It is not too late to counsel the victims because they have not undergone any counselling at all. The community also seeks an apology from the Government, the reason being that the Government was supposed to protect its citizens yet it allowed its security forces to violently attack them and, therefore, perpetrated gross violation of their rights. Anybody who has been My recommendation to this Government is that it should involved in the killing address the question of equality in this country. We do of Kenyans, no matter not want to feel as if we do not belong to this country. We what position he holds, demand to be treated the same just like any other Kenyan in should not be given any any part of this country. We demand for equal treatment. responsibility. Volume IV KENYA REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Volume IV © Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, 2013 This publication is available as a pdf on the website of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (and upon its dissolution, on the website of its successor in law). It may be copied and distributed, in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), Kenya ISBN: 978-9966-1730-3-4 Design & Layout by Noel Creative Media Limited, Nairobi, Kenya His Excellency President of the Republic of Kenya Nairobi 3 May 2013 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL By Gazette Notice No. -
Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION ......................................................................................................... -
Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Second Health Strategic and Investment Plan (Chsip Ii)
MOMBASA COUNTY of HealthDepartment Services SECOND HEALTH STRATEGIC AND INVESTMENT PLAN (CHSIP II) 2018 – 2022 A Healthy and Productive Community Abridged Version August 2018 CONTENTS CONTENTS ii ABBREVIATIONS iii LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES 6 Foreword 7 Acknowledgment 8 Executive Summary 9 1 COUNTY INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW 1 1.1 About Mombasa County ........................................................................................................ 1 1.2 Population Demographics...................................................................................................... 3 1.3 County Health Sector............................................................................................................. 3 1.4 Purpose of the Second County Health Sector Strategic and Investment Plan (CHSIP II) 2018-2022 .............................................................................................................................. 4 1.5 County Performance Management Framework ..................................................................... 5 1.6 The Planning Process............................................................................................................. 6 1.7 Mission, Vision and Values ................................................................................................... 7 2 SITUATION ANALYSIS 8 2.1 Summary of County Health Sector Performance 2013/14 – 2017/18 ................................... 8 2.2 Situation Analysis ................................................................................................................. -
Parliament of Kenya the Senate
October 15, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Tuesday, 15th October, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Do we have a quorum? (The Speaker consulted the Clerk-at-the Table) I am informed we have a quorum. Let us commence business. ADMINISTRATION OF OATH Sen. Mbuvi: Mr. Speaker, Sir, may I introduce to the House the newly nominated Senator, Njoroge Ben, from The National Alliance Party (TNA), under the Jubilee Coalition, which is the ruling Coalition in the Republic of Kenya. Sen. Njoroge is ready to take the Oath of Office. The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Let us proceed. The Oath of Allegiance was administered to:- Njoroge Ben (Applause) Sen. Ong’era: Mr. Speaker, Sir, may I present to you the newly nominated Member of the Senate, Omondi Godliver Nanjira. Godliver is from the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), as you know, the most popular party in Kenya. (Laughter) Hon. Senators: Ndiyo! Wambie. The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Proceed. Disclaimer: The electronic version of the Senate Hansard Report is for information purposes only. A certified version of this Report can be obtained from the Hansard Editor, Senate. October 15, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 2 The Oath of Allegiance was administered to:- Omondi Godliver Nanjira (Applause) The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Hon. Senators, as Sen. Nanjira is settling down, I would like us to give them a round of applause in our usual way. -
Hansard Report Is for Information Purposes Only
June 23, 2020 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THE HANSARD Tuesday, 23rd June, 2020 The House met at 10.00 a.m. [The Deputy Speaker (Hon. Moses Cheboi) in the Chair] PRAYERS Hon. Deputy Speaker: Hon. Members, you know it is not very easy now to confirm the quorum. That is because we also have to know the number of Members who are in other holding areas. So, we will allow a few more members to come in and then we can make the final confirmation. Order Members, it is now confirmed that we have the required quorum and, therefore, business will begin. COMMUNICATION FROM THE CHAIR CHANGES IN THE MAJORITY PARTY LEADERSHIP Hon. Members, Standing Order 19(1) provides leeway for the largest party or coalition of parties in the National Assembly to elect a Member of the party or coalition of parties to serve as the Leader of the Majority Party. Further, Standing Order 19(3) outlines the procedure for removal of a Leader of the Majority Party. In this regard, Hon. Members, and pursuant to the provision of Standing Order 19(4), I wish to inform the House that I have received a letter from the Majority Party Chief Whip communicating that the Jubilee Coalition held a Parliamentary Group meeting on June 22nd, 2020 at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre (KICC). The letter also conveys that, the Meeting, which comprised of Members of the Coalition in the National Assembly and chaired by the Party Leader, His Excellency the President of the Republic of Kenya and Commander-in-Chief of the Kenya Defence Forces – (i) removed Hon. -
Ethnicity, Governance and Socio – Economic Development in Africa: a Case Study of Kenya and Its Luo Community, 1963 – 2013
ETHNICITY, GOVERNANCE AND SOCIO – ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA: A CASE STUDY OF KENYA AND ITS LUO COMMUNITY, 1963 – 2013 ALBERT GORDON OTIENO OMULO STUDENT NUMBER: 3523464 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor Philosophiae in Public Policy and Administration, in the School of Government, University of the Western Cape Supervisor: Senior Professor John J. Williams November 2017 KEYWORDS Ethnicity Governance Development Africa Kenya Luo Nyanza Globalists Kenyatta Odinga ii http://etd.uwc.ac.za ABSTRACT “Ethnicity” and disparate group-based socio-economic development make governance in Africa problematic. Despite this existential reality, the “ethnic” question in African governance remains, largely, only the subject of general discourse. There appears to be very little rigorous scholarship on the economic and socio-cultural dimensions related to the socio-historical construct, “ethnicity”. Similarly, attempts to explain why African political culture, in general, continues to encourage the social reproduction of “ethnic” identities also appear to be largely lacking. This thesis aims to fill some of the gaps existent in scholarship of ethnicity vis-à-vis socio-economic- cultural development by examining the antagonism between the Luo community and the Kenyan state. Its main objectives are to examine the specifics of the socio-economic consequences of the political marginalization of the Luo and to explain why “ethnicity” is, seemingly, strongly correlated with the crisis of state power in Kenya. This thesis is grounded on the following two major assertions: first, that “ethnicity”, like its correlative, “race”, is an ideological concept, devoid of any scientific substance; second, that “ethnicity” is an “exogenous construct”, imposed on aboriginal people of Africa mostly by European colonizers. -
Kieni Constituency 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface…………………………………………………………………….. i 1. District Context………………………………………………………… 1 1.1. Demographic characteristics………………………………….. 1 1.2. Socio-economic Profile………………………………………….. 1 2. Constituency Profile………………………………………………….. 1 2.1. Demographic characteristics………………………………….. 1 2.2. Socio-economic Profile………………………………………….. 2 2.3. Electioneering and Political Information……………………. 2 2.4. 1992 Election Results…………………………………………… 2 2.5. 1997 Election Results…………………………………………… 2 2.6. 1998 By-Election Results………………………………………. 3 2.7. Main problems……………………………………………………. 3 3. Constitution Making/Review Process…………………………… 3 3.1. Constituency Constitutional Forums (CCFs)………………. 3 3.2. District Coordinators……………………………………………. 5 4. Civic Education………………………………………………………… 6 4.1. Phases covered in Civic Education 4.2. Issues and Areas Covered 6 6 5. Constituency Public Hearings……………………………………… 7 5.1. Logistical Details…………………………………………………. 5.2. Attendants Details……………………………………………….. 7 5.3. Concerns and Recommendations…………………………….. 8 8 Appendices 41 1. DISTRICT CONTEXT Kieni constituency is situated in Nyeri district. 1.1. Demographic Characteristics Male Female Total District Population 322,521 338,635 661,156 Total District Population of 18 years of Age & 160,053 156,533 316,586 Below Total District Population of 19 years of Age & 162,468 182,102 344,570 Above Population Density (persons/Km2) 197 1.2. Socio-Economic Profile Nyeri district: • Has the fourth lowest absolute poverty level in the country (31.05%). • Is the third richest district in central province. • Is the second most populous district in central province and the seventh most populous district in the country. • Has the lowest unemployment rate in central province (5%), ranking ninth countrywide. • Has the second highest secondary school enrolment in the country at 46.5%. • Has the second largest average constituency size in central province • Has six members of parliament who represent about 110,193 people each 2.