HOW DECENT CAMP CONDITIONS AND REFUGEES’ BASIC NEEDS FULFILLMENT LEAD TO BELONGING AND COOPERATION: A CASE STUDY OF REFUGEE CAMPS IN LESVOS, GREECE

ANNELISE MECCA

@ Copyright by Annelise Mecca, 2018, All Rights Reserved

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How Decent Camp Conditions and Refugees’ Basic Needs Fulfillment Lead to Belonging and Cooperation:

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A Case Study of Refugee Camps in Lesvos, Greece

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in International Development Studies Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam – Amsterdam

By Annelise Mecca (11182229), [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Olga Nieuwenhuys Second Reader: Word Count: 26,500 January 2018

iii Home, by Warsan Shire no one leaves home unless the boat because you are darker, be sold, home is the mouth of a shark. starved, shot at the border like a sick animal, be pitied, lose your name, lose your family, you only run for the border make a refugee camp a home for a year or two when you see the whole city or ten, running as well. stripped and searched, find prison everywhere and if you survive and you are greeted on the your neighbours running faster other side than you, the boy you went to school with with go home blacks, refugees who kissed you dizzy behind dirty immigrants, asylum seekers the old tin factory is sucking our country dry of milk, holding a gun bigger than his body, dark, with their hands out you only leave home smell strange, savage - when home won't let you stay. look what they've done to their own countries, what will they do to ours? no one would leave home unless home chased you, fire under feet, the dirty looks in the street hot blood in your belly. softer than a limb torn off, the indignity of everyday life it's not something you ever thought about more tender than fourteen men who doing, and so when you did - look like your father, between you carried the anthem under your breath, your legs, insults easier to swallow waiting until the airport toilet than rubble, than your child's body to tear up the passport and swallow, in pieces - for now, forget about pride each mouthful of paper making it clear that your survival is more important. you would not be going back. i want to go home, but home is the mouth of a you have to understand, shark no one puts their children in a boat home is the barrel of the gun unless the water is safer than the land. and no one would leave home unless home chased you to the shore who would choose to spend days unless home tells you to and nights in the stomach of a truck leave what you could not behind, unless the miles travelled even if it was human. meant something more than journey. no one leaves home until home no one would choose to crawl under fences, is a damp voice in your ear saying be beaten until your shadow leaves you, leave, run now, i don't know what raped, then drowned, forced to the bottom of i've become.

iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

While I alone am responsible for the data collection, writing, and ideas within this thesis, it’s completion is nonetheless the outcome of many incredible minds and willing hearts contributing to the process. However heartbreaking the cause or need for this type of research, just as heartwarming is the good that aid workers, refugees, government officials and researchers are trying to bring forward.

To begin, I wish to thank the 15 young refugees whom, with complete trust and even friendship, opened themselves up to me, sharing personal stories in detail, and exposing what I would think to be the most vulnerable parts of themselves. It is they who demonstrated how even in the toughest of circumstances, it is still possible to give oneself to others and expect little in return. It is also they who taught me to appreciate the positive pieces in an overall complicated or negative pie of a day, week, month, or in their cases, year. Although the words of these fifteen men and women appear in the text of this thesis, my writing is a product of countless stories from and experiences with people of all ages and many countries.

These experiences were possible thanks to the management of Kara Tepe Hospitality of Lesvos, specifically by the permission of the camp manager, Stavros Miragiannis, as well as the director of Because We Carry, Steffi De Pous, and the many coordinators, volunteers, and refugee volunteers who believed in my mission and that I would be able to carry it out to the protection and ultimately, benefit of everyone involved. To the manager of One Happy Family, Fabian Bracher, thank you for allowing me to not only volunteer at the community center, but putting your trust enough in me to carry out research on the premises and encounter individuals from different camps, varying housing situations on the island, and from all walks of life. A special thank you goes to Lauren (Do) Lavoo and Elies Van Willenswaard of Because We Carry for continuously believing in me and keeping me on track on a weekly basis. This opportunity, which grew into much more than I could have imagined, is majorly due to your faith in my ability and intentions.

I am extremely grateful to Dr. Olga Nieuwenhuys, my supervisor, for her patience with me, her continued support through many ups and downs and a few 180 degree turns in the process, and of course, her carefully crafted and thoughtful critical feedback. Her experience not only in research but in life, influenced me in a profound way, and made her guidance incredibly helpful.

I would also so very much like to thank my field advisor, Fahrinisa Oswald, for introducing me to the ins and outs of the refugee situation in Greece, for showing me what you have learned, for sharing your many experiences both in life and through stories, and for guiding me from start to finish, as a trusted advisor and also as a friend. Your patience is endless, your demeanor is cool, and your nonchalance in the face of adversity is inspiring. Forever, thank you.

I wish to thank the University of Amsterdam’s Graduate School of Social Sciences who gave me the opportunity to enroll in such an enriching program as the Master of International Development Studies. The education provided in the classroom, which was incredibly valuable, was eclipsed by the unimaginable experience of carrying out fieldwork; I am grateful for the time spent by professors and guest speakers on teaching me all I needed to know to successfully carry out research and build a solid thesis. Without the dedication of my professors, I would not have had the knowledge base or confidence to take on such a feat; a big thanks goes to Esther Miedema from the start and Courtney Vegelin through to the end. I am very grateful to the consistent and tireless guidance of my student advisor, Eva Van Der Sleen, who kept things smooth through many transitions. Now more than ever, I appreciate the rare opportunity to receive such quality education and freedom to learn and grow as I so choose.

v Finally, I wish to thank my family for their unwavering support and dedication to my education, my freedom, and emotional well-being. It is because of my parents that I have the desire to fly to great heights and know that if ever I need to come down, I can rely on the push I need to rise again.

This thesis is dedicated to my readers. May these words inspire you to seek out opposing views, step into the uncomfortable, and to know difference and embrace it. In doing so, may you experience friendship with people unlike yourself, compassion in even the darkest places, and hope where there seemingly is none.

Amsterdam, January 2018

vi ABSTRACT

Due to the ongoing and ever-changing nature of current refugee crisis caused by conflict in the Middle East, there is little research on improving conditions for refugees stranded in Greece. Currently, there are more than 7,000 refugees on Lesvos alone, facing varying degrees of needs fulfillment. There are marked differences in the demeanor, attitudes, concerns, and well-being of the refugees who are living in Kara Tepe Hospitality Center versus those of the refugees living in Moria. This study demonstrates how these differences are cause for a difference in the individuals’ ability and desire to negotiate love and belonging, and therefore, their (in)ability to work in cohesion with NGO’s present in the camp. The data, which was collected through participant observation and open-ended interviews, categorizes the refugees into two different groups – refugees experiencing good camp conditions and the fulfillment of basic needs as well as the feelings of safety and security, and refugees experiencing poor camp conditions, causing a lack of basic needs fulfillment and a lack of safety and security. According to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, basic needs must be fulfilled before secondary needs fulfillment can become a focus or a possibility. The degrees to which basic and secondary needs are fulfilled have a direct correlation to the cohesion of refugees and NGO’s. Further, this relationship is relevant in distinguishing the success of NGO-refugee cooperation and the existence of a mutually beneficial relationship, i.e. refugees volunteering with NGO’s successfully. The findings of this study may be used as a guideline for new or current refugee camps to improve conditions and cohesion within.

Keywords: Greece, refugees, Lesvos, Moria, humanitarian crisis, Maslow

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v ABSTRACT vii ACRONYMS x LIST OF FUGIRES xi LIST OF TABLES xi LIST OF MAPS xi INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK & LITERATURE 6 I. MASLOW’S HIERARCHY OF NEEDS 7 II. THE POLITICS OF BELONGING 8 III. BELONGING WHEN SETTLED, NEEDS MET 9 IV. BELONGING WHEN SEMI-SETTLED, NEEDS MET 12 V. RESIDENT-NGO RELATIONSHIPS AND COLLABORATION 13 VI. THEORY AS IT RELATES TO MY STUDY 13 CHAPTER 2: RESEARCH CONTEXT 16 I. REFUGEES IN GREECE 17 II. REFUGEES IN LESVOS 18 III. BECAUSE WE CARRY 23 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 26 I. RESEARCH QUESTION & SUBQUESTIONS 26 II. EPISTEMOLOGICAL STANCE 27 III. SAMPLING STRATEGY 28 IV. METHODOLOGY 29 V. DATA ANALYSIS 30 VI. ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 31 VII. LIMITATIONS 32 CHAPTER 4: ANALYSIS I – MORIA REFUGEE CAMP 37 I. BASIC NEEDS FULFILLMENT IN MORIA 37 II. SECONDARY NEEDS FULFILLMENT IN MORIA 43 III. BELONGING WITHIN AN NGO: ONE HAPPY FAMILY 46 IV. LACK OF COHESION BETWEEN NGO’s AND REFUGEES 50

viii CHAPTER 5: ANALYSIS II – KARA TEPE REFUGEE CAMP 53 I. BASIC NEEDS FULFILLMENT IN KARA TEPE 54 II. SECONDARY NEEDS FULFILLMENT IN KARA TEPE 58 III. BELONGING WITHIN AN NGO: BECAUSE WE CARRY 60 IV. CONCLUSION 66 CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 67 I. SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS 67 II. ACADEMIC AND SOCIETAL RELEVANCE / FUTURE RESEARCH 69 REFERENCES 70 APPENDIX 76

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ACRONYMS

BWC Because We Carry CBM Community-Based Management EU European Union IOM International Organization for Migration KT Kara Tepe Hospitality Center of the Municipality of Lesvos KTT Kara Tepe Team MHN Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs NGO Nongovernmental Organization OHF One Happy Family UN United Nations UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund 1951 Convention 1951 Refugee Convention relating to the Status of Refugees

x LIST OF FIGURES

FIG. 1: MASLOW’S HIERARCHY OF NEEDS 7

FIG. 2: CONCEPTUAL SCHEME 15

FIG. 3: REFUGEE MIGRATION ROUTE 16

FIG. 4: REFUGEE DEMOGRAPHICS CHART 17

LIST OF TABLES

TAB. 1: KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS 5

TAB. 2: DATA COLLECTION TABLE 77

TAB. 3: INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR REFUGEES 78

TAB. 4: INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR NGO EMPLOYEES 79

TAB. 5: SURVEY GUIDE 80

LIST OF MAPS

MAP 1: LESVOS, SITUATED SW OF TURKEY 19

MAP 2: LESVOS INDICATING REFUGEE SITES 20

MAP 3: SE LESVOS ISLAND 20

xi INTRODUCTION

The Background to the Study

The so called refugee crisis in Europe stems not only from the sheer number of displaced individuals fleeing violence and war over a very short period of time, but also from the unwillingness of the people of Europe to accept these refugees as their own (Pickering, 2005). There exists a fear that, with the many innocent and well-intended refugees, there are also mal- intended men and women looking to slip through the cracks and gain access to European cities and towns once “protected” by their borders (Lathion, 2015). Surges of migration have fueled anti-immigrant rhetoric across Europe and have brought out nationalistic response in many people and political parties. Pickering (2005) argues that through history, refugees, who were once seen as victims of persecutions, have since become tools by which politicians incite ideas of nationalism (p. 187).

Europe was so desperate to ebb the flow of refugees from Turkey into Europe, that it created the EU-Turkey Deal in March of 2016. The purpose of the deal was to essentially pay Turkey to stop the growth of the European refugee crisis and hand everything over to Turkey until the end of conflict in the Middle East – something that is not likely to happen soon. The EU, made up of 28 member states and 510 million people, is capable of absorbing the victims of war, conflict, and persecution coming from countries like Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq, but it does not want to do so. Therefore, the majority of European camps’ conditions are poor purposefully to discourage more people from using smugglers to cross the water into Europe. As I will discuss, these poor camp conditions have short and long-term mental and physical consequences for refugees but also for camp personnel, police, residents of the town, and in the end, the people and government of whichever city the refugees are eventually settled. The lack of basic and secondary needs fulfillment prevalent in camps across Europe are not only a violation of human rights according to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (UNHCR, 2002), which outlines the ways in which host countries are meant to grant refugees freedom, security and basic needs, but it is also reason for so much of the violence in camps, and in turn, xenophobic rhetoric across Europe.

1 The topic was chosen because it is relevant and current and there is a lack of research in this area. It is relevant because it is happening in Europe, and although the individuals who will be studied are in Greece, they are only temporarily so. This topic is current because refugees are arriving in Greece daily and due to the ongoing nature of the situation, the topic is lacking in research in that there is little research focusing on individuals that are in limbo – a state of prolonged displacement.

I spent many weeks talking with people, both refugees and directors/volunteers about my research topic, as well as observing young refugees in different situations in their journeys. Some situations were better than others. Upon visiting Kara Tepe refugee camp, I was given the impression that the residents of this camp fall into the “better” category, as individuals are provided with basic needs and beyond. I went there just to interview the camp manager, but left with the proposal to spend the summer as a researcher for an NGO called Because We Carry, after running into the founder of the Dutch organization at the gate of the camp. I originally began my research with the idea that Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (referred to as MHN moving forward) should be turned on it’s head; I wanted to use the above and beyond work of the NGO’s in Kara Tepe, as well as that of the director and staff of the camp itself, as a way to prove that human connection, love and belonging, are equally as important as food water, shelter, safety and security. In the end, I found that these NGO’s are doing such a stellar job creating community in which refugees feel a sense of belonging and experience love because there is sufficient food, water, and shelter, because refugees don’t have to worry about violence outside their containers, and because there is equality.

Aims of the Study

The aim of this study is to determine the steps necessary in regards to needs fulfillment to create an environment in which refugees work in cooperation with NGO’s present in refugee camps. In order to fulfill this aim, the study can be broken down into three main goals: First, to identify through data collection the primary and secondary needs fulfillment experienced by refugees in two separate refugee camp sites, second, through the lens of MHN, to examine how basic and secondary needs fulfillment impacts the motivation of individuals to negotiate love and belonging, and third, to relate the ability or lack thereof to negotiate love and belonging with the level of cohesion and cooperation between refugees and the NGO’s in operation within the camp.

2 Structure

This thesis is divided into six chapters. In the first chapter, I discuss the theoretical framework of the study, exploring relevant concepts and research that shape the aim of the research summarized in this thesis, including a close look at MHN and how it relates to my study. I also provide a conceptual scheme that outlines and connects these concepts. Chapter two presents the research structure and methodology, including first, the research questions as well as the explanation of the ontological stance and epistemological assumptions serving as the guide for research methods and sampling strategy during fieldwork and analysis thereafter; and second, the limitations of the study, both expected and unforeseen, and the ethical considerations in research of vulnerable people. The third chapter provides the research context, beginning with an explanation of the refugee situation in Greece, then zeroing in to the situation on Lesvos, and finally, getting a closer look into the workings of Kara Tepe and the NGO’s working within. Chapter four serves as the first analysis, an examination of Moria refugee camp with a specific focus on the fulfillment of basic and secondary needs within the camp and its implications regarding the negotiation of love and belonging that might lead to general camp cohesion and cooperation between refugees and NGO’s. Chapter five’s second analysis similarly examines Kara Tepe refugee camp and the same aspects of the site and implications regarding needs fulfillment. The thesis concludes with chapter six, a summary of the findings, the explanation of the academic and societal relevance of the study, and suggestions for implementation and future research.

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Key Terms and Definitions

Refugee In line with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the use of the word ‘refugee’ refers to someone who has “been forced to flee his or her country because of persecution, war, and violence” for fear of their safety and livelihood. Reasons for this fear include race, nationality, religion, and political stance (UNHCR, 2017a).

The men and women discussed in this thesis are all registered with UNHCR and therefore waiting to be officially considered refugees.

Asylum seeker When individuals flee their home country for fear of persecution or death and seek refuge in another country, they may apply for asylum, wishing to receive protection from the host country and eventually identification papers to work and live in the country. A person who has claimed asylum under the 1951 United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees and not yet been granted refugee status, is an asylum seeker.

The participants of this study are registered asylum seekers and will not be deported while awaiting processing by the Greek authorities. If the asylum seeker is not recognized as a refugee in need of protection, the migrant may be deported back to their country.

Refugee camp Temporary accommodation for people who have fled their home countries because of persecution or violence. Camps are constructed in emergency situations to house the most vulnerable people, and allow for the distribution of UN aid.

Refugee crisis The influx of refugees is the highest since World War II, and due to the overwhelming numbers arriving in economically weak countries like Greece, which is an EU Member State, there is widespread anxiety about the handling of these migrants.

Regulation (EU) The purpose of the regulation is to “determine which State is responsible for No. 604/2013 examining an asylum application – normally the State where the asylum ‘Dublin seeker first entered the EU – and to make sure that each claim gets a fair Regulation’ examination in one Member State” (UNHCR, 2017c). This means that since all refugees coming from Turkey by way of sea land in Greece, Greece is the member state responsible for processing their asylum applications.

EU-Turkey Deal Enacted on March 20, 2016, this $3 billion deal was meant to restrict the influx of migration into Europe across land and sea. The EU put aside the money for Turkey to host refugees from Syria. Although the numbers arriving

4 in Greece from Turkey have decreased dramatically, people are still arriving on the islands by boat every day.

European The EU is an economic and political union of 28 countries, or member states. Union The population of the EU is approximately 510 million (Europa, 2017).

1951 Refugee The 1951 Convention, ratified by 145 States defines the term “refugee” and Convention provides an outline of the rights legally warranted to displaced people by the State in which they seek refuge. (UNHCR, 2017b).

Table 1: Key Terms and Definitions

5 Chapter 1

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

In this chapter, I review literature on the topic of the fulfillment of basic and secondary needs specifically related to young displaced people as well as the notion of belonging and how it is created, for the purpose of later analyzing how the negotiation of belonging may work toward the cohesion of NGOs and the communities they serve. This framework is based on Maslow’s Hierarchy of human needs, through which the process of needs fulfillment is outlined. The purpose of this study was originally to determine whether or not Maslow’s Hierarchy can be debunked in the case of refugees in limbo in Greece, however, as the study progressed, it proved to follow closely Maslow’s Hierarchy and in addition, served to discover something else: first basic – food, water, shelter, and sleep – then secondary – safety and security – needs must be met in order for NGOs to work cohesively and create a mutually beneficial and sustainable relationship with the communities they serve.

Through the study of existing research, each relating to my proposed research in some way, I have developed a gap in literature. I will examine Maslow’s Hierarchy as a theory that applies to humans in general (section I), then move into the examination of the negotiation of belonging in two related areas of study: 1) permanently settled refugees with basic needs met, and 2) refugees with impermanent settlement, without basic needs met (section II). The purpose of section II is to examine the motivation behind the negotiation of belonging since the motivation to belong to something and feel included is reason to join the work of an NGO. Next, I will examine situations in which NGOs work side-by-side with members of the community, demonstrating how a mutually beneficial relationship can exist between an NGO and the members of the community in that the NGO provides goods or services to the community, while natives/residents help the NGO better understand the needs of the community and how best to serve it. Finally, I will be brought to the gap in literature, which this study focuses on to examine what can happen when refugees in limbo for several months and/or years are provided with basic needs, with the intention of determining whether or not these individuals (refugees in limbo) negotiate belonging through work with an NGO while in an environment in which their basic needs – which, for the purpose

6 of this study, basic needs are defined as encompassing physiological and safety needs - are being met.

Figure 1: Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs (Source: Maslow, 1943)

I. MASLOW’S HIERARCHY OF NEEDS

MHN, which is often represented in a hierarchical pyramid with five levels (Figure 1), is a theory of motivation that proposes that there are at least five sets of needs, or goals, which humans experience. As seen in Figure 1, these needs include physiological, safety, love/belonging, esteem, and self-actualization. According to Maslow (1943: 394), these needs are hierarchical in that the most prepotent need must be met before a human will have the motivation to fulfill the need of the next level. Therefore, physiological needs – food, water, air, sleep, reproduction – which are the needs required for human survival, are prepotent to all other needs. In the same way, safety – the need for security and protection – is prepotent to the need for love and belonging, as well as esteem and self-actualization. Once one level of needs is fulfilled, an individual will have the motivation for more needs fulfillment, and the next highest need emerges as an active motivator. In this way, "Man is a perpetually wanting animal" (Maslow, 1943: 370). Since my research will focus mainly on the first three levels of MHN, I will refer to basic needs as the first level of needs, the basic physiological needs like food, water, shelter, and sleep, and safety and security as secondary needs. Tertiary needs refer to love/belonging.

While there have been studies that use Maslow’s Hierarchy is a guideline for mental health treatment and integration for newly settled refugees (Maddern, 2004), others have criticized the model, claiming that practical and emotional support is equally as important as primary and

7 secondary needs (Keefe, 2008). Using Maslow as a guide to my study does not mean I claim that practical and emotional support are not as important as primary and secondary needs, but it does mean that I believe Maslow’s theory in that these practical and emotional support needs can only be fulfilled when an individual has the motivation to seek fulfillment. Researchers that criticize the theory tend to only focus on the loose movement between levels of needs, and do not research situations in which there is insufficient fulfillment of basic or secondary needs; the countering studies do not present situations in which individuals are hungry, thirsty, or without shelter at all.

I believe that needs as well as deprivation are relative and elastic, and the level of insufficiency in needs fulfillment felt by the refugees in my study is dependent upon the standard to which they have become accustomed. Since the participants of my research have known a life - pre war or persecution, etc. – with an abundance of food, family nearby, and freedom of movement, this is the standard to which they desire to live. As I will explain in the next section, the feeling of love and belonging is important, especially because it is something that the refugees in my study are accustomed to feeling.

II. THE POLITICS OF BELONGING

I utilize the science of belonging as a theoretical framework, considering the theory to be a means to understanding globalization, migration, and peaceful cohabitation and aiming to discover preventative mechanisms for conflict resulting from lack of empathy, disconnectedness, or isolation. According to Yuval-Davis, there are three major analytical aspects along which belonging is structured: 1) social locations, 2) people’s identifications and emotional attachments to collectives or groups, and 3) ethical and political value systems with which individuals relate their own and others’ belonging (Yuval-Davis, 2011). These distinctions seem helful to understand the politics of belonging among a certain population – refugees in Lesvos, Greece, in limbo between their country of origin and their intended destination for settlement.

Many researchers, including Mark Leary, who examined the negative effects of not belonging and identified seven key negative emotions associated with the threat to acceptance (Leary, 2015), have studied belonging in relation to humans in general. In addition to his viewpoint from the other side of the science of belonging (the science of not belonging), Leary teamed up with Baumeister to hypothesize about the human need to form and maintain lasting interpersonal relationships with other humans, claiming that humans are “naturally driven toward establishing and sustaining belongingness” (Baumeister & Leary, 1995: 499), or that the need to belong is

8 innate. Basic psychology explores the human need for belonging through Maslow’s Hierarchy of Human Needs, with love/belonging falling in the middle, after psychological and safety needs, and before esteem and self-actualization (Maslow, 1968). Just as prevalent in psychology studies is the famous words of John Donne (1975), “No man is an island.” Each of these claims by researchers are important to my research question because they suggest that refugee camps can and should be environments in which mutually beneficial relationships and cohesiveness between NGO’s and refugees exist.

III. LOVE/BELONGING WHEN SETTLED AND NEEDS ARE MET

Now that the importance of belonging as well as where it falls in MHN, has been discussed, the next step is to consider situations in which belonging has been examined in situations of relevance. In this section I discuss past research related to resettled refugees situated in an environment where basic needs are met, and how these individuals negotiate belonging within that environment. Valentine, Sporton, & Nielsen (2009) seek to advance understanding in the realm of belonging in relation to integration policy for refugees and asylum seekers by collecting data from two scenarios of a similar group of refugees in two different countries. Somali refugees of the early 21st century make up the sample group in both the UK and in Denmark. While the Somali refugees in the study are aged similarly (12-18 years) and all migrated at a very young age, distinguishing factors between sample groups are the histories of migration in the host countries- specifically Somali migration- and the differing policy in practice in these countries. In both parts – or setting, in the UK and in Denmark - of the study, researchers seek to grasp how young Somalis negotiate belonging and how they position themselves within a society with strong racialized social constructs. The study seeks to understand how and why these individuals define what it means to be Somali, Muslim, and British/Danish as they do.

The findings of this study point to heavy influence of both integration policy and social constructs on the way young refugees negotiate belonging. While Denmark purposely spreads refugees amongst many areas around the country and has strict practices that include a three-year language and culture integration process, the UK has a greater concentration of Somali refugees in one place, allowing them to form their own community of people in similar situations that share similar histories. In other words, while Denmark pushes refugees to become Danish: “Somalis in Sheffield feel that they belong in the UK because they feel secure in their local community without necessarily being included in, or self-identifying with, the nation” (Valentine, Sporton, & Nielsen, 2009: 246).

9 The study suggests that Somali refugees in Denmark, where there was a large push to assimilate to Danish culture, felt a sense of belonging within their religions because their religious identity was more stable than their national identity; since they were unable to hold onto Somali language and traditions, yet they were not quite perceived as Danish by the native Danish people, they didn’t exactly belong to either group (Valentine, Sporton, & Nielsen, 2009: 243). In the UK, on the other hand, Somalis held on strongly to religion as a way to stay connected with their Somali roots. Policy in the UK did not push them to conform, but instead placed refugees in large numbers together, allowing them to create a community of Somalis within the greater community. Still, their sense of belonging was neither fully within the British identity nor Somali identity, because, as this study offers, “it is not enough to claim a self-identity; rather, belonging requires that an identity is recognised or accepted as such by a wider community of practice”(Valentine, Sporton, & Nielsen, 2009: 238). With the claim that a sense of belonging relies not only on self-identity, but also the perceived and socially accepted identity, in mind, it is reasonable to understand why religion plays a role in belonging for many refugees, however varied in its role.

Practicing Muslim faith traditions and habits provides stability in an unstable environment. While social norms and traditions of host countries differ from those of the country of origin, religion is stable throughout and practiced in some capacity. In this way, refugees have the power to keep something the same while all else changes. Aziza, a fourteen-year-old refugee in Denmark frames it as followed; “I think that this is the most important to me, that I'm a Muslim. It doesn't matter where you come from, whether you are Somali or Danish or whatever you are as long as you're Muslim and believe in Islam'' (Valentine, Sporton, & Nielsen, 2009: 239). The study suggests that a sense of belonging can be “built not out of an attachment to the nation, but, rather, from complex webs of emotion and identification … that span local and transnational scales” (Valentine, Sporton, & Nielsen, 2009: 239).

The authors not only explore the role of Muslim faith in the lives of refugees, but also discuss the implications of language use, suggesting that language may have an impact on how child refugees negotiate belonging and with which group they identify, using phrases like “you are what you speak, and what you speak is where you are” (p. 242). According to the researchers, young refugees choose to speak languages that they feel belongs to the context in which they are in, and the group with whom they should identify. Somali refugees in Denmark are highly encouraged to speak Danish and therefore feel that if Danish is the language of choice, they will have a higher chance of being accepted in the Danish community and possibly viewed as Danish more than as

10 Somali (Valentine et al, 2008: 242). This relationship between language and negotiating belonging will be helpful in my research as I discover if refugee minors in Greece use language to negotiate belonging. Other studies have suggested that despite choice in language use and the practice of religion, some aspects of belonging are not shaped by the individual, but also by society.

I now move to Schmitt (2010), who explores how young refugees negotiate belonging not only through factors related to citizenship, like membership, rights, and duties, but also based on social constructs in their environment. Young people are not only actors in their own story, but also reliant on acceptance by adults into a group (Schmitt, 2010). Schmitt (2010) points to earlier research by Lister (2008) by saying, “children can make their claim to be members of the citizen- community through active participation in it; but in order to be able to participate they first need to be accepted as members of the citizen-community” (Lister, 2008: 11). Schmitt adapts Lister’s notions and argues that belonging, or membership in a certain group, is negotiated by “young people as societal actors, rather than objects of political and educational projects” (2010:175). In other words, individuals shape society and society shapes individuals. This study is relevant to my research as it suggests that socially constructed environments can shape the way that young people negotiate belonging, and that the way they do so is not just reliant on their own decisions, but also on the social constructs of the communities in which they find themselves; since the environment in which the participants of my study find themselves is unstable and temporary, it will be interesting to see how environment is shaping the ways in which they do or do not negotiate belonging. It will be important to identify and understand the already developed social constructs of the refugee community in Greece – how and if refugees are perceived, welcomed, considered - as well as those being developed by the refugees themselves.

Also, Kebede believes that identity is a social process, not an individual one. He takes the analysis a step further by suggesting that identity is an ever-forming entity, socially constructed by an ever-changing world because, “Identity formation […] is a social process rather than an individual one because it sees the ‘self’ as always being embedded in society” (Kebede, 2010: 7). I take this to mean that the author is suggesting that there is no sense of self or identity without a sense of belonging to a society or group within the society, and therefore, society has a great influence on the formation of self and identity.

As said, the studies above are about young refugees whose basic needs being met, and who have settled in the country in which they have been granted asylum. In my research, all refugees are

11 unsettled in camps meant to be temporary, and I explore the different variations of needs fulfillment searching to determine how individuals negotiate belonging with or without their basic and secondary needs met. My study also varies with regard to language and citizen community, the areas in which the studies have shown young refugees negotiate belonging. Since the sample population of my study – young refugees who are waiting for processing and to move on from Greece – are not settled, and have no intention of settling permanently in Greece, language and citizenship may or may not play significant roles in their lives.

IV. LOVE/BELONGING WHEN SEMI-SETTLED AND NEEDS ARE MET

The following section will discuss the ways in which refugees who are semi-settled because they live in refugee camps without the immediate intention to leave negotiate a sense of belonging in their state of prolonged displacement. An important consideration when trying to trace back the feeling of belonging for a displaced minor is education – both formal and informal. Fincham (2012) seeks to challenge the notion that school is the main source of education when it comes to the formation of nationalism, claiming that particularly in the situation of refugees or stateless individuals, “school becomes ‘decentered’ as the most important learning site for young people, as it often represents a state or authority structure that they do not recognize or with which they do not identify” (pg. 304). Fincham gives the example of Palestinians in Lebanon, who live years in exile and attend schools through which testing is carried out to Lebanese standards. According to Fincham and her research, the UNRWA- run schools and camps create a sense of belonging by creating a sense of “difference” between “Palestinians” and “Others” (p. 307). In other words, “In order to know who we are, we must first know who we are not” (p. 307). While the sample population in this study is young refugees, it is different from my intended research population in that they are unsettled, or in a non-permanent refugee camp, but are not attempting to go elsewhere. These claims demonstrate the importance of carrying out research through diverse channels when studying how individuals cultivate a sense of belonging.

Somalis in a Kenyan refugee camp utilize religion and a collectivist culture to negotiate belonging within their state of prolonged displacement (Horst, 2006). According to Horst, Somali refugees have strong ties with family and friends living elsewhere, and therefore, their social network is very important to them. With connections to other Somalis, these refugees are able to cultivate a sense of belonging by maintaining their personal connections and Somali traditions and religion (Horst, 2006).

12 Fincham’s and Horst’s studies do not apply, as said, to refugees that are in a state of limbo between their country of origin and their intended final destination, as is the situation of the sample population of my intended research. But the results of their research highlight ways in which refugees may negotiate belonging that may relate to findings of my intended study particularly with respect to formal and informal education (Finchman, 2012) and diaspora and social networks (Horst, 2006).

V. RESIDENT-NGO RELATIONSHIPS AND COLLABORATION

Community-based management is not a new concept. However, most instances of CBM involve the preservation of natural resources, and the goal of non-profit organizations is to teach the locals how to preserve and maintain their own resources with the initial help of outside funding and/or training. An example of one such project is the use of community-based fishery management in the Philippines (Yang, & Pomeroy, 2017). Unlike resource management, the management and governance of humans is greatly complicated by circumstance, cultural difference, and a range of unlimited factors. For the purpose of my research, it is best to examine a rare case in which refugees are involved in a CBM; Burmese refugees in Thailand, 1984. In one year, 10,000 refugees crossed the border to Thailand in search of refuge and managed their own camp; “Villagers fled their homes as whole communities, negotiated land with local Thaiauthorities and established themselves in camps around their traditional village leaders” (Thompson, 2008). This situation worked well for years with community-run schools, medical clinics, governance, etc., but did not succeed in the end. As the situation in Burma escalated and refugees were no longer safe in the camps and had to either protect themselves within the camps, or move elsewhere in Thailand, where unaccustomed to having to integrate, they met with an unfamiliar way of life. This case demonstrates how, if aided with resources, refugees are capable of managing themselves, but that success may only be fleeting in long-term situations. It also differs from my research in that refugees in Greece come from many different countries and cultures near and far, and do not arrive in already-made government structures. The camps in Lesvos are also built as temporary entities originally meant only to house individuals for days - maybe months - not years.

VI. THEORY AS IT RELATES TO MY STUDY

In sum, there is a gap in literature at the crossroads of the study of belonging, MHN, and all of the aforementioned studies. It has proven impossible to find literature that examines a case of

13 refugees kept in temporary camps (unsettled) with infrastructures successfully providing basic and secondary needs fulfillment and an environment that fosters a sense of belonging within a mutually beneficial relationship between NGO’s and community members. I have explored literature explaining how permanently settled refugees negotiate belonging within their new communities, how semi-settled refugees negotiate belonging within multi-generational camps and settlements, and how displaced people are capable of self-managing given minimal aid. Each of the studies read, however, do not fit the situation of Lesvos, Greece and the thousands of refugees waiting for processing in temporary camps. I intend to provide data that proves that with the help of aid and guidance in fulfilling basic and secondary needs, NGO’s like Because We Carry can successfully integrate CBM, or a situation in with refugees share responsibilities with the NGO and therefore multiple parties balance out the knowledge base and create, together, a community working to better the lives and jobs of everyone involved as well as a community in which to belong.

MHN, as discussed previously, provides a breakdown of human needs and determines that certain needs are prepotent to other needs, and that prepotent needs must be met to a sufficient degree before needs later in the hierarchy can be met. Basic physiological needs are most important, according to Maslow. If physiological needs – food, water, shelter, and sleep – are not properly met, the fulfillment of these needs will be the priority of an individual. If an individual is hungry, then other needs and desires will not be the priority until hunger is satisfied; the goal is not to seek safety, love, belonging, or esteem at this point, but rather to obtain food. Maslow’s theory relates to this study in that refugees cannot focus on lower-rated needs until higher-rated needs are met. Therefore, if refugees are hungry, thirsty, exposed to the elements, or lacking in sleep, then safety and security are not a priority, belonging within a group (or working with an NGO) is not a priority, and disruption and insubordination are likely to occur.

My theoretical framework can be visually summarized by the follow graphic:

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Figure 2: Conceptual Scheme (Source: Author)

Analyzing the data through the conceptual scheme shown above will prove my argument. The conceptual scheme depicts a linear process beginning with the refugee camp in question. The camp contains refugees, NGOs working within- to varying degrees - and a governing body responsible for keeping the camp running logistically – renting the land, providing water access, security staff, etc. Moving along from left to right, along the line connecting a camp to its end goal, cooperation between refugees, NGOs, and the government, is the existence of the refugees’ basic needs and secondary needs fulfillment. Basic needs include physiological needs such as food, water, and shelter, while secondary needs refer to safety and security. According to MHN, which is the theoretical framework used, basic needs must be fulfilled before secondary needs fulfillment can become a focus or a possibility. Likewise, basic and secondary needs must be fulfilled before refugees can be motivated to negotiate a sense of love/belonging. The degrees to which basic and secondary needs are fulfilled have a direct correlation to the level of cooperation between refugees and NGOs because the need to belong leads to the choice of a refugee to work for an NGO. The purpose of this conceptual scheme is to give a visual representation of this relationship, and then prove that it is relevant in distinguishing the success of NGO-refugee cooperation and the existence of a mutually beneficial relationship, i.e. refugees volunteering with NGOs successfully.

In the next chapter, I give context to my research, explaining the basics of the refugee crisis and how it impacts Greece, then giving a more detailed description of the setting of the research within a refugee camp and the NGO for which I worked.

15 Chapter 2

RESEARCH CONTEXT

In the previous chapter I examined theory framing my research and how I believe it relates to Maslow’s Hierarchy. Now, I move to the wider context in which my fieldwork took place. Today, there are 65.6 million people worldwide forcibly displaced by conflict, war, and persecution. Europe is facing a “refugee crisis” as it experiences an influx of migrants, predominantly from Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq at a volume comparable to post World War II While this influx is relatively large for Europe, calling the refugee situation a “crisis” in Eurocentric, as Africa (30%) the Middle East and North Africa (26%) carry the bulk of the burden of all displaced people. (UNHCR, 2017). Given its geographical positioning as the most accessible EU Member State to the conflict in the Middle East, Greece is bearing much of the weight of migrants crossing the sea from Turkey. The majority of migrants come via the Eastern Mediterranean Route (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Refugee Migration Route

According to the United Nations (2017), a “refugee” is defined as “someone who has been forced to flee his or her country because of persecution, war, or violence.” Eventually, all refugees must seek asylum, or claim “the right to be recognized as a refugee and receive legal protection and material assistance” if they cannot return to their country of origin. Therefore, all refugees are asylum seekers in time, but not all asylum seekers are ever officially considered refugees. Currently, there are thousands of individuals living on the Greek islands in limbo – these people have sought refuge in Greece by way of smuggling themselves out of their countries, have applied for asylum, yet wait months and years for their cases to be reviewed. They consider themselves refugees, but they are waiting for the government of Greece, in accordance with the 1951 Refugee Convention (UNHCR, 2017b), to do the same. Figure 4 shows the demographic breakdown of refugees fleeing the Middle East. As shown, the male-female ratio is not drastic, despite what news programs - especially in the US - depict (Rich & Sullivan, 2017).

Figure 4: Demographic breakdown of refugees fleeing war and violence in the Middle East (Source: data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/regional.php

I. REFUGEES IN GREECE

Greece is currently home – albeit temporarily – to close to 70,000 refugees. With its close proximity to the Middle East – most refugees in eastern Europe have fled from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq (UNHCR, 2015) – and border closures in countries nearby, Greece has become home to the largest number of refugees in Europe, with one third of them being children (UNICEF, 2016c). For most of these tens of thousands of people, being stranded in Greece is a waiting game:

There is a real sense in Greece of refugee families just waiting – waiting for their asylum request to be processed, a decision to relocate elsewhere in Europe, waiting for proper

17 schooling and playgrounds for their children, proper housing, simply waiting to know what their future will be (UNICEF, 2016c) Prior to the creation of the EU-Turkey deal in March of 2016, the majority of refugees used Greece as a stopping-off point, a temporary situation, and the most attainable destination to touch down in Europe for the first time. With the ratification of the EU-Turkey deal however, combined with the border closer of Macedonia, which blocked the most used land route to central Europe, Greece, a country in economic crisis, has become the default host of tens of thousands of people feeling war and persecution and searching for a new, safe place to call home (Oswald, 2017c). It is more complicated than that, though; Greece, a country of 11 million people, does not equally share the responsibility of caring for these refugees because since the enactment of the EU Turkey deal in March of 2016, and in accordance with the Dublin Regulation1 refugees are not only stranded in Greece, they are stranded on the islands on which they first touched EU soil. In the case of Lesvos, only once the asylum-seeker office of the island’s main city of Mytilene processes the individual or family, will they be able to move forward (or backward, sometimes actually deported back to Turkey or their country of origin) from Lesvos. Therefore, Lesvos alone is host to more than 7,000 refugees, and more arrive from Turkey every single day.

II. REFUGEES IN LESVOS

As shown in Map 1, Lesvos is geographically situated next to, or nestled into Turkey; at the closest point in the north of the island at Skala Sikamineas, there is just six kilometers between Turkey and Greece. However, many smugglers send the refugees from the coast southwest of Ayvalik, where the boats can aim for the flashing lights of the airport on the east side of Lesvos. In the majority of cases, smugglers do not drive the boat over-full of refugees because they want neither to risk death by drowning nor being caught by Turkish or Greek authorities. Therefore, individuals – typically men – are held at gunpoint, threatened, or bribed to drive a boat across the water, whether or not they posses any sort of knowledge in captaining a boat. Boats, more often than not, do not make it to Greece – they are either sent back to Turkey, where the refugees will be held in prison for typically one week, or, more rarely, they will sink. Refugees spend anywhere

1 The Dublin Regulation is an agreement between Member States. The purpose of the regulation is to “determine which State is responsible for examining an asylum application – normally the State where the asylum seeker first entered the EU – and to make sure that each claim gets a fair examination in one Member State” (UNHCR, 2017c). This means that since all refugees coming from Turkey by way of sea land in Greece, Greece is the member state responsible for processing their asylum applications.

18 from days to years in Turkey waiting to save enough cash to pay smugglers for this short yet treacherous journey across the water.

The situation in Lesvos can be summarized by narrowing in on first the island as a whole, then the camps and other forms of accommodation and the NGO’s working within the space, and last by explaining the target group of people – in this case, young refugee men and women working as volunteers for an NGO- under study for this research. There are three refugee camps in Lesvos housing refugees. Kara Tepe, Moria, and Pipka, as well as apartment accommodation for individuals or families whom the government deems to be better suited for living outside a camp. All refugees are located on the east side of the island, near to the airport and the port, which is in Mytilene [refer to Map 3]. For the purpose of this study, I will narrow in on Moria and Kara Tepe alone, as I conducted research solely with refugees living in these camps.

Map 1: Lesvos, situated SW off the Turkish coast (Source: Google Maps)

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Map 2: Camp Sites in Greece indicating capacity and occupancy (Source: UNHCR, October, 2017). Online map with further information: http://www.unhcr.gr/sites)

Map 3: SE Lesvos island, Kara Tepe starred (Source: Google Maps)

20 The first is most relevant to the world and the refugee crisis as a whole: Moria Refugee camp is the most relevant to the refugee crisis of Europe because it is representative of the conditions and circumstances surrounding the majority of refugee camps in France, Germany, Italy, Greece, etc. (Al Jazeera, 2017). Moria was a maximum-security penitentiary detention center was converted into an open refugee camp. It is run by the military and the police, who follows direct orders from the national government, which, at least in theory, follows orders from the European Union.

When refugees arrive in Lesvos, which is always via boat crossing, always by way of Turkey, they are immediately moved directly to a secured section of Moria. This secured area consists of a large tent surrounded by high fencing and barbed wire. For the first days on Lesvos, refugees are kept, or locked, in this area for processing with no contact or access to the outside world. This is important to note simply because it can by a traumatizing experience for these individuals, especially when family members abroad can’t learn whether or not their loved ones made it across the sea alive. This initial process can take anywhere from three – which is the minimum – to thirty days and it includes identification verification, a briefing on where the refugee fled from, through which countries he or she traveled, and to where the individual or family intends to go. Once the individual or family is processed, they are placed more permanently in one of the three camps. As mentioned previously, every individual that lands in Greece must be processed completely by Greece, in accordance to the Dublin Regulation. This processing can take anywhere from a few weeks to two years.

Once the new arrivals are allowed out of this detention center inside the camp, they are placed in a container home or a tent holding five to twenty people. The general guide for placing people together in tents or containers is country of origin, for instance, Afghans together, Syrians together possibly with Iraqis, Congolese together, etc. Although this seems to work in everyone’s interest, it becomes complicated with the influx of new arrivals over the summer. There are simply not enough spaces to house so many people. The camp is currently (October, 2017) holding approximately 5,000 people, while the capacity of the camp is 1,800. The capacity is dependent on spots for sleeping, water and electricity supply, and food available. What this means is that the camp cannot provide ample food, water, electricity, or bathroom facilities for everyone in the camp. Basic needs are not fulfilled in this camp, and there is also a lack of safety or security provided. There is a front gate, but residents mostly move through holes in the fence. ID cards of anyone who looks like a refugee are not checked at the entrance, so there is no stopping smugglers or human traffickers from entering. There are bathroom facilities, but many men and women choose the forest over the unkempt toilets without water for fear of disease.

21 There is food provided, but every resident must wait in line one to two hours per meal, per day. There is access to the outside world through the smartphones that many residents have, but the electricity for charging is provided for approximately only two hours per day. Residents are free to come and go as they choose, which is good and bad, because they are not safe from each other and human traffickers. There are very few NGO’s in the camp, most of them are for food distribution or security. There are few recreational activities, educational or skill development programs within Moria, but there is a football program that residents can travel to with the bus to Mytilene.

The description of this camp can continue for many pages, but the gist is this; Moria is a place where human rights violations are commonplace- cameras or journalists are not allowed inside – and it is an overcrowded space housing people from many different countries, many different cultures and culturally ingrained prejudices, many different languages, and many different stories of violent and depressing pasts. Though the same applies to the other refugee camps in the area, every single resident of Moria is facing a consistent lack of basic needs and secondary- safely and security - needs fulfillment, and because of this, Moria faces a lot of mental and physical problems, violence, self-mutilation, and crime.

The second camp on the island is Kara Tepe Hospitality Center of the Municipality of Lesvos (KT). KT, where I spent most of my time and serves as the location for most my research, is a camp sustained to some degree by government funding, but mostly by NGO’s. All everyday functions, as well as the implementation of new infrastructure, the distribution of food, school, and activities are the work of NGO’s. Basically, the municipality of Lesvos oversees everything going on in the camp and serves as a filter to guarantee that NGO’s serve in the best interest of the residents of the camp. ERCI, Save the Children, Samaritan’s Purse, International Rescue Committee, Movement on the Ground, and Because We Carry are the NGO’s present in Kara Tepe. It is important to note that the approximately 850 residents of Kara Tepe receive breakfast, lunch, and dinner every day, and sleep in containers – albeit crowded – that shelter from the snow and rain in the winter, and from the sun in the summer. There is a level of safety and security felt through the camp because the residents know each other, and no outsider is allowed to enter the camp except aid workers registered by the municipality. If a visitor wants to enter the camp, they must first get permission from the mayor of Mytilene, then have access granted at the front gate with additional paperwork stating their purpose. Although there are mishaps in every community, typically related to the effects of drugs and alcohol or the lack of proper childcare by parents, the

22 camp is relatively safe and secure. The residents, however, just like any refugee on the island, do not feel secure in their future, and have little to grasp onto from their pasts.

III. BECAUSE WE CARRY

Kara Tepe is a place of dignity and yes, we need more to do in Kara Tepe, of course, it is not enough, we could always do more. I am not totally happy. I would want to close Kara Tepe tomorrow. If these people go to the city, here or other cities, other countries, if they have a house, have a way, have their dreams, have people to help them with life, finding a job, I would be happy. If I make this paradise, it is not enough to live in paradise, my people have dreams, they want to go. They want to go to Germany where their cousins or their mom, or whoever is. Even if they have a small apartment and work very hard and have a hard life, they will be happy because they can choose. –Kara Tepe Camp Manager

Now that the context of the island and the many refugees inhabiting it has been explained, as well as the NGO’s that are present in Kara Tepe (from now on KT), it is time to zero in on Because We Carry (BWC). BWC is a Dutch organization that formed as a result of the influx of refugees specifically on Lesvos. It is a hands-on organization that is operated by a team of field managers and coordinators, and overseen by the founders and board members. Each week, there is a new team of volunteers, mostly from The Netherlands, that fill in the team of eight people and do the work of each team before them. Each foreign volunteer team is required to raise 7500 euro because the money raised by volunteers operates the NGO. Each week, BWC purchases, prepares, and distributes breakfast to all residents of KT. It also hosts weekly events for different demographics within the camp, i.e. barber shop for men, children’s activities for children under five years of age, etc. In addition, BWC manages the purchasing and distribution of welcome packages for new arrivals. The fund-raising and spending is thoroughly organized and flexible for the many changes in the camp over time. Employees of BWC live frugally and work long hours. The aim of BWC is to provide equal resources to all residents of KT, follow the “less talk, more action” code of conduct, and involve and learn from the community in which it serves (Because We Carry, 2018).

Now, I will explain the work this organization does with the help of 25 refugee volunteers, which is a group that may be referred to as the “Kara Tepe Team” or “KTT.” This group of people in KT is the men and women that serve every day of the week with BWC. Sometimes they are chosen because they seek out the NGO themselves, looking to be involved in helping around the

23 camp or looking for something to belong to – the varying reasons for joining will be discussed later. Other times, BWC coordinators or volunteers seek out refugees specifically because they believe the refugee would be fit to be a part of the team. There is no requirement besides age – seventeen is the minimum age because involving anyone younger is not permitted by the director of the camp because he believes children aged sixteen and younger should be in school, and does not want NGO’s to create a distraction or discourage teenagers from attending school. The individuals of the KTT are from varying countries, of varying ages and genders, and speak an array of languages. It is representative of the population of KT, at least in country of origin and language. However, it is disproportionate in that it consists mostly of men between the ages of 20-25; this is a due to a combination of who is willing to volunteer and who is reliable and consistent in showing up to work.

The team is an ever-evolving entity that has grown and been molded together over the past two years. The dynamic between the refugee residents and between the residents and the foreign volunteers is a work in progress, as any business or relationship is. Duties include, first and foremost, breakfast preparation and distribution throughout the camp, as well as other activities in which the KTT takes the lead in helping foreign volunteers with tasks, rallying other residents to join, helping with translation, setting an example, etc. The team serves as a go-to for anything happening inside the camp and also the first people outside the BWC team that is relied on for anything. These twenty-five people are also a helpful resource for camp management for information or help on projects. The KTT is a community within itself of men and women from Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Pakistan, Nepal, Angola and Congo, they speak Urdu, Pashto, Farsi, Kurish, Arabic, French, and Portuguese, and they are all rapidly learning English through their work with BWC. Although residents that are not on the KTT resent that the team members have access to goods and services which they have not, their feelings are relatively under control and never a source of violence; as much as the situation is beneficial for the Kara Tepe Team (and of course, for BWC) it is an open and transparent relationship that is technically available to everyone over the age of sixteen, and it is evident every day that there is a lot of work involved, simply by the fact that each of the twenty-five individuals awakens at 7:30 in the morning to show up to work, and then later distribute breakfast into the very hands of the residents that choose not to be a part of the team. There are positives and negatives that come with the separation of the Kara Tepe Team from the remainder of the refugees in KT, but the overall balance is positive, and the team feels a sense of community and purpose that counters any negative. What is important to note, is that every individual on the KKT has their basic needs

24 fulfilled every day, and experiences safety and security within the camp and within the community of NGO’s.

In the next chapter, I present the research question that guides my research and a thorough explanation of the planning and execution.

25 Chapter 3

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

In what follows I first present the research question and sub-questions (1), and explain the ontological stance and epistemological assumptions serving as the basis of the research methods, process and analysis (2). In section 3, I outline the sampling strategy. Data collection methods and process are then explained in section 4. The data were collected between the end of May through August 2017 on Lesvos, Greece.

I. RESEARCH QUESTION

The main research question is:

Do camp conditions and refugees’ basic and secondary needs fulfillment allow or prevent the possibility of refugee volunteer-NGO cohesion? If so, how?

This question is divided into the following, interconnected sub-questions:

1. What refugees’ needs, both basic and secondary, are being fulfilled in Kara Tepe and Moria refugee camps?

2. Does the sequence and/or existence of basic and secondary needs support or disprove Maslow’s theory of the Hierarchy of Needs? In which ways?

3. How do contextual variables, for instance, size versus capacity of the camps, and government involvement effect the cohesion of general refugee-NGO cohesion?

4. What are the characteristics of a camp experiencing refugee-NGO cohesion in regard to basic and secondary needs fulfillment?

5. Can refugees serving as volunteers for NGO’s create a mutually-beneficial situation for both parties, and if so, how?

26

II. EPISTEMOLOGICAL STANCE

The research process integrated various sources of knowledge simultaneously. I used intuitive knowledge in deciding my topic of research, as my familiarity with the refugee crisis on Lesvos, and this led me to the knowledge that there is a large discrepancy between the camp conditions of Moria and Kara Tepe. I gained authoritative knowledge was gained somewhat during the literature review, in that previous research was taken into consideration and trusted as truth, at least for similar situations to that of my research. I was able to generate logical knowledge through the analysis of primary data via in-depth interviews and quantitative data collection on basic facts about the camps. The conclusion, and therefore the purpose of the study, however, should be considered as empirical knowledge.

In this study, I aim to evaluate the characteristics of a cohesive, cooperative relationship between NGO’s and residents within a refugee camp, with the goal of estimating what is required to create a mutually beneficial relationship between both parties. Since I believe that reality is socially constructed and relative, in that refugees’ opinions and feelings rather than “direct reflections of the real”(Raskin, 2008, pg. 97) are influenced by the environment, I have taken a relativist ontological stance (Hudson and Ozanne, 1988). This stance emphasizes the existence of multiple realities, and considers that “Truth and meaning do not exist in some external world, but are created by the subject’s interactions with the world”(Grey, 2014, pg. 7).

A relativist ontological stance and the belief that a researcher cannot be separate from the research and its subjects, led me to adopt a subjectivist epistemology and an interpretivist approach to research. Since I used large amounts of data and aimed to determine themes and theories within the data, my research was inductive. Gaining insight and collecting observations as well as words from participants without the use of rigid structural data collection methods enabled me to capture the meaning of human interaction (Black, 2006). As a researcher seeking to “understand motives, meanings, reasons and other subjective experiences” (Hudson and Ozanne, 1988), I took the interpretivist approach with the aim of evaluating how human interaction and behavior changes or evolves according to environment – in the case of my research, the most relevant aspects of environment refer to the fulfillment of basic and secondary needs and overall camp conditions.

27 III. SAMPLING STRATEGY

This research is centered on young adult refugees working for Because We Carry, an NGO in Kara Tepe Hospitality Center of Lesvos, young adult refugees residing in Moria refugee camp and volunteering for One Happy Family community center, as well as NGO coordinators from both Kara Tepe and Moria. In this research, “young” refers to the age group 18-25. The aim of the research is to evaluate basic needs fulfillment each interviewed refugee is facing in their respective camp, while simultaneously evaluating the individuals level of cooperation with and/or gain from NGO volunteering. Although the unit of observation is individual refugees, the unit of analysis is a specific group of young volunteers, which will be referred to as the “Kara Tepe Team” and the “Moria Team.”

As I describe in the next section, during my stay I actively participated and observed the behaviors of refugees and NGO employees through daily interaction. I also used in-depth, open- ended interview participants with carefully selected individuals, therefore the sampling strategy of participants was non-random. Respondents were chosen on the basis of the following criteria:

1. English language skills avoid the need for a translator and therefore the chance of misinterpretation. 2. Trust and even friendship. The interviews were very personal, including information about the interviewee’s past and present; both the emotional/psychological information and the NGO-related feelings, observations, and misgivings were relayed to me in confidence. 3. Respondents had been volunteering with an NGO for at least six months; this ensured a long-term view on the workings of the NGO, as well as familiarity with the camp, the aid workers, and of course, the conditions of the camp faced each day.

In choosing interview respondents, quota sampling was also used, as I took ethnicity and/or country of origin into consideration to provide an accurate depiction of the demographics of the camp. Refugee participants, of which I interviewed fifteen, came from Syria(3), Iraq(3), Afghanistan(5), Iranian Kurdistan(1), Syrian Kurdistan(1), Congo(1), and Nepal(1). The data is representative of the population of refugees under study because they were purposefully picked to cover the range of demographics represented by the whole group. What this means, is that the ratio of Syrians, Iraqis, Afghans, Kurds, Nepalese, and Congolese interviewed is representative of

28 the whole of the KTT. The purpose of the non-random sampling was to create quality interviews in which the participants were as comfortable, open and honest and possible.

IV. METHODOLOGY

In accordance with my ontological and epistemological stance, I found qualitative methods to be most suitable to gain understanding of perceptions of camp conditions and how the fulfillment level of both basic and secondary needs comes into play. However, to supplement the data collection, I also collected quantitative data of basic facts about each refugee camp, i.e. size, layout, new arrival statistics, etc. To conduct qualitative methods of research, I used varying approaches, beginning with participant observation, relatively quick surveys to give a broad picture of the population of the camp, and semi-structured interviews towards the end of my research period.

a. Participant Observation

As a volunteer for BWC, I was fully integrated into the everyday work lives of the refugees working for BWC. We worked side-by-side, got to know each other on a professional and in time, a personal level. Each morning we served prepared and served breakfast together. Groups switched on a weekly basis, so by the end of a few weeks, I interacted with all members of the team multiple times. Therefore, I was able to observe participants and their conversations during volunteer activities, as well as in settings outside of work, for example, dinners, days at the beach, etc. Since all other foreign volunteers work for one-two weeks, most do not build relationships with the KTT. After two weeks of volunteering with the KTT, it was evident that I was there to stay and the team members began to be more talkative and personal with me.

I also served as a volunteer with One Happy Family, a refugee-run community center frequented mostly by Moria residents. As a volunteer at the gym, I formed many trusting relationships with refugees spending time and/or volunteering at the center. To better understand the behavior and experiences of, and relationships between the refugees themselves as well as the refugees and NGO workers, I observed different activities and social encounters every day. Not only did this allow for future participants to become acquainted and familiar with me, but it also built trust through shared work and experiences. The nuances of daily life in the camp became familiar to me at the same time, and I was able to experience first hand the positive and negative aspects of the structure of the camp, the cohesion (or lack thereof) between the NGO’s present in the camp and the refugees, and the social constructs of different groups and areas of the community.

29 Field notes were kept in a daily field journal. I wrote about the tasks of the day first, then wrote notes that related to m research questions as they evolved over time. Each night, I reflected on the aspects of my day and observations that both validated my hypotheses and contradicted what I originally thought to be true. All interviews or informal discussions were reordered, with permission, with an iPhone voice recorder.

b. Surveys

I conducted short surveys with all other young adults of KT to provide contrast and insight into the lives and thoughts of individuals who do not work for BWC. Surveys covered basic demographic information as well as skills evaluation and hopes for the future (see annex). Each survey required a translator (another refugee working for BWC) and took place at the home of a Kara Tepe resident, lasting 15-20 minutes. Although the surveys were quick, the time it took to conduct them sometimes included staying for a meal or getting into conversation about other topics. Without these surveys, there would be no reference point for the total population of the camp. Although the questions on the survey were quantitative in nature, this method is being categorized as qualitative, because the knowledge gained came more from the time spent conversing with the participants.

a. Semi-structured in-depth Interviews

I conducted one-on-one in-depth interviews with ten of the 25 refugees in the Kara Tepe Team, and five interviews with refugee residents of Moria. I also conducted three interviews with key stakeholders, individuals who live and work in the field, and have done so for at least one year. Participants were chosen for varying reasons, which have been mentioned previously, and will also discussed in the reflection of trustworthiness and authenticity of data. I personally asked each participant for an interview, which I recorded if I got permission to do so. While speaking with refugees and key stakeholders, it was beneficial to have participants also act as co-researchers. Allowing refugees and stakeholders to come up with topics of discussion helped to maximize participation as well as create ownership, while forcing me as the researcher to put aside any prior assumptions (Moran & Bogusia, 2006: 6).

V. DATA ANALYSIS

The qualitative data collection is followed by an analysis guided by a grounded theory methodology (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) which disregards preconceived assumptions and biases

30 and indicates a “set of systematic inductive methods for conducting qualitative research aimed toward theory development” (Charmaz, 2003). Therefore, analysis was carried out through open, or axial coding, which is the inductive method of analysis most commonly used in grounded theory methodology.

After conducting and transcribing the interviews from eighteen participants, ten refugees from KT, and five refugees from Moria, and three key stakeholders, I used thematic analysis and axial coding – sans software and therefore manual - to analyze the data provided by the in-depth interviews and to draw conclusions based on patterns of experiences evident within them. Once prevalent themes and patterns were distinguished, the next step was to group all related material together. For example, when multiple participants talked about being “rejected,” “not accepted” or “refused” in response to my questions regarding current refugee situation, self-deprecation and the lack of belonging caused by factors related to being a refugee in Greece became a notable theme and all relating components and fractions of these ideas were grouped together. The next step in thematic analysis was to compare the identified patterns to themes found in literature. These steps allowed me to determine that being a refugee directly affects the ability to feel love and belonging (Yuval-Davis, 2011). As indicated by the example given, the content, or meaning of the participants’ words were the focus of the coding, rather than the particular word chosen itself, or the grammar (or lack thereof) used. Once I drew conclusions based on thematic analysis and notes from my data, I was able to construct a valid argument about the influence of primary and secondary needs fulfillment of refugees in KT and Moria on the cohesion of the refugees and NGO’s.

VI. ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

In my research, there are ethical and practical considerations, as well as limitations. UNICEF’s Ethics Procedure succinctly outlines ethical considerations in research with children with three key principles: respect, beneficence and non-maleficence, and justice. “To respect a participant in research is to give weight to their values, preferences, and beliefs and to recognise their capability for self-legislation, their ability to make judgments, to state their opinions and to make choices” (UNICEF, 2016a:16). The reason I aimed to follow the ethical guidelines for children, even though my participants were aged 18-25, is because the refugees involved in my research are vulnerable, and much of the guidelines for research involving vulnerable populations are the same. Of course, my research was also guided by Block, Gibbs, Riggs & Warr (2012) guidelines for research with refugees, which advocates research practices that “minimize the risks of

31 research, particularly for research participants rendered vulnerable through their relative powerlessness in encounters with researchers.” As per these guidelines, all participants of my study were volunteers who could opt out during, or after – if in the end, a participant did not want their story shared or their identity provided, I would meet their wishes.

Respect is important not only in research, but also in analysis, as respecting the opinion and judgments of participants is what makes the data valid. Beneficence and non-maleficence, or the assurance that activities “promote the well-being of individuals, communities or society as a whole” (UNICEF, 2016a: 16) is important because it ensures that my research is not solely for the benefit of my thesis project, rather that it is in place for the benefit of society; the goal of my research is to reach findings that, in the end, may be used to better society and refugee settlement and refugee camp proceedings. Justice, in this context, refers to the consideration of fair benefits resulting from research and the avoidance of any burden created by the research (UNICEF, 2016a:17). Therefore, all names of participants are initials. In addition to the general concepts, are considerations like parental consent and privacy and confidentiality (UNICEF, 2016a:18); since all participants are at least 18 years of age, I did not ask for consent from parents. It is also necessary, when seeking to carry out research involving young and/or vulnerable people, to consider the implications of mandatory reporting of any past, present, or potential abuse. If I discovered any kind of abuse of the participants I worked with during my field research, I was ethically responsible for reporting such abuse. Although I did not experience this situation with adult participants, I did have to report child abuse involving a child living in KT. In conclusion, research ethics were an ongoing and rigid part of my fieldwork process to ensure the protection of the rights and well-being of all refugees involved.

VII. LIMITATIONS

Practical considerations include time limitations, availability, and scheduling. By limitations, I mean that the period of fieldwork was short, and expecting that over time, the participants would be more open to conversation, I quickly sought to become a regular figure in the community. Availability refers to the time availability of the young refugees and of myself. Although I was present every day, I was on a range of projects serving as a volunteer, so time was not often free. In addition, the refugee interview respondents were chosen because of their NGO involvement. While this served as a positive for them and for the NGO, as well as for the development of our personal relationships, it also created time constraints, as many were busy volunteering during the

32 day. I was, as other NGO workers, not allowed on campus after 8 PM. Practical considerations come in all variations, and are continued at length below.

Another practical limitation was language; I speak English only, while participants speak mostly Arabic, Farsi, and dialects from different regions. Although participants were chosen in part because of their English language skills, misinterpretation is very probable in second (or third) language conversations. I found myself often asking for clarification, asking participants to repeat their answers or rephrase. Other times, the meaning would be so convoluted that I would move on to the next question – most participants of in-depth interviews are in the process of learning English at the camp, only through their work with an NGO. Therefore, the English spoken is often colloquial, pronunciation is sometimes mixed with mother-tongue sounds and accents, and vocabulary is very basic. At the same time, it is important to note that these interviews were very personal, and thoughts and feelings may be difficult to express in an unfamiliar language.

A significant limitation that I only realized existed upon transcribing interviews, was my language; it was a hindrance because it is not easy to understand me. I am American, so English is my first language; I am well read, I write often, and I minored in English in University – my everyday language, if I am in the States, is not basic. Here in Europe, and especially on Lesvos during my field research, it has been a conscious effort to keep vocabulary basic. What makes it worse, is that I am from New Jersey, where the accent is strong and sometimes hard to understand for people from other areas of the States, not to mention people from other countries and people only just learning English. My father also recently pointed out that I drop my voice at the end of the sentence, making it difficult to hear me – this is not a beneficial quality in conducting interviews. Although I tried to be very clear and talk slowly, it was apparent in my transcriptions that I didn’t always get my point across, and regardless of how I phrased the question, participants were obviously picking out key words and answering according to what they guessed I was asking. I also use a lot of contractions (can’t, won’t, didn’t) in my speech, which was not something I noticed before or during data collection, and therefore, I never tried to avoid them.

In my initial stages of preparation, i.e. before I arrived in Greece, I was under the impression that my position as an American, non-Muslim, female, would have the potential to influence my conversations and interactions with the participants. However, these characteristics were influential in a different way than I originally assumed they would be. For instance, the young men and one woman I interviewed did take notice that I am a woman, of course, but whereas I thought it might have been cause for decreased respect or cause for an uncomfortable or

33 unfamiliar situation – I thought the participants would not be accustomed to speaking individually and in-depth with a female they are not married to – the reality was quite different. The respondents, since they were chosen from the group of refugees working with an NGO, were accustomed to being around and working daily with females. In fact, BWC is a female owned and operated organization employing mostly females. As a result, the participants’ views on women were very different from what I originally assumed- they had a huge respect for women in general in that they felt the need to protect them, but they also viewed Western women as strong, capable, authoritative figures. Due to the diverse nature of this refugee situation, where people are fleeing from multiple countries, speaking different languages, coming from very different cultural and economic backgrounds, all coming together on Lesvos, diversity is commonplace. Especially within this group of refugees, diversity was celebrated, and religion was not spoken about, except as a way to for the refugees to cope with their situation, or “leave it in the hands of Allah,” or to explain why they are so giving, telling about how cooking for others and giving all you can is a principle of Islam. My religion was never spoken about. As for being an American, it was not often a topic of discussion, as I am blonde and was constantly surrounded by Dutch women and therefore assumed to be Dutch. Some of the young refugee participants knew I am American, however, and had comments about American involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan. But in spite of the relationship built between myself and the participants of the study, and the preconceived notions I had, being an American, non-Muslim, non-refugee female did make me an outsider, and therefore conversation had the potential to be guarded, skewed, or misunderstood.

My being 1-8 years older than the participants had the potential to limit the responses - both verbal and non-verbal - of the participants. On Lesovs, I found that many of the refugees are older in years than they are in maturity; although they have witnessed and endured more hardship, violence, and loss than many adults, some have been on the run since their teenage years, and therefore many lessons and experiences provided by parents and a peaceful childhood, were never learned. This, in addition to the very nature of being a refugee- forced from home, treated poorly in other countries on the route to Europe, only to wait in Europe for many months or years fighting rejection - can impact the psyche and hinder confidence and growth (Kenny, M. A. & Procter, Nicholas, 2016). Nevertheless, I am confident I was able to serve as a trusted adult and friend to the participants, and therefore, provided an environment in which comfort and openness was possible, at least for the given circumstances.

There were many situational factors of fieldwork that had a positive impact on the quality and quantity of my research. My research situation was unique in that I spent the summer gathering

34 information for my thesis while another researcher from another university did the same. Although we both started with slightly different aims and questions, we both ended in the same place. Therefore, we also collected a lot of overlapping data that has served to be useful for each other. This coincidence serves as a very useful validation mechanism. While both of us knew our participants, we were bound to have different friendships with each of the refugees interviewed, and therefore, our separate interview data can be analyzed together to show similarities and differences. We also were able to meet regularly to discuss our findings and new views developing over time. The downside, or limitation regarding this situation, was that she and I interviewed some of the same people, and since she was leaving the island first, and I wanted to save the interviews for the very end of my research period, she conducted interviews before I did, which may have taken some enthusiasm out of my interview respondents. Moreover, the similarities in research questions and therefore interview questions, adds a level of exhaustion to the interview process for the respondents. To avoid this as much as possible, I aimed to choose as few overlapping respondents – five - as possible.

I believe the research is dependable in that the data are honest. The sources are reliable because of the relationships that had been built between the interviewees and myself. However, this is a double-edged sword; the interviewees were, for the most part, honest, trustworthy, and authentic because I trusted their being honest people willing to share their true experiences, questions, concerns, and feelings, but on the other side of the same coin, I have to be cognizant of the possibility of, or limitation caused by, blind trust, and make sure I double check my framing, as well as ask the other researcher if my findings ring true for her data as well.

In sum, my research design and methodology chapter showed how a relativist ontological stance- the belief that a researcher cannot be separate from the research and its subjects – as well as the notion that reality is subjective, are most appropriately researched by qualitative, inductive means. The section aimed to prove careful consideration in methodological approach, ethical practices, and acknowledgement of limitations in both the data collection and analysis. It also delved into the areas of dependability, validity, reliability, trustworthiness and authenticity of data, demonstrating how methods were chosen to ensure the aforementioned characteristics of good research.

Although I used participant observation extensively, using a fieldwork journal and notes, as well as surveys that provided for long and informative conversations with camp residents, it was the interviews that served as the most in-depth source of data. The interviews were conducted with

35 individuals with whom I had built trust over months of working side-by-side. We built both professional relationships and friendships that allowed for open and comfortable conversation to serve as interviews. Of course, I asked similar questions to all interview participants, but the sequence was determined by the flow of conversation. It was fortunate that I served as a volunteer with BWC in addition to being a researcher, making the situation ideal. If I were just a volunteer, I would be seen as only temporary or fleeting, and not worth the effort of a relationship – BWC volunteers are typically in Kara Tepe for only 1-2 weeks, making it unrealistic for both them and the refugees to build friendships. On the flip side of this, it would have also been more difficult to speak with the refugees in such a comfortable manner if I were a coordinator, or someone with a more permanent role at the NGO – the people in roles that have authority are treated in a different way than how I was treated, since there is a hierarchy involved. Therefore, I had an advantageous mix of positions to carry out interviews that were extremely personal and honest, at least to a degree to which interviewees were earnest.

36 Chapter 4

ANALYSIS I: MORIA REFUGEE CAMP

“If I talk long time about Moria, it is not enough. Because nine months I eat same breakfast every day, and not enough, every day, and right now I don’t have a stomach. Really I have like socks or garbage inside. I wait for one hour, two hours, and every week we eat same food. Example, on Sunday, Sunday the lunch is meat, or cow, or I don’t know, dogs, but we eat. Really, the meat is not cooked, but we eat. And every Sunday we eat this meat.” – LY, 21, Iraq

In this chapter I analyze what happens when basic physiological needs, in accordance with literature on the topic, more specifically MHN, are not being met. I use my data from Moria refugee camp and provide examples of the food, water, shelter, and sleep situations of refugees, given by refugees residing in Moria. I then discuss how the residents perceive the fulfillment of their secondary – safety and security – needs. Finally, I use this information about basic and secondary needs, and seek to understand the relation between the fulfillment of these needs and the feeling of belonging and the cohesion between refugees and NGO’s working with them. If I understand the relationship between needs fulfillment and belonging, I will understand if the lack of needs fulfillment relates to a lack of the motivation to negotiate belonging, and in turn, a lack of NGO-refugee cohesion. To find out about needs fulfillment in Moria, I interviewed five young men residing in the camp.

I. BASIC NEEDS IN MORIA

Moria refugee camp, a former prison located in the village of Moria near the eastern coast of Lesvos, is home to nearly 5,000 migrants and asylum seekers (UNHCR). The center is outfitted, however, to house no more than 1,800 residents, according to the UNHCR. I argue that Moria does not fulfill the basic physiological needs – food, water, shelter, and sleep - of refugees residing within it. According to refugees with whom I conducted semi-structured interviews, food is insufficient in nutrition and quantity, clean water is scarce, and the quality of shelter varies throughout the camp, and therefore in the majority of situations, sleep is inconsistent and often interrupted by noise, violence, or the elements.

37 The first and most discussed area of basic needs is food. The interviews, as well as site visits, lead to the conclusion that food is insufficient in quality, as well as quantity for the amount of people living in Moria. In addition to quality and quantity of food, a topic often raised by the refugees is the manner in which food is distributed – sans dignity. Three meals are distributed each day in Moria. To begin, breakfast is served at 9:00 AM.

For breakfast we get cake, small cake, and small water. Some days a fruit like orange or banana. It comes out two hours, so we wait for that time. We are always hungry. -AB, 19, Iraq

Moria is the first, and sometimes only, stop in a refugee’s journey into Europe. As mentioned previously, refugees are taken from the shores of Lesvos, where they arrived on a boat from Turkey, straight to this camp for registration. After a few days to a few weeks, they will most likely also be settled in this camp. What this means, is that there is no cap for the amount of people Moria has to take on; there are people arriving every day, more people than are being sent to mainland Greece, and therefore, the camp is only growing in people. It is not growing in resources. Food is scarce and quality is cut as costs are cut.

At 2 o’clock they give a small plastic container with rice and sauce, and bread. Do you know about nutrition? This is not okay. Sometimes it is pasta and no rice. Sometimes it has a spoon, sometimes not. Ha. - JM, 25, Lebanon

According to an article published by the Harvard School of Public Health, human diet should consist partly of grains – mainly whole grains over refined grains – fruits, vegetables, protein, and dairy. There is a plethora of information about a healthy diet and what it consists of, but one thing is certain; a diet made mostly of rice, pasta, and bread, is not an example of a nutritious diet. However, it is more straightforward to discuss quantity of quality, as quality is more subjective and varies throughout the world.

The food is bad because it is not healthy. For men and women, okay, we can eat, but for children, they don’t eat healthy food, ever. - AM, 18, Afghanistan

Regarding food, there was not one refugee interviewee that indicated that food quantity is sufficient in Moria. Words like “hungry” and “hunger” were used in response to questions about the food provided in Moria. In some cases, respondents used further examples to explain the lack of food, and the consequences of this lack of resources.

38 I lost five kilos the first month I lived in Moria. Before this island, I was in the prison in Turkey. But I lost five kilos here. - AS, 23, Syria

AND

We wait one hour, two hours, we wait for small amount of food. Everybody fight because there is small amount of food – AB, 19, Iraq

As per Maslow’s Hierarchy, when physiological needs fulfillment is lacking, secondary needs are not a priority. Therefore, hunger is often cause for violence and disruption, which creates a cycle of failure of the fulfillment of basic needs; if it is not safe or it is stressful to obtain food, while some react with violence, others react with flight and miss out on the opportunity to obtain food.

Always there is someone that runs up to the tables, and flips them – then the food goes everywhere and the people can steal it before Eurorelief knows who did it. When that happens, I just turn around and go back to sleep. – JM, 25, Lebanon

Interviews also provided many instances where refugees expressed concern for the way in which food is distributed in Moria, speaking about long lines and waiting, but also referring to the way they are treated as sub-human.

We are treated like we are not human. We are all human. Why are we treated like animals? – AS, 23, Syria

All interviews were conducted with adult respondents, but children were often discussed anyway: “But babies, they can never get warm if they take a cold shower. And they don’t have enough clothes. The mothers don’t bathe them because they can never get warm again.” – JM, 25, Lebanon

39

Figure 5: Food lines in Moria Refugee Camp (Source: Alkis Konstantinidis/Reuters from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/nov/09/anger-rises-in-lesbos-over-crowded-refugee-camps

Thirst and lack of water was also a topic of discussion in every interview conducted. It is important to note that I did not specifically ask about water in most cases because I did not expect there to be a lack of clean water provided in Moria, as water on the island of Lesvos is not healthy for drinking due to the many minerals and sediments within, but often consumed anyway. The interviewees expressed thirst as an everyday experience. It is also important to note that at the time of these interviews, temperatures were consistently reaching 40 degrees centigrade.

Ha. They give water one time during the day, in the morning. I don’t take it. I buy water for myself. Other people don’t have enough water. – JM, 25, Lebanon

Since water is relatively inexpensive – less than three euro for six 1-liter bottles, residents often buy water, making it a priority and reserving some of their 90 euro per month cash card for water.

During July and August, I volunteered with Lifeguard Hellas and Promaid as a swim teacher. Each afternoon, young refugees joined swim lessons, either to learn how to swim for the first time, or simply to swim amongst friends. The biggest issue the refugees experienced was constant muscle cramping. To try to alleviate this issue, volunteers would take turns buying bananas for the swimmers, while the organizations began to provide water.

Food and water go hand-in-hand, and in the case of the refugees residing in Moria, shelter and sleep are directly related. It is often the case that sleep is insufficient due to living conditions.

40 According to the National Alliance on Mental Illness, “more than one-half of insomnia cases are related to depression, anxiety, of psychological stress.” However, for the purpose of this study, it is more straightforward to discuss physical implications of lack of sleep; mental implications are not easily studied, and would require a much deeper and conclusive research method. Lack of sleep experienced by refugees residing in Moria, as it relates to physical factors, include improper living conditions that does not provide shelter from the elements, noise, and disruptions.

Homes? The people come every day. The camp is full, more people than homes. Families are on the street. – JM, 25, Lebanon

As discussed, Moria is at about triple capacity. There are enough containers – with anywhere from five to twelve beds - to house approximately 1,800 people. At close to 5,000 residents, the majority of refugees in Moria do not have containers to live in; about 2,000 more are housed in semi-permanent tent structures. The remaining individuals are placed in camping tents on the street. In July and August, there is little cloud coverage and average temperatures in Mytilene, Lesvos are 32°C (90°F). In winter months, about half of all days are wet – rain or snow.

The summer is very hot, but people don’t die here in the heat. In the winter, people die. It was very bad. We cannot run away from the cold, we cannot protect the children from the snow. The rain comes in the tent and everything is wet. Nothing gets dry. - AS, 23, Syria

Figure 6: Winter in Moria Refugee Camp Retrieved from http://www.cnn.com/videos/world/2017/01/09/lesbos-winter-moria-camp-sfc-orig.cnn

41 Clothing is a basic physiological need, however, not part of the focus of my study originally; I did not originally think that clothing could be a problem in Lesvos, I thought there would be enough donations to support the population of Lesvos. What I witnessed and discussed with refugees brought me to the conclusion that lack of clothing is, in fact, an issue refugees of Moria face.

If I wash at night, there is water. And when I wash my clothes I found it difficult because there is no sun and I have to wait, one day, two days, and my clothes are wet. In the winter, the clothes freeze like solid. – LY, 21, Iraq

Again, children seem to be the biggest concern for the adults.

Children need showers, need new clothes, need pajamas, shoes, socks, need everything. Because the cold is so bad, and children need it more.” – JM, 25, Lebanon

Due to the high influx of refugee arrivals on Lesvos in the summer and early autumn months, organization of living spaces were not of high priority; while the standard for refugee housing placement would typically rely heavily on country of origin and language spoken to prevent fighting and violence related to cultural and religious differences, the rate of new arrivals was too great to consider these factors.

I live in tent. Twenty people in one tent. Many Arab people, many people from Africa, I live in a tent with many people. It is very hot in the tent, and there are mosquitos. It is very difficult to sleep. – AB, 19, Iraq

In accordance with MHN, and also expressed by the refugees interviewed, lack of proper food, water, shelter, clothing, and sleep, are all interrelated. Furthermore, all of these deficiencies in basic physiological needs fulfillment are cause for even great deficiencies – those of the secondary, safety and security kind.

During a heat wave in July, Because We Carry and Movement on the Ground gave volunteers off between noon and 15:00 because a shading project that required a lot of time spent on roofs of metal containers, and skin burns from the heated metal were common.

42 II. SECONDARY NEEDS FULFILLMENT IN MORIA

Fighting, fighting, danger. Moria very bad. There is no life in Moria.

- AB, 19, Iraq

Inequality and inconsistencies in basic physiological needs fulfillment, combined with a number of other factors – behavior of security guards, weather, placement of refugees according to their backgrounds, etc – is reason for most of the security and safety issues within Moria. The most prominent safety issues in the camp include violence by refugees, mistreatment by guards, weather related situations like rain, snow, heat, and mud, and disease due to poor living conditions.

Since most violence stems from many negative factors compounding to create an unbearable situation, it is best to begin there. Weather; many websites will give precipitation and temperature information about the averages of summer in Lesvos, but from personal experience, I know that it did not rain between June 24 and September 10 of 2017. In the summer months, there was hardly ever any cloud cover, and shade comes mostly from buildings or olive trees. Interviews with residents of Moria indicate that the heat and mosquitos make it difficult to sleep, and the constant sun and humidity is unnerving when inside the overcrowded camp.

It is so hot so the people get angry. There is no place to go unless we walk to the sea, but it is so hot and the people do not have water to drink so they sit in the camp and they fight. I go to the sea, I go to One Happy Family, I leave the fighting. – AS, 23, Syria

Each of the five interviews with residents of Moria included words like “fight,” “fighting,” “danger,” or “violence.” These words were used in response to questions pertaining to camp conditions in the vague sense. I asked how Moria is as a place to live, what is Moria like, or asked to describe time spent in Moria. It is important to note that in each interview, I did not prompt the refugee respondents to discuss fighting until the subject was raised. The topic of violence or danger within Moria was raised in a variety of ways – when speaking about laundering clothes, one refugee mentioned the theft prevalent in the camp:

I have to take my wet clothes with me because if I leave my clothes fifteen minutes, they steal them. – LY, 21, Iraq

43 It is not uncommon for phones to be stolen while on the charger, for clothes to be taken while a resident is showering, or for belongings to be ransacked while a refugee is out of his/or tent. Tents and containers are not secured, and it is common for strangers to live together in the same space. Many arguments stem from theft, but according to the phrases used in interviews, most come violence is stress related, alcohol-induced, or out of boredom. These relations are made as a result of the interviews because words like “alcohol,” “stress,” and “bored” are consistently found in the same sentence or expressions used to describe the violence of Moria; violence is often described in the context of what the refugee respondent believed to be the causes.

To get rid of the stress, they fight. If you see a fight, it can be one hour, two hours, and you see rocks, they throw rocks from both sides. And the police come and watch, they do not do anything. They wait like the rest of us. – JM, 25, Lebanon

Alcohol, drugs, and self-harm are prevalent in Moria. Stress levels are increasing as time spent waiting for papers in poor living conditions increases. A common theme in articles written by journalists and news reporters visiting Moria (secretly, because media is not allowed officially in Moria) is the increase in drug and alcohol use, and the rise in suicidal behaviors. The Independent related, “there have been rising rates of suicidal behaviour across refugee camps in Greece, with evidence of people burning themselves with cigarettes and abusing drugs like Vicodin, Trazadone and alcohol”(Dickson & Da Silva, 2017). I witnessed first hand the use of mood- altering pills used on a daily basis by refugees. According to one of the young men using these drugs, they were provided to him by the doctor in the medical tent inside Moria. Drugs and alcohol are not only affecting the users, however; the ensuing fighting and violence affects everyone in the camp.

I cannot live in Moria. It is not safe and I cannot relax. They steal everything. There is always fighting, every day, a lot of fighting in the night when they drink alcohol. I cannot think, I cannot do anything. – AS, 23, Syria

As I sat with my refugee respondents, I noticed that two out of the five young men have straight razor scars on their wrists and arms; these men, out of thousands residing in Moria, are part of the few individuals that leave the camp almost every day in an attempt to fill their time being productive and helpful to an NGO. The topic of self-harm is not an easy one to breach with someone who is visibly suffering from this behavior. One young man, however, I had known for many months, and I watched a decline in his mood but improvement in his English, so I asked

44 him to be a part of the study. He is young and impressionable, and also without family or friends in Greece; I asked him why he started to cut himself, and all he was willing to share was “Moria no good. Fighting, fighting, danger. Moria very bad. There is no life in Moria.” When I asked if his cutting is helping him in any way, he said “no.”

Countless articles fro Al Jazeera, the BBC, The New York Times, etc. outline the basics of conditions of Moria refugee camp since the influx of refugee arrivals on Lesvos in 2015. In summary, conditions are unsanitary and “Kids walk around and play in a dump, while no one seems to be in charge of cleaning” (Hackwill, 2017). Conditions are visibly deplorable, with scenes are overflowing garbage, overflowing toilets, and overflowing people from every tent and container. In the summer, the heat makes a stench, in the spring and autumn, the rain creates puddles of murky water and mud, and in the winter, the ground freezes and the snow blankets the mess. I did not do enough research to know the prevalence of disease in the camp; however, the filth was mentioned by all respondents of the interviews using words like “dirty,” “smell,” and with talk of the presence of rats. I was one of several volunteers that contracted ringworm, a “highly contagious, fungal infection of the skin or scalp”(Mayo Clinic). The camp as whole is unsanitary and overcrowded, but the toilets are a common topic of discussion within the interviews; many refugees resort to using the nearby olive orchards as a toilet.

Toilet is not good. I go in nature because going to toilet is dirty and in the night it is dangerous. I am a man and it is dangerous. – LY, 21, Iraq

Poor sanitation is a safety concern, especially for parents of young children or the elderly, with weaker immune systems. When I was visiting Lesvos in October, 2017, a 5-year-old girl passed away overnight in Moria – she had been on chemotherapy in Syria, then Turkey, and caught an infection in Moria that her weak immune system could not fight off.

Although my research aims to connect lack of safety and security with lack of basic needs fulfillment, mostly physiological but often psychological, it is important to note that the role of actual security guards put in place for the purpose of providing safety and security, impact the levels of safety and security negatively in Moria. As mentioned previously, guards often watch and wait for fighting to stop instead of intervening. However, there are times when police and guards intervene. In July, 2017, riots broke out in Moria and outside the fences of the camp; police reacted by beating refugees with batons and dispensing tear gas on all persons near the entrance, including children and families recently arriving back from a day at the community

45 center. I cannot cite this incident because it is first-hand experience; while at work at One Happy Family, I went in a car to Moria with cases of water to distribute as refugees fled the scene.

Through personal experience and interviews with refugees residing in Moria, it is evident that basic physiological needs – food, water, shelter, and sleep - are lacking in Moria. It is also apparent by the same means that secondary safety and security needs are not being fulfilled either. As provided previously, words and phrases used in the same interviews show the relations between basic and secondary needs fulfillment and demonstrate how a lack of basic needs is often related to a lack of secondary needs fulfillment and vice versa.

III. BELONGING WITHIN AN NGO: ONE HAPPY FAMILY

The purpose of this section is to first relay the spoken feelings of the refugee interviewees in a way that demonstrates how work with an NGO is a positive experience that fosters an environment of friendship and learning, and therefore love and belonging, and second, to show that due to the lack of basic and secondary needs fulfillment in Moria, it is difficult to maintain not only this environment, but also cohesion between NGO’s and refugees in general. As with the first and second sections of this chapter on Moria refugee camp, in which primary and secondary needs fulfillment was discussed, the first step in this analysis process is coding the interviews and selecting prominent words and themes. By collecting prominent words and themes, I was able to determine what topics were at the forefront of the refugees’ minds when discussing their living situation in Moria as well as their experiences working with an NGO – One Happy Family.

Each interview contains a lot of conversation about the conditions of Moria – the quantity and quality of the food and water provided, as well as the quality of the shelter and clothing given to refugees - but another portion of the interviews was meant for discussing One Happy Family, the NGO that Moria residents work with on Lesvos. The refugees’ overall feelings regarding volunteering for OHF are positive, despite little or no pay (approximately 20 euro per week), and they consistently regarded OHF as a community of which they are happy to be a part.

I have connections with people here, but not for help with clothes, or money, or internet, food, no, not that. I want to make friendship with them, because without that, we don’t stay alive.

-LY, 21, Iraq

One Happy Family, formerly known and sometimes referred to as Swiss Cross, is a refugee-run community center situated between Kara Tepe and Moria refugee camps on Lesvos. Although it

46 is about five kilometers from Moria and about one half kilometer from Kara Tepe, it is mostly Moria residents that frequent OHF. Since Kara Tepe has an area for gathering, has ample food and activities, and is a safe space to spend time, most residents do not feel the need to go to the community center. Many residents of Moria, however, make a great effort to walk each day, often times toting multiple small children, to OHF to spend the majority of their day outside the camp in which they live. Therefore, all of the volunteer refugees at OHF are also residents of Moria. As will be explained in the following paragraphs through the use of refugee quotes and explanations, residents of Moria choose to work for OHF for a number of reasons: to feel a sense of purpose, to better understand European culture through time spent with Europeans, to belong to a group of friends, and to escape the boredom and lack of resources in Moria.

As mentioned in the context chapter, a typical team of workers at OHF includes the manager and about ten - typically European – volunteers, and then about 15-20 refugee volunteers. The responsibilities of the refugees and the European volunteers vary from administrative duties, to security, to aiding in building, organizing, communication, fundraising, and more. Although the work is unpaid for the men and women that come to Lesvos to volunteer, OHF has found a way to fundraise enough money to compensate the refugees working at the community center with a little bit of money, or in most cases, with cigarettes. Originally, I did not think encouraging bad habits like smoking was something OHF should be doing, and it was not in the best interest of this vulnerable group of people, but when I asked about this practice, the volunteer made a good point; many of the refugees smoke and expressed that if paid in euros, they would spend their money on cigarettes anyway, so it would be much more convenient if cigarettes would be available at the community center during their days work.

I get some money for working. I did not know I would get money because the other guys get cigarettes. I don’t smoke. I do not work at Swiss Cross for money or cigarettes, I work here because I like to do something and I like to be with these people. – JM, 25, Lebanon

While compensation is well received and appreciated, it is not the reason why any of the five interviewees work at OHF. The positives of being a refugee working at OHF, as expressed by the refugees, have more to do with the community that the job brings them into and the friends they make with European volunteers and each other. Words like “family,” “community,” and “team” used while answering my questions about why the interviewee chose to work for OHF were grouped together to conclude that the community center serves as a place for refugees to belong.

47 These people are my family in Greece. At OHF, we are not different; we are with everyone from Switzerland, from Germany. We all do the same jobs, we all eat together after we leave. We are friends. – AS, 23, Syria

An important part of the balance of workload between refugees and European volunteers is the sense of equality that it fosters.

When I am at Swiss Cross, nobody knows I am a refugee, even the other volunteers did not know when I started. We all work together. – JM, 25, Lebanon

In addition to discussion about belonging and equality, most of the interviewees also expressed how working at OHF gave them the opportunity to better understand European culture, which would prepare them better for their [hopeful] future in Europe.

I want to meet new people and make friends with them, because when I go to the country, I know you, and I have your number…I want to know new people, what they do, what is natural for them, what they do every day, and just that. – LY, 21, Iraq

OHF not only provides community and a sense of belonging to the refugees, friendship, and a European cultural education, but it also serves as a way for refugees to find purpose and pass time instead of wasting away in Moria. The interviewees provided examples of the work they do at OHF and listed projects they were and are a part of as a way to demonstrate how they are useful. In the analysis of these interviews, I found that stories involving personal accomplishments should be coded and combined to serve as examples of purpose; a sense of purpose was a theme for every respondent when talking about work at OHF.

I make list for the workers, all the workers who want tools. Like he come to the storage and want electric saw, I write his name and I write which kind of tools he took to make sure he will bring back the tools. That is my system. I put it. LY, 21, Iraq

The alternative to time spent working in OHF is time spent in Moria, where there is constant violence, overcrowded spaces, and filth; however, the respondents most often spoke of boredom when asked about how they spent their time before they decided to work at the community center.

I was only stuck in Moria and I don’t do anything. I just eat, sleep, take sometimes time with the guys, talk, and sleep. That was the routine. Same everyday. – AB, 19, Iraq

48 While some refugees spoke about the boredom they faced before they started working at OHF, others talk about the boredom that still causes violence everyday in Moria, using this explanation as an example for why they want to leave Moria during the day as long as OHF is open.

One of the refugee respondents, AM, teamed up with Israeli volunteers that ran the school at One Happy Family to write a book. The book is comprised of photos and words from 40 refugees from Lesvos and Chios. The project was underway when I arrived in Lesvos, and now the book launch is soon approaching. All proceeds go directly to One Happy Family. More information can be found at www.fishoutofsea.com

Although research was not mental-health centered and I was not equipped to conduct a thorough and conclusive psychology study, it was common for refugees interviewees to respond to questions with examples of how being a refugee and how living conditions are effecting their mental health and abilities:

It is impossible to think now, my brain does not work while I am refugee because all I can think about is interviews and papers and my friends deported. I cannot think and I cannot learn, I can only worry. – AM, 18, Afghanistan

Arda turned 18 during his journey to Lesvos. He speaks seven languages, has a university degree in electrical engineering, and spent his childhood in several different countries. He is well spoken and honest: If the humans don’t help each other, then who is going to help them? The animals? No. Animals cannot help the humans. If humans can’t help each other, then nobody can help them.

MHN claims that primary – food, water, shelter, and sleep - and secondary – safety and security - needs fulfillment must take place before tertiary needs – love and belonging - can be sought after and/or fulfilled. Therefore, for the purpose of this research that follows Maslow, it is important to outline how the lack of primary and secondary needs fulfillment in Moria affects the refugees’ abilities to negotiate a sense of love and belonging within OHF and then examine how the lack of needs fulfillment might make it difficult for OHF to create an environment through which a mutually beneficial relationship is built between the NGO and refugees working for it.

49 IV. LACK OF COHESION BETWEEN NGO’S AND REFUGEES OF MORIA

There is an overall positive impact on refugees as well as on NGO’s, however, the fulfillment of basic and secondary needs plays an important role in the level of success. My final goal in this chapter is to collect all the information about needs fulfillment in Moria, as well as the negotiation of love and belonging facilitated by work with an NGO, and evaluate how, in the case of Moria, a lack of primary basic and secondary needs fulfillment might effect the possibility of cooperation and cohesion between the NGO (One Happy Family) and the refugees working it.

What is extremely important to note is that there is no cohesion or mutually beneficial relationships between refugees and NGO’s inside Moria. While it is common for refugees to work for NGO’s in Kara Tepe, it is almost non-existent for refugees to work with NGO’s inside Moria. Instead, there is a lot of built up resentment towards the organizations in Moria, as no matter what the organizations do, they do not have enough resources to provide equal treatment for all, and also cannot provide ample food, water, or clothing. For these reasons, NGO’s do not hire extra hands to help in everyday tasks, because there is no use for manpower for resource distribution without resources available for distribution. Therefore, the relationship under examination in this research is the one between an NGO outside of Moria – One Happy Family – and the refugees working for it, who are or were all residents of Moria at the start of their “employment.”

A smooth relationship is difficult when there cannot be a sense of accountability between refugees and OHF. Sometimes, there are factors and situations outside of the control of the refugees, which make it difficult for them to be reliable, punctual, and functional. Some days, there are police raids that lock down the camp, making it impossible for anyone to leave until all people on the deportation list are found and collected for pre-deportation imprisonment.

Moria is very bad. Some days the police come inside our tent in the morning. They are looking for people for deport. Then we cannot go to Swiss Cross. – AB, 19, Iraq

Other days, there is violence that either carried over from the night before, which, as previously mentioned, usually stems from alcohol abuse, or was started in the morning before OHF opening hours. In the case of fire, refugees often flee the camp or hide out away from the gates in search of safety. This unpredictability and the threat of events like this happening does not foster an environment of accountability and reliance, it instead creates an environment of fear and anticipation.

50 Some days I cannot get to work. Like when there was fire and police at the gates, we stay in our containers, nobody leave. We have to stay in Moria. – AS, 23, Syria

Much of what happens in Moria carries over to the daily environment of OHF. Often times, if something very bad is going on in Moria, families flee for the safety of OHF, which causes overcrowding and unpredictability in numbers, which has a direct effect on the ratio of food provided per person and the upkeep of the toilets. However, OHF has never failed to provide a meal for everyone at the community center on any given day. What OHF cannot overcome without question, however, is their employees facing danger or arrest in Moria; it is not uncommon for employees to get caught in the wrong place at the wrong time and not be able to show up to work. In that case, responsibilities go unfulfilled until OHF can adjust.

Uncle (nickname for Congolese friend) went with police, they take him for deport because there was fighting. I don’t think he did anything bad, but he was in the wrong place. He worked at the gym but now he is in prison. – LY, 21, Iraq

OHF continues to adjust to the unpredictability and the lack of basic and secondary needs fulfillment in Moria. While some things cannot be avoided, like a job not fulfilled by an employee that could not make it to work, other things can be permanently improved with more money and more resources.

Some days it is hard to wake because I am hungry and it is easy to just sleep. If I know there is food then I want to wake, but if I know the food will be gone by other people, why will I wake? On those days I miss work at Swiss Cross. – AS, 23, Syria

Since fundraising goals increased, OHF was able to recognize areas needing improvement and take steps in the right direction. There has always been one meal for everyone at the community center, but since September, breakfast has been added for all volunteers and workers at OHF, refugee or not.

In the morning now there is breakfast here. Before there was only one meal, but we work so we need energy. The rest of the people in Moria sleep all day. – JM, 25, Lebanon

OHF as an organization has made adjustments to improve cohesion, but refugees have made adjustments as well; many have started to pool their monthly UN money together to rent a clean, albeit overcrowded apartment in the city of Mytilene. In keeping in touch with the participants of

51 my study, I found out that two out of the five interviewees moved out of Moria shortly after the time I was on Lesvos because they found it especially difficult to work while living in Moria.

I got a home with the other guys from Swiss Cross working. Now we live in Mytilene. I could not live in Moria and work here. – LY, 21, Iraq

The interviews with five residents of Moria shed light onto the truth about the conditions of Moria refugee camp. In each of the interviews, basic physiological needs as well as secondary needs fulfillment, or lack thereof, were discussed in-depth, and I was able to conclude that conditions are poor. Although this conclusion is not a surprise given the multitude of reports on Moria in every major news outlet, it is an important conclusion to draw in collaboration with conclusions about cohesion between refugees and NGO’s, and the relationships between the two groups. Without the fulfillment of basic and secondary needs, there is violence, fear, disease, unpredictability, and unreliability, and therefore, cohesion between refugees residing in Moria and NGO’s working inside and outside Moria are directly affected by the conditions of the camp and must adjust accordingly.

In the next chapter, I will provide an example of a situation that differs greatly – that of Kara Tepe.

52 Chapter 5

ANALYSIS II: KARA TEPE REFUGEE CAMP

In this chapter, I discuss the correlation between human needs fulfillment in KT and the work of refugees as volunteers. I discuss each aspect of basic – food, water, shelter, sleep - and secondary – safety and security - needs fulfillment as well as the success of refugee-NGO integration and sustainability. I contend that a healthy, sustainable, and mutually beneficial relationship between an NGO and their refugee volunteers can only exist where basic and secondary needs are fulfilled.

MHN, as discussed previously in the literature review section as well as in Chapter 4, provides an explanation of so-called human needs and theorizes that certain needs are proponent to other needs, and that proponent needs must be met to a sufficient degree before needs later in the hierarchy can be met. For more in-depth explanations, please refer back to Chapters 1 & 4. Basic physiological needs are most important, of the highest priority, according to Maslow, and then come secondary needs, then tertiary needs, or the need to feel love and belonging. As previously discussed, if Maslow’s theory holds true, refugees can only focus on obtaining each need by this hierarchy. Therefore, if refugees are fed in sufficient quantity and quality, have enough drinking water, and have the opportunity to stay sheltered in a play that is not exposed to the elements and also allows for sound sleep, then safety and security can become a priority, followed by the opportunity to obtain belonging within a group (or working with an NGO), and therefore cohesion and cooperation between refugees and NGO’s may occur.

As with the analysis of Moria, the first step here is to prove that basic physiological needs are being met in the camp; this will be achieved by providing examples of the food, water, shelter, and sleep situations of refugees residing in Kara Tepe. The next step in the process is to provide examples regarding the fulfillment of secondary – safety and security – needs given by refugees residing in Moria. Finally, I will use this information about basic and secondary needs, and seek to understand the correlation between the fulfillment of these needs and the feeling of belonging and the cohesion between refugees and NGO’s working with them.

53 I. BASIC NEEDS FULFILLMENT IN KARA TEPE

Kara Tepe Hospitality Center of the Municipality of Lesvos, also known as Kara Tepe, or KT, is where I spent most of my time during the fieldwork period, working as a researcher and volunteer for Because We Carry, a Dutch organization with a sole purpose of improving camp conditions and everyday life in Kara Tepe. KT is a refugee camp located on government land and sustained partly by the government of Greece, as water and power, as well as security, is provided by the city. However, daily camp upkeep, much of the infrastructure, food, and activity organization comes from NGO’s that each fulfills an area of need on a consistent basis. All everyday functions, as well as the implementation of new infrastructure like solar power paneling or shading structures, the distribution of food, school, and activities are the work of NGO’s. The municipality of Lesvos fulfills an important role by keeping order and regulation, and provides camp management, who serves as a filter or check to ensure that NGO’s are serving in the best interest of the residents of the camp. ERCI, Save the Children, Samaritan’s Purse, International Rescue Committee, Movement on the Ground, and BWC are the NGO’s present in Kara Tepe. Each organization serves its own purpose and has organization from within as well as guidelines to follow.

As said, basic physiological needs include food, water, shelter, and sleep, and therefore, food is the first topic in discussion while analyzing basic needs fulfillment in Kara Tepe. Approximately 850 residents (although the numbers have risen significantly over the course of the study) of Kara Tepe receive breakfast, lunch, and dinner every day, as well as the opportunity to wait in line for healthy snacks a few times per week. BWC serves breakfast daily with the help of refugee workers and foreign volunteers sharing equal responsibility. Food bags of equal quality are delivered to each door, and the number of people residing in each home determines quantity. What this system guarantees, is equal treatment to each resident, and a dignified way of receiving food, avoiding long lines and the degradation of waiting for handouts. “Human” was the key word in coding discussion about food quality and quantity, as well as distribution, since “dignity” is not commonly in the vocabulary of the refugees.

We are human here; we are not waiting for food for many hours in the sun. Instead, we give food to the people at their homes even in the rain. - MK, 21, Iraq

Residents consistently expressed how the manner in which food is distributed is “human,” and often times contrasted the distribution methods in KT with the long lines and “animal” like

54 treatment in Moria. Refugee aid workers expressed a similar sentiment, explaining how their desire to help stems from being treated well.

Breakfast I really wanted to help, the rule was to bring it at the houses, and I really like that so I wanted to help. Why? Because you don’t feel like you are in prison or in Moria or something, you don’t have to stand in line for your food. - JA, 23, Afghanistan

Food is, as expected when speaking with individuals about living conditions and daily life, often the topic of discussion within the camp. It was also a common topic of discussion in the interviews; however, it was spoken about in a very different context and with a different attitude than in interviews with Moria residents. Food was mostly a topic of discussion in relation to the work the NGO; since BWC distributes breakfast every day of the year with refugee volunteer manpower, food was often only referred to in the context of distribution. It is also important to note that “hungry” was never a word spoken by interviewees in reference to camp conditions; it was only used when speaking about the journey to Greece and how food was scarce while the refugees waiting in the forest for their time to attempt to cross the Aegean on a rubber dinghy. With BWC distribution in the morning, and UN providing lunch and dinner also delivered to each home, three meals are provided to all residents each day. In addition, Movement on the Ground provides healthy snacks at a first-come-first-serve basis out of their “Giving Food Truck” every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. Snacks are meant to be nutritious and plenty.

Each day in the morning we get tomato, cucumber, or sometimes onion, cheese, chocolate, maybe more in a bag. And always banana and bread. Everyone the same. Expect pregnant or something or new baby2. – FK, 22, Syria

Since each bag is prepared to fit the amount of people in the home, equality is prioritized and there is always enough food provided. In addition, each individual receives one banana. The only instances where some individuals get more than others, is when a woman is pregnant or breastfeeding, at which time they receive an extra banana.

Some basic things, sometimes we don’t have electricity, don’t have internet. Food also not perfect. – BS, 25, Nepal

Of course, not everyone is happy about the food distributed, but not because it is bad or rotten food, or of an insufficient quantity, but because it is not typical of the food from everyone’s home

2 While everyone else in KT receives one banana per day, pregnant and/or nursing women receive two.

55 country. The delivery of quality food is so reliable that often times, families choose to refuse certain items like Tahini if they are not keen on the product, while some refuse different types of bread, waiting for the day that their preferred type of bread is distributed; Arabs tend to prefer the Arab, or naan type bread, while the Africans often prefer baguettes. This refusal of food clearly indicates that there is no serious scarcity of food in KT.

Sometimes even the food they don’t take that we give. Like if people don’t like the bread. They say they want the Arab bread. – AA, 20, Syria

Clean drinking water is provided throughout KT; there are multiple water fountains as well as spouts to do wash and clean dishes. Showers are also not very crowded, and bathrooms are kept clean by sanitation staff working in the camp. However, during the drought of the summer months, water was turned off at times and the heat of the days was cause for concern and many complaints. These instances were not, however, significant enough for refugee respondents to speak about in interviews. Nevertheless, the lack of thermal bottles provided by the camp was a constant complaint; BWC provides one thermal bottle to each newly arrived family. These thermoses often break and leak, so residents ask for more, stating that their need for another thermos is great, that their children fight over the one they have, or that there is not enough tea to be made for the whole family in just one thermos. Although this may seem irrelevant in the context of this study, it is quite the opposite; the fact that the issue of the thermos is even an issue at all amongst residents of Kara Tepe, shows that, according to MHN, there must not be a lack of food and water, if material items like thermoses is taking priority.

Shelter from the cold, rain, summer heat, or winter snow is extremely important because shelter from the elements is a basic physiological need, one that is prepotent to safety and security, belonging, or esteem. As said, in Moria, there is not sufficient shelter provided to most residents of the camp; In KT, by contrast, each resident sleeps in a container, most likely with members of his or her family, but sometimes paired with other single people of similar backgrounds. This method cannot be carried out in Moria since there are too many people to house in the small number of containers in the camp, and there is not enough time or space to accommodate people of the same cultural and political backgrounds. Of course, there are complaints about the number of people in each container, since no refugee comes from a home in their country of origin that is so tight and crowded in one room - this instance relates to the idea of relative deprivation.

56 Because everybody here, from Syria, from Afghanistan, from Iraq. In Iraq you have one in the house, two in the house, three in the house, and then you come in the camp and you have one room very small, five person, six people stay in this room. – MK, 21, Iraq

The final physiological need to discuss is directly affected by the quality of the shelter provided to the refugees: sleep. Unlike the discussion with residents of Moria, which often consisted of complaints about quality of sleep due to unrest, stress, violence in the camp, and weather interference like snow and rain, or heat and mosquitos coming into the tents, the discussions with residents of Kara Tepe did not talk about sleep in the same way; the word “sleep” was only used to explain the act of oversleeping and depression. Many of the interview participants described their time before working with an NGO as a time when they would waste away their day sleeping. Never was sleep referred to with longing or something that could not be achieved due to improper shelter and other physical factors.

In Afghanistan, I was busy all time, just sleeping for 4-5 hour, not more. But now here, just waiting, just sleeping, just wasting time. But not I work with BWC, MOTG, I don’t sleep all day. – NH, 23, Afghanistan.

Disputes over container size are frequently heard in the camp manager’s office, and it often argued that a family of over five people should not be living in a one-room container. However, each resident has the space to sleep in containers – albeit crowded – that shelter from the snow and rain in the winter, and from the sun in the summer. The important thing to note is that while refugees of Kara Tepe are not necessarily happy with the shelter they are provided, it is still nevertheless shelter from the elements, and sufficient enough to create an environment in which the next tier of needs may become a priority.

Each basic physiological need – food, water, shelter, sleep - is likely fulfilled because camp population does not exceed camp capacity. The amount of people needing breakfast, lunch, and dinner each day is predictable. Families are not moved from Moria to KT until there is an open container with equal resources to the rest of the camp. Because population, food distribution costs, and helping hands available for work, are predictable, it is possible to treat everybody fairly. Kara Tepe is a continuously controlled environment that allows for order and equality.

57 II. SECONDARY NEEDS FULFILLMENT IN KARA TEPE

Here, this camp, is really good, You know why? Here there is no fighting, and Stavros is really good with this situation. If someone if fighting, he speak with you and everyone is scared. Then no one fighting, this is really important, because you have here a lot of families. Everyone is one family, no fighting, is really good. - FK, 22, Syria

Though primary basic physiological needs may not be fulfilled perfectly, my data suggest that they are, in fact, fulfilled to a degree that which allows for movement into the next tier of needs fulfillment, safety and security. What this means, according to MHN, is that refugees residing in Moria receive enough food and water, and adequate shelter and sleep for the secondary, safety and security needs to become a priority. In other words, residents of KT have their basic physiological needs fulfilled, and therefore they can think about the state of safety and security within the camp, not only ensuring safety for themselves, but for others as well. Since everyone is treated equally, there is less hostility between people, and since there is no scarcity in resources, individuals in the camp do not fight over the food provided or the water flowing through the water fountains – everyone in the camp has equal access.

Kara Tepe is not the same as Moria. Moria there is no water, not enough, shower is cold, no water for wash. If you take the water for wash and someone want to take the water for drink, they will fight. – AL, 25, Iraq

The fighting in Moria, and therefore the lack of safety and security, as mentioned in the Moria section, Chapter 4, stems mainly from the stress of the lack of resources and fulfillment of physiological needs. According to an article published in the British Journal of Nutrition, even slight dehydration can alter mood; without adequate food and water, the body and brain does not function well, and obtaining food and water takes priority over safety, leading to violence that could be prevented by eating and drinking and having a clear, rational mind (Ganio et al., 2011).

I came to Kara Tepe because in Moria there was always fighting, - SN, 23, Afghanistan

Of course, arguments can also arise between people who are not lacking in basic physiological needs fulfillment, however; the standard has already been set in Kara Tepe that violence is not acceptable and there are consequences for fighting.

Here there is no fighting, and SM is really good with this situation. If someone if fighting, he speak with you and everyone is scared. Then no one fighting. – FK, 21, Syria

58 SM is camp manager of KT; he knows most, if not all residents, and has his office in a central location in the camp. One of the safety measures of the camp is simply the existence of SM.

I am someone big for them, they respect and trust me. I give trust and give respect and I take back respect and trust. We have a way, we find a way. We learn, we learn from our villagers, from our guests, we learn everyday, we grow up. – Kara Tepe Camp Manager

There is a level of safety and security felt through the camp because the residents know each other, and no outsider is allowed to enter the camp except aid workers registered by the municipality. If a visitor wants to enter the camp, they must first get permission from the mayor of Mytilene, then have access granted at the front gate with additional paperwork stating their purpose. KT is very different from Moria because guards know to let an individual inside the gates of the camp, which means that they know every person living inside. This rule is not always appreciated, but it probably does more good than harm.

My friend can never come inside Kara Tepe because he lives in Mytilene. He worked with BWC long time too, but now not allowed here. – MK, 21, Iraq

Although there are mishaps in every community, typically related to the effects of drugs and alcohol or the lack of proper childcare by parents, the camp is relatively safe and secure, especially in comparison to Moria, just down the road. When asked about safety or violence in the camp, each one of the ten respondents discussed Moria and how Kara Tepe is different; this is why there is not a lot of content for this section. However, the lack of discussion on this topic is telling; the refugees consistently regarded Moria as a bad place which they felt were lucky to have left, and know that if they misbehave, they could be sent back. The lack of talk about safety shows that it is not a large concern, and also indicates that refugees residing in KT have the capacity to think about things beyond their safety, for instance, the idea of community and the ability to negotiate belonging.

A sense of security, however, is a not the same as a sense of safety; for refugees living on the island of Lesvos, there is little sense of security in the future, and the way in which the refugees deal with that uncertainty seems to be a breaking point for some, while others are stronger, finding ways to cope and put their restless minds to work. In the case of the KTT members, they seem to be stronger, using their work to negotiate belonging within the camp in the meantime, while they wait for their asylum case to be processed. This is why working for an NGO and finding somewhere to belong is so important.

59 We had everything in Afghanistan, we had restaurant, we had work, we had school, we had everything. Because we were threatened by the Taliban, my mother and my brother are now lost. My father was killed in Afghanistan because of Taliban, because of explosion. How do I think of the future? We want to be safe in a new country, but maybe they send us back. If they are going to send me back to Afghanistan, they should just kill me here and send my body back to Taliban, because I get killed if I go back anyway. – NH, 23, Afghanistan

III. BELONGING WITHIN AN NGO: BECAUSE WE CARRY

When they can help with something like shoes, because we are helping, they give it to us. But I never ask that I need shoes, food, money. We volunteer; we come here every day just for helping people. – NH, 23, Afghanistan

According to my observations as well as the in-depth interviews, both the basic physiological – food, water, shelter, and sleep – needs and the secondary - safety and security - needs of the residents of KT are fulfilled to a degree which allows for tertiary needs – love and belonging – to become a priority. The ten respondents from KT, not unlike the respondents from Moria, volunteers to work for a non-profit organization, allowing for cohesion between NGO’s and refugees within the camp; because the bottom two tiers of MHN are fulfilled in KT, the camp is about to facilitate an environment that fosters a working relationship between BWC and capable and willing refugees. This relationship is beneficial for both parties in a variety of ways.

It’s good for me and makes me happy and learn, and good for Because We Carry because I help them too. –WM, 17, Congo

Cohesion between two parties is possible when there is a mutually beneficial relationship. This section will break down the common ways in which the relationship between refugees and NGO’s, more specifically BWC, is beneficial for both parties. Refugees gain a lot from working with BWC; language skills, knowledge of European customs, traditions, mannerisms, etc., access to resources, a purpose and responsibilities, and finally, a community.

Improved English language skills is not only something that is a common thread between each one of the ten interview respondents of KT, but it is also the reason why I was able to conduct the interviews in English; many of the refugees working for BWC did not start off with any knowledge of English, and gained this skill through their everyday work and activities with the people of the organization. It is now something that the KKT members are proud of, and is also

60 something that will serve them extremely well in their futures in Europe, both socially and financially.

I was working, working, and every day I find new words in English, learn to talk, I just like it to talk like there. I know I didn’t talk English, I just want to talk to, one word a day is enough for me. – SN, 23, Afghanistan

AND

Now I learn little bit English, I don’t need school, this is school. – DD, 18, Kurdistan AND

I thought, if we stay in Europe, I need to learn English. Was my goal, to learn English. After nine months I got the job as an interpreter. Yeah, it changed my life. – JA, 23, Afghanistan

AND

I come and see really nice people who speak nice English. I couldn’t speak any English, learned little bit words of English. Now I speak.– FK, 22, Syria

A surprisingly common theme and topic of the interviews, was one of the reasons why refugees wanted to work for a European NGO - to see how Europeans live. The phrase “see how they live” came up in five of the ten interviews with KT residents working with BWC; other variations were also used; the countries from which these refugees came are very different culturally from the countries of Europe where they intend to travel to and live.

Europe different from my country. I change my hair and I wear nothing over, and I made color in it. Your hair very pretty, Holland girls very nice. I do like you. – DD, 18, Kurdistan

Haircuts, style of dress, food, etc., not only differ from the traditions of Europe, but also between the home countries of the refugees; Syria and Iraq have Arab cultures, while Afghanistan and Iran are Persian. Congolese and Angolan cultures are also very different, and Africa is completely foreign to most Middle Eastern people. The refugees are foreign to each other as well as to Europeans, and there is a lot to learn for all parties equally; the difference is that, while it is good to know and understand how everyone else lives, it is the refugees who must adapt the most to their new surroundings in Europe.

61 I like to be friends with everybody, people from Afghanistan, from Iraq, from Syria, from Holland, Germany, America, from everywhere. I like to see how they live, maybe I will see them again, in different country. – MK, 21, Iraq

AND

I work with BWC, before I don’t know anyone from Afghanistan, now I know a lot of from Afghanistan. Also joking, also from Holland, now I have so many friends. – AA, 20, Syria

Many of the respondents chose to talk about the changes that have taken place within themselves and with their outward appearances since arriving to KT. The guys often sport bracelets given to them by volunteers, or wear matching shirts and sneakers that can be considered Western. Their traditional clothing, which had to be worn in their countries of origin, mainly in Iraqi and Syrian towns controlled by ISIS, has been switched out for Nikes and jeans. I believe this is not only an effort to fit in amongst the refugees with such different countries of origin, but also to fit in with the volunteers, and therefore, the people imagined to exist in other countries like NL Germany, where the refugees so long to reach. Living like Europeans apparently goes further than simply clothing and hairstyles, however; one refugee respondent also mentioned how his way of thinking has become more European since working with BWC and feels that the new knowledge of different thinking is a growth opportunity. When asked about what he has gained from his work with an NGO, he responded:

You learn how to live in Europe, how to live with people. Volunteers show us how to live in Europe – you are in a safe country now, you have to think about the future, not about your past. Be active in your life, to help more people. Do good and good comes to you. Meet people – sometimes very hard – but everyone has a different career and personalities – this helps for our personality. – JA, 23, Afghanistan

62

Every Friday evening, Kara Tepe has a dance party in the pavilion. There is a mix of music from all different countries, and refugees teach each other and the volunteers how to do traditional dances from their homes. Male and female residents of all ages attend. In this picture, AA(Syria), FK(Syria), and MK(Iraq) stand with Greek camp director, Stavros, before the party, which is the only time they take out their traditional dress.

Refugees working for BWC and MOTG have more access to resources than refugees who do not have any connection with an NGO. Since there is no monetary payment for working with an NGO, the NGO’s try to give back in other ways. Sometimes these additional resources include tangible items like clothing and sneakers – when Nike donated shoes through Movement on the Ground, or when a Dutch company donated bicycles, it was the team of young men and women working for the NGO’s that received the limited donations. Other ways for BWC and other NGO’s to support their refugees is by accompanying them to interviews with the asylum office, or writing recommendations for their asylum process.

Sometimes the old people think I’m Ali Baba with banana, like I get more bananas, but I don’t take more bananas, I take one just like everyone else. I ask them why they don’t work with Because We Carry. I get a lot of talk from people who don’t work for BWC saying we get more. – MK, 21, Iraq

The positives of working for an NGO seem to far outweigh the negatives, but that does not mean there are not some tough sides to the work –apart from waking up early and working outside in extreme weather conditions – in terms of keeping peace within the KT community; there are times when some of the Kara Tepe Team receive backlash from fellow refugees claiming that there is not equal treatment for all. For the most part, the team members react well, as Mohammad said, and feel that they have earned any extras they receive. However, the BWC

63 protocol is to eat and drink near in the NGO area, away from the homes and high traffic areas just to keep from starting unnecessary arguments.

The final two common benefits of working with an NGO, expressed often in the interviews, go hand-in-hand; waking up everyday and taking responsibility for showing up and working hard everyday gives the KTT a purpose, and in turn creates a community of individuals that share this common purpose of making the camp a better place to live. Many of the interview respondents expressed their need to feel this purpose, and explained how life before joining the team was “boring,” “nothing,” or made them “go crazy.”

I thank BWC for teaching me English, and for new friends from Europe and other guys in Kara Tepe. If I don’t work, I would just stay at home and maybe go crazy. – MK, 21, Iraq

While some mentioned working as a way to get them out of bed and the container, others explained it simply as a way to make the most of the time living in the camp.

I was trying to be involved, I knew my life was going to be stuck here six months, so let’s make the best of it. – JA, 23, Afghanistan

Still others use the packed daily schedule as a way to take their mind off their current situation, in limbo between their past and unsure future. Each one of the members of the KTT has gone through traumatic experiences both in their home countries and during the journey to Greece. While many have lost family members to war, terrorist attacks, bombings, and targeted killings, others have lost family and friends on the journey by drowning in the Mediterranean, or because a smuggler decided to separate groups of people, possibly selling individuals into sex slavery.

I want to be busy, I like it. I don’t want to think about the future. If you’re in here, you shouldn’t think about past and future. You should be busy, joking with friends. For more than one year and not doing something, you get psychologist problem. – NH, 23, Afghanistan

This young man, NH, began his journey in Afghanistan, where his family and cousins, aunts and uncles, lived near each other and ran a family business, a catering company that hosted events for thousands. During the day, the young men and women attended university, and in the evening, they helped out with the business. When Taliban threatened his family, telling them that they must poison thousands of government workers and lawyers through their food, or face death, the family had to flee. NH left Afghanistan with his whole family, yet he is the one remaining in KT. It is not surprising that he doesn’t want to think about his past or his future. Others find the work empowering, and feel that being treated as equals amongst the European volunteers is important. As SN phrased it, “I want to work with them and give power to refugees.”

64 There are words that could be taken from each of the ten interviewees of the KTT to demonstrate how working with BWC gives them “power” and “responsibility,” but doing so would reiterate the same point, which is this; NGO’s provide an opportunity for refugees to find purpose, find a voice, learn new and useful skills that will benefit them in the future, all while also providing a community in which to belong.

Kara Tepe knows me – Makes me happy that everyone smiles to me and that they know who I am. – MK, 21, Iraq

AND

I am going to miss Kara Tepe, I think it is going to be very hard. It won’t be easy. I will be with my family and my friends, but I can’t find Kara Tepe anymore. Everyone gives love here to each other, I won’t find that anywhere. - JA, 23, Afghanistan

Refugees often expressed how they feel known, which I believe makes them feel like they belong; of course, it is best to back up this claim with the words from someone who combined the idea of feeling known with the sentiment of home.

When I arrived in here, I don’t know, it was so terrible for me. Now, not anymore because they know me now. I am happy now. Now it’s my life in here, now it’s my house, it’s my home now. I have to pay attention for KT also, because it’s our family. – NH, 23, Afghanistan

It is evident that refugees who are part of the Kara Tepe Team of individuals working together with the NGO, BWC, feel a sense of purpose as well as a sense of belonging brought together by the shared purpose of making Kara Tepe a better place to call home.

Staying together, we are all family. - BS, 25, Nepal

I claim that a mutually-beneficial relationships between refugees and NGOs can exist because it is not only a positive experience for refugees, but the use of refugee volunteers also improves the organization of Because We Carry and encourages the formation of friendships between volunteers and refugees. Since the formation of the KTT, BWC volunteers work side-by-side with refugees, creating an environment in which the aid givers and the aid recipients work together. BWC can better serve the community because it has more stakeholders and people from the community growing its knowledge base and providing awareness to what is going on in the camp. Overall it is an informative and pleasant experience. As one aid worker shared:

65 We all work together. There is no “us” and “them.” I can tell AA it’s his turn on that damn hot roof [building shade], and he can tell me that the residents are very unhappy with the kind of bread we give them. – BWC Coordinator

IV. CONCLUSION

It is evident through in-depth interviews with residents of Kara Tepe - also each members of the KTT of BWC – that basic physiological needs – food, water, shelter, and sleep – and safety and security needs are met to an extent to which refugees are able to move further along in MHN, to the need to experience love and belonging. The lack of talk about basic and secondary needs indicates that it is not so much of a concern for the refugees of KT, rather, it is more relevant to talk about every day life and schedules working for an NGO. We even had time to talk more about their stories and backgrounds in their home countries, and about their thoughts of the future. Often times, the biggest concern was the future and its uncertainty. The amount of time spend waiting is mind-numbing, as it seems to be for all refugees on the island of Lesvos; at least the residents of KT have their dignity still in tact when they do finally leave the island. This lack of security, however, is evidently slightly overcome by avoidance, by keeping the mind and body busy, and by experiencing a situation that includes laughter, friendship, and purpose, making KT a place that is not so easy to leave. It is apparent through observation, through time spent witnessing the growth of both relationships and skills amongst the refugees and the foreign volunteers, and through interviews, that KT fosters an environment in which the fulfillment of basic and secondary needs allows for the negotiation of love and belonging found through a mutually beneficial working relationship between refugees and NGO’s.

66 Chapter 6

CONCLUSION AND RECCOMMENDATIONS

I. SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS

To review, after explaining the aim, relevance, and structure of this study and defining key terms, I proposed in my first chapter that the theoretical framework relating to my research included studies similar to my own in some ways, but not quite the same as the research I intended to do. I used Maslow’s hierarchy of needs to guide research meant to fill a gap in literature at the crossroad of settled and unsettled refugees past and present, to land on the subject of refugees in limbo, caught between their lives left behind and their new life abroad. Millions of displaced people fall into this limbo and live out their days in deplorable conditions in refugee camps across Europe, waiting for their asylum claims to be processed. I feel this is not just a violation of human rights, but it is a huge waste of potential as well.

There is one refugee camp that is unlike the others, and the difference is clear in the evident level of cooperation between NGO’s working and the refugees living within. I then introduced the situation in the context of Greece as a whole, the island of Lesvos, and finally, the camp that sets an example for what could be – Kara Tepe. KT is drastically different from the other camp on the island, Moria, and I found that the refugees, for the purpose of simplicity, might be categorized into two different groups – refugees experiencing the fulfillment of basic needs as well as the feelings of safety and security, and refugees experiencing a lack of basic needs fulfillment and a lack of safety and security.

As described in Chapter three, I conducted multiple open-ended in-depth interviews with refugees from both categories, and found that refugees residing in KT generally experience the fulfillment of basic and secondary needs, while refugees in Moria, do not. A relativist ontological stance, plus the conviction that a researcher cannot be separate from the research, led me to assume a subjectivist epistemology and an interpretivist approach.

67 Chapter four examined Moria refugee camp, while Chapter five focused only on KT. In sum, the existence and sequence of basic and secondary needs fulfillment supports the theory of Maslow’s hierarchy of needs; the more consistent the fulfillment of basic needs and safety and security was, the higher the chance of men and women refugees negotiating a sense of belonging within the camp through work with NGO’s, and the higher the chance of general cohesion between refugees and NGO’s.

Contextual variables like camp size versus capacity and presence and attitude of police impact the effectiveness of the basic needs fulfillment. Moria is overcrowded and lacks resources so residents experience a lack of food, water, proper shelter, electricity, etc. and therefore lack of secondary needs like safety, as residents are agitated, hungry, claustrophobic, and surrounded by filth, which causes increased violence. This violence causes camp guards to abandon and/or brutalize residents of Moria when fights break out, perpetuating more danger. Residents of KT do not experience these safety issues because refugees are complacent and there is generally less cause for fighting. Guards know and respect the residents of Kara Tepe because the campus is safe and calm.

I found that Kara Tepe fosters an environment in which a mutually beneficial relationship between refugees and NGO’s can exist. The most apparent benefits in my findings for refugees was a sense of purpose, increased English language skills, knowledge of European customs, traditions, mannerisms, etc., access to resources, a the sense of purpose, and finally, a community. I also argue that the NGO benefits from the relationship with refugees in that having key stakeholders working for it positively impacts its knowledge and awareness of the camp. Camp management is pleased with the NGO’s not just providing material resources, but also purpose and skills to refugees, and therefore, they may take priority. A presence in a refugee camp provides donors reason to fund projects, and it is privilege not many NGO’s possess.

Moria is an example of the standard refugee camp in Europe – overcrowded, unsafe, and unsanitary. It is also an example of an environment in which a mutually beneficial and cohesive relationship between NGO’s and refugees cannot exist, due to its consistent and prolonged lack of basic needs fulfillment. Refugees of Moria volunteering outside the camp at OHF were degrading in health over the time I spent conducting my fieldwork, and many were inconsistent in showing up to work and unreliable in their duties due to the lack of basic and secondary needs provided in Moria.

68 The relationship between the fulfillment of basic, secondary, and love and belonging needs is direct and hierarchical, and therefore, as long as basic and secondary needs are fulfilled, refugees have the chance to negotiate a sense of belonging within the camp through work with NGO’s, which increases the chance of cohesion between refugees and NGO’s.

II. ACADEMIC AND SOCIETAL RELEVANCE / FUTURE RESEARCH

The European refugee crisis began in 2015 with an influx of refugees fleeing to the Europe from the Middle East and North Africa by way of the Mediterranean Sea or overland through the Balkans. As migrant numbers surged and xenophobia took hold of European politics, policies were enacted to stop the flow of refugees entering the EU. What resulted is millions of refugees in limbo, caught between their destroyed lives and homes, and their potential new ones. The subject of my research is relevant not only to Europe, but to the world. It is academically important as well because there is little to no research on this group of refugees. The issue is so current that there are mostly newspaper articles screaming for audiences to pay attention to this humanitarian crisis, yet few words written about what can actually be done. The refugee camps of Europe hold despair, vulnerability, and a lot of pasts riddled with violence, persecution, and unfair happenings, but they also hold hope, and potential. If the 510 million EU residents provided food, water, shelter, and a sense of security to the 1.8 million people seeking asylum (UNHCR, 2017b).

What I believe many people of Europe do not understand is that the refugee crisis stemming from conflict in the Middle East is far-reaching and relevant to the present and future of Europe. The mistreatment of the refugees in Europe is not only setting a precedent for what Europe deems acceptable regarding the protection of human rights and dignity, but it is also cause for unforeseen long-term consequences. The poor conditions and lack of needs fulfillment experienced from refugees in Europe is only increasing cause for violence and may very likely be decreasing these individuals’ abilities to function in European society in the future. Resentment is building and time is passing while thousands of people on Lesvos alone pass their time in “temporary,” albeit torrid conditions. I believe it would be in the best interest of the EU to protect the mental health and rights of the many thousands of people it will eventually have to grant asylum in their time of need. An interesting opportunity for future research may indeed include the study of long-term effects of camp conditions in Europe on refugees. Another, more directly study related to my own would be a case study on the implementation of refugee volunteerism in other camps around Europe.

69 During the time I spent completing the master in International Development Studies, I learned all the many ways developed countries can guide underdeveloped countries to economic and social stability. Little time was spent on the shortcomings of so-called developed nations. An even lesser period was spent studying and understand migration in general, but more importantly, on the policies meant to guide developed countries in handling immigration in a way that protects human rights. We learned about smuggling, but not about why people were being smuggled across boarders while others roam the earth with multiple passports (myself included). There is definitely more academic research to be done and understanding to be achieved.

My findings would hold in other contexts and at a different time. When I first started thinking about whether or not this is true, I thought that there wouldn’t be a way to know because this refugee situation is unique and the time is current, so it would be difficult to have transferrable findings. However, my findings are based on the levels of basic needs fulfillment in relation to the possibility and level of belonging and community within a group. I argue that refugees feel love and belonging if they are involved in working with NGO’s, but that the levels of success in this phenomenon is based on the levels of basic needs fulfillment. In other words, individuals will not be helpful, nor reliable, nor successful in bonding with others if they are starving; refugees will not be interested, at least with any strong commitment, in helping serve food to others if they are not fed well themselves. There needs to be a mutually beneficial relation at play in order for the scenario to be stable and successful. This can be transferable to other contexts and times.

It is my hope that after reading my thesis, one might come to the conclusion that if refugee camps provide basic and secondary needs fulfillment to their residents, they can become centers for learning and cooperation between NGO’s and refugees. I believe that increased cohesion can lead to NGO’s that work more efficiently and have a bigger impact on the communities they serve, and in turn, raise more awareness and funds. With cooperation and communication, projects can be implemented that show the positive side to the refugee crisis – the side I experienced in Kara Tepe with friendship, support and a sense of community felt between aid workers and refugees. I think the world is tired of reading cries for help, so I hope to provide an exclamation of excitement for the potential waiting to be harnessed.

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75 APPENDIX

I. DATA COLLECTION TABLE II. INTERVIEW GUIDES III. SURVEY GUIDE

76 I. DATA COLLECTIONS TABLE

Interviewee Chart Name Age/Position M/F Country of Origin SN 23 M Afghanistan JA 23 M Afghanistan NH 21 M Afghanistan MK 21 M Iraq AL 25 M Iraq Kara Tepe AA 19 M Syria FK 22 M Syria DD 18 F Syrian Kurdistan BS 25 M Nepal WM 18 M Congo

AM 18 M Afghanistan LY 21 M Iraq Moria JM 25 M Lebanon AB 19 M Iraq AS 23 M Syria

Because We Carry Claudia Drost F The Netherlands Coordinator NGO/Camp One Happy Family Fabien Bracher M Switzerland Employees Manager Stavros KT Camp Manager M Greece Mirogiannis Table 2: Interviewee Information of data collected in August, 2017

77 II. INTERVIEW GUIDES

78

79 III. SURVEY GUIDE

Name M/F Cabin Age Native Language Also Speaks:

Profession in home country What are their skills / previous work experiences? Can they provide their diplomas, certificates of high school completion?

If yes, which ones? Do they have Yes? Internet computer What browsing experiences? Level? Familiar with programming Knows C++ Java Script Web development

Graphic design

Something else

No

Do they currently have access to a smartphone, tablet or computer?

If yes, where? Hobbies in home country? Wants to lean…

Would like to do the following activities … Table 5: Short Surveys given to all adults in Kara Tepe, which served as a great way to get to know people and spend time in their homes sharing stories and meals

80