Subterranean Features in the Hinterlands of Dos Hombres in Northwestern Belize by Kyle Ports, B.A

Sacred Earth: Subterranean Features in the Hinterlands of Dos Hombres in Northwestern Belize By Kyle Ports, B.A. A Thesis In Anthropology Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS Approved Brett Houk, Ph.D. Chair of committee

Tramra Walter, Ph.D.

Marisol Cortes-Rincon Ph.D.

Mark Sheridan Dean of the Graduate School December, 2015

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I have to first acknowledge my thesis committee, Dr. Brett Houk, Dr. Tamra

Walter and Dr. Marisol Cortes-Rincon, for their outstanding help and assistance while working on my thesis.

Dr. Houk has been an influential part of my graduate school education. He pushed me to become a better academic, archaeologist, and professional. I would also like to take this time to thank him for his patience during the writing process. I also want to thank Dr.

Walter for her guidance and assistance during the writing process of this thesis.

Dr. Marisol Cortes-Rincon forever changed my life by allowing me to become a part of the DH2GC project as a freshmen at Humboldt State University. Her mentorship extended far beyond the scope of the classroom, from teaching the responsibilities of becoming a leader in the classroom and field, imparting a bit of her vast wealth of knowledge.

I would also like to acknowledge the PfBAP and the 2012, 2013, 2014 DH2GC crews. Specifically I would like to thank Sarah Boudreaux, Leslie Perkins, Ty Swavely,

Dr. Michael Brennen, Jenny Leonard, Allyssa Haggard, and C.L. Kieffer: not only did you make this experience enjoyable, but without your help and assistance this project would have never been completed. I would also like to extend thanks to the Belizean crew members who assisted the DH2GC project for their enthusiasm and work effort.

Dr. Rissa Trachman should also be recognized because without her only half of this project would have been complete. During a stressful 2014 field season where heavy

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rain impeded on the progress of this thesis, she graciously allowed me to work with her and her DHAP crew at Grupo Agua Lluvia for the completion of my data collection.

I would also like to thank my parents who have supported me and my decision to pursue an academic career in archaeology. They also deserve credit for keeping me sane during the writing process. I would like to thank all of my friends that I have made throughout this entire process, who have supported me and my work.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... iv ABSTRACT ...... vii LIST OF TABLES ...... viii LIST OF FIGURES ...... ix I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 PfBAP...... 3 DH2GC...... 4 Grupo Agua Lluvia...... 5 Organization of this Thesis ...... 7 II. CAVES IN THE MAYA AREA ...... 8 The Physiography of the Maya Area...... 8 Types of Caves ...... 11 Natural Caves ...... 11 Artificial Caves ...... 13 III. MAYA USE OF CAVES...... 18 How Anthropologists Study the Cultural Uses of Mesoamerican Caves ...... 18 Ethnohistoric Interpretations ...... 19 Caves in Art ...... 20 Cosmology ...... 22 Ethnographic Cave Use ...... 24 History of Cave Archaeology ...... 34 Early Period (1840-1914) ...... 35 Middle Period (1914-1950) ...... 37 Post War Period (1945-1979) ...... 38 Recent Period (1980-1997) ...... 40 IV. REASEEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS ...... 44 Research Design ...... 44 Research Questions ...... 44

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Field Methodology ...... 45 Survey Methods ...... 45 Excavation Methods ...... 47 Laboratory Methodology...... 49 Lithic Analysis ...... 49 Ceramic Analysis ...... 49 Samples ...... 50 Faunal Remains ...... 50 Burial excavation and Analysis ...... 51 V. PROJECT BACKGROUND AND GEOGRAPHY ...... 53 Cultural History of PfBAP ...... 53 Geology ...... 57 Ecology of the Project Area...... 59 Dos Hombres ...... 62 Group N950 ...... 67 Subterranean Features Found on DH2GC ...... 70 Grupo Agua Lluvia...... 71 VI. RESULTS ...... 76 N950 ...... 76 Subterranean Features 1 and 2 at N950 ...... 77 Operation 4 Suboperation H ...... 80 Summary and Interpretation ...... 85 Subterranean Feature 3 ...... 87 Operation 4 Suboperation F ...... 92 Operation 4 Suboperation M ...... 97 Operation 4 Suboperation N ...... 101 Summary and Interpretations ...... 105 Subterranean Feature 4 ...... 111 Operation 4 Suboperation L ...... 113 Operation 4 Suboperation R ...... 120 Summary and Interpretations ...... 124 Grupo Agua Lluvia...... 126 v

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Feature 2 ...... 128 Operation 35 Suboperation G ...... 132 Summary and Interpretation ...... 141 VII. COMPARITIVE ANALYSIS ...... 156 Maax Na ...... 156 Chawak But’o’ob ...... 159 La Milpa ...... 161 Other Subterranean Features at PfBAP ...... 166 Discussion ...... 169 Comparative Analysis with Caves Northwestern Belize ...... 176 VIII. CONCLUSION ...... 181 REFERENCES CITED ...... 185

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ABSTRACT

Throughout Mesoamerica, caves have often been attributed as dark, mysterious, and dangerous locales. The Maya conceptualized caves as sacred spaces that were integral in their cosmology and worldview. Contemporary archaeological investigations have suggested that cave systems throughout Mesoamerica served as important loci for rituals. The ubiquity of these features in the Maya region indicate that concepts of sacred space may have extended to regions, and sites without naturally forming caves. This thesis explores the ways in which the Maya utilized subterranean features within the

Three Rivers region in northwestern Belize. This research focuses on the use of subterranean features located at two sites on the periphery of Dos Hombres: Grupo Agua

Lluvia and N950. This research operated as a complementary project to the Dos Hombres to Gran Cacao Archaeological Project and the Dos Hombres Archaeological Project. By using spatial and artifactual contexts the goal of this thesis is to understand how the ancient Maya in the hinterlands of Dos Hombres used subterranean features.

Additionally, a comparative analysis was performed between subterranean features previously investigated in the PfBAP area for a broader understanding of the function of subterranean features in northwestern Belize. Investigations into these subterranean features will assist in the understanding of the complexity of ancient Maya conception of cultural landscapes.

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LIST OF TABLES

6.1 Summary of excavation data from Suboperation H ...... 85 6.2 Summary of excavation data from Operation 4 Suboperations F, M, and N...... 104 6.2 Continued ...... 105 6.3 Lithic quantity by each suboperation and lot for N950. Lithic analysis was performed by Adam Forbis and Dr. Cortes-Rincon ...... 106 6.4 Faunal remains, Operation 4 Suboperation F (Kieffer 2015: Table 1) ...... 106 6.4 Continued ...... 108 6.5 Summary of excavation data from Operation 4 Suboperation L ...... 119 6.6 Summary of excavation data from Operation 4 Suboperation R ...... 125 6.7 Summary of excavation data from Operation35 Suboperation G ...... 140 6.7 Continued ...... 141 6.8 Operation 35 Suboperation G Ceramic Data Courtesy of Lauren Sullivan ...... 145 6.9 Lithic quantity by each lot for Operation 35 Suboperation G. Lithic Analysis Performed by Adam Forbis and Dr. Cortes-Rincon ...... 146 6.10 Faunal remains Operation 35 Suboperation G (Kieffer 2015: Table 2) ...... 148 6.10 Continued ...... 149 7.1 Cave Location, Morphology, Chronology ...... 171 7.2 Artifact Assemblages ...... 174

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LIST OF FIGURES

2.1 Architectural Cave 1 at Sabalam, Guatemala from Brady (2012:Figure 3) ...... 15 3.1 Relief I, Chalcatzingo from Grove (1968: Figure 1) ...... 21 3.2 Relief IX, Chalcatzingo from (Grove 1968: Figure 7) ...... 21 3.4 Tabal, Nahuala from Scott (2009: Figure 4.32) ...... 30 3.5 Principal Staircase in the Bolonchen Cave from Stephens (1843: Enrgaving 25) 36 5.1 Map of geologic zones in Belize from (Miller 1996: Figure 4) ...... 59 5.2 Physiographic boundaries from Dunning et al. (2003:Figure 2.1) ...... 60 5.3 Map of the PfBAP area from (Lohse 2001: Figure 3.1) ...... 63 5.4 Map of N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia in relation to Dos Hombres (Cortes-Rincon 2015) ...... 64 5.5 Map of Dos Hombres from Lohse (1999: Figure 4) ...... 66 5.6 Plan map of the site N950 from Cortes-Rincon (2014: Figure 1)...... 68 5.7 Plan map of Grupo Agua Lluvia from Trachman (2007:Figure 5.1) ...... 75 6.1 Map of N950 from Cortes-Rincon (2014: Figure 1) ...... 77 6.2 Photo of Subterranean Feature 2 view to the south ...... 79 6.3 Photo of Subterranean Feature 2 view to the southeast ...... 79 6.4 Subterranean Feature 2B view to the southwest ...... 80 6.6 Photo of Operation 4 Suboperation L ...... 84 6.7 Photograph of Subterranean Feature 3...... 88 6.8 Profile map of Subterranean Feature 3 view from the east wall...... 90 6.9 Plan map of Subterranean Feature 3 ...... 91 6.10 Plan map of Subterranean Feature 3 ...... 93 6.11 Photograph of obsidian blade fragments, lot 2, courtesy of Bruce Templeton ..... 95 6.12 Photograph of obsidian prismatic blade fragments, lot 3, courtesy of Bruce Templeton ...... 96 6.13 Photograph of applique decorated incensario from lot 3, courtesy of Bruce Templeton ...... 96 6.14 Photo of human cranial fragment Suboperation F lot 2 ...... 97 6.15 Profile map of east wall of Suboperation M ...... 99 6.16 Photo of Suboperation M lot 1 view to the East ...... 100 6.17 Photograph of human bones in situ in Suboperation M lot 1 ...... 101 6.18 Plan map of Subterranean Feature 4 ...... 112 6.19 Photograph of Suboperation L showing void 1 and the black streak from lot 3 116 6.20 Operation 4 Suboperation L south wall profile...... 117 6.21 Operation 4 Suboperation L plan map...... 118 6.22 Photo of Operation 4 Suboperation R ...... 123

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6.23 Plan map of Grupo Agua Lluvia from (Trachman 2007:Figure 5.1) ...... 127 6.24 Photo of Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia ...... 129 6.26 Feature 2 profile ...... 131 6.28 Photo of Suboperation G opening lot 3, highlighting space in the matrix...... 136 6.30 Photo of pink granite metate fragment from operation 35 subop G lot 5. Photo courtesy of Bruce Templeton...... 147 6.31 Photo of faunal remains from Operation 35 Suboperation G lot 4 ...... 151 6.32 Faunal remains in Operation 35 Suboperation G Lot 4 ...... 152 6.33 Photo of metacarpals from a peccary from Operation 35 Suboperation G lot 4. 153 5.34 Photo of two spire lopped Pachychilus (jute) shell from Operation 5 Suboperation G lot 4 ...... 154 7.1 Map Maax Naa from King et al. (2012:Figure 3) ...... 157 7.2 Profile and plan map of Spider Cave at Maax Na from King et al. (2012:Figure 4) ...... 158 7.3 Plan map and Entrance Profiles of Cave 2 from Kieffer (2013: Figure 1) ...... 161 7.4 Plan map of Plaza A at La Milpa from from Hammond and Tourtellot (2004, Figure 13.1) ...... 163 7.5 Chultun 1 profile 1, Suboperation B (Martinez 2013:Figure 5.24) ...... 164 7.6 Plan map of Chultun 2 from Mason (2012: Figure10) ...... 166 7.7 Plan map of Barba Group from Hageman (2004: Figure 9) ...... 168

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Throughout Mesoamerica, caves have often been attributed as dark, mysterious,

and dangerous locales. Within the Maya cultural landscape caves “were the loci for important rituals and served to situate sites within a cosmological framework that legitimized space and the ruler ship of the elite who controlled that space” (King et al.

2012:624). Alternatively caves can also be associated with fertility and rebirth, the ancient Maya often performed rituals in caves that “offered blood sacrifice, incense, and pottery, among other things, to receive in return the resources necessary to survive such as food, rain, wood, and stone” (Scott 2009:1; see also Spenard 2006). Many were used for sacred ceremonies and rituals, often concerning death, sacrifice, and life. Caves are also believed to be living manifestations of spiritual power and are thus understood as animate landscape features (McNatt 1996). The ancient Maya used caves in a variety of ways, most notably as sources of water, for both drinking and ritual use, ceremonies, burials, and at times shelter (Thompson 1970; see also McNatt 1996). Throughout the

Maya region, caves hold significant ceremonial and symbolic power among its numerous communities.

Although the use of caves is ubiquitous throughout the Mesoamerica, this thesis will focus on caves and subterranean features located in the Programme for Belize

Archaeological Project (PfBAP). Since its inception in 1992, PfBAP has been a sponsor 1

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of several fields of research, the most prominent being archaeology. This program

operates in the central Maya lowlands in northwest Belize focusing its research in the Rio

Bravo Conservation and Management Area (RBCMA), a 250,000-acre nature preserve

(Valdez, 2007). The RBCMA nature preserve is a mostly forested land managed by the

Programme for Belize (PfB). The development of this non-profit conservation program is

relatively recent, and as a result, the acreage and dense forest controlled by PfB remains

largely unexplored. Because of this, the distribution and number of caves and other

subsurface features and their relationships to Maya settlements remain nebulous and not

well understood in the region. There are currently several projects looking to resolve this

issue. One is my research which is part of the Dos Hombres to Gran Cacao Archaeology

Project (DH2GC), an interdisciplinary settlement analysis directed by Dr. Marisol Cortes

Rincon of Humboldt State University. By conducting a study along a 12 km transect

between Dos Hombres and Gran Cacao, the project’s aim is to investigate settlements and

ecological features in a previously unexplored area of the PfB holdings (Cortes-Rincon

2012). Another is the Dos Hombres Archaeology Project (DHAP), directed by Dr. Rissa

Trachman of Elon University. The goal of the DHAP is an in-depth investigation of Dos

Hombres and some of its outlying communities by investigating the role of households in

the social reproduction of the ancient Maya (Trachman 2007:1; 2010).

My research is a sub project operating alongside the DH2GC and DHAP from

2012 to 2014 and aims to document and assess the function of several subterranean and

subsurface features located within the projects’ areas. Dos Hombres is a large ceremonial

center located in the Rio Bravo embayment; the city is situated atop modified hills

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(Boudreaux 2012; Houk 1996; Trachman 2007). The two residential groups that are the

focus of this thesis are located in the vicinity of Dos Hombres. N950, a small elite

community situated around a courtyard group, rests atop a modified hill is approximately

1000 m north of the Dos Hombres site center. The 2012 - 2014 investigations of four

subsurface features are a major component of this research at N950. The second site of

importance to my research is Grupo Agua Lluvia, which is located 1.7 km west of Dos

Hombres (Trachman 2007, 2010). Grupo Agua Lluvia has two subsurface features, one

of which was investigated in 2014.

The goal of this research is to address the recently developed Mesoamerican cave

paradigm which posits that many caves and subsurface features were perceived as sacred

landscapes regardless of their size, were often used ritually. This thesis examines

subterranean features investigated by my research through assessing, shape, size, chronology, artifactual evidence, and function of each subsurface feature. A comparison of these characteristics between the subterranean features within the PfBAP area assists in understanding the ways in which ancient inhabitants of these sites utilized these cave like features.

PfBAP

The PfBAP operates on land owned by the Programme for Belize, a Belizean

non-profit organization. The organization was founded in 1988 as a conservation effort

for the regional wildlife and ecology of the aforementioned RBCMA (Meerman et al.

2006; Trachman 2007). With its inception as a conservation area of the rainforest

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ecosystem in northwest Belize, surveys of the land were undertaken. These initial surveys

concluded that there should be additional emphasis on archaeological conservation and management. The ancient Maya densely occupied this region in Belize between the

Middle Preclassic to the Terminal Classic periods, leaving behind cultural remnants. In

1992 R.E.W. Adams (1995) of The University of Texas at San Antonio established the

PfBAP in order to address the archaeological conservation concerns and the need for sustained investigations.

Since its founding in 1992, PfBAP has been an umbrella for a variety of sub- projects that has ushered the continuation and success of archaeological research in the region (Valdez 2007). It sponsors a variety of projects that include theses, dissertations,

and independent research. It is also home to archaeological field schools in which students and participants alike learn methods and practices.

DH2GC

A portion of my research was part of the multi-year, multi-disciplinary DH2GC

archaeology project directed by Dr. Marisol Cortes-Rincon. The DH2GC project

commenced in 2009 and incorporates ecological and soil studies under the supervision of

Dr. Nicholas Brokaw and Dr. Timothy Beach. The goal of the DH2GC project is to

investigate the rural settlement organization between two large sites: Dos Hombres and

Gran Cacao. This thesis research conducted investigations on the subterranean features located on within the larger DH2GC project.

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The DH2GC project employs transect methodology with perpendicular brechas that cross the baseline every 50 m, extending for 75 m in each direction. This creates a

150-m wide grid in which cultural features can be represented as coordinates based on the

distance from the datum at Dos Hombres. To date, DH2GC has recorded six subterranean

features associated with ancient Maya settlement along the first 2.3 km of the transect. A subterranean feature is used to encompass subsurface features including caves, modified caves, chultuns, and sascaberos. Through the analysis of the chronology, shape of each feature, and cultural material present, this research project aims to provide a better understanding of the subterranean features on the transect area.

The cave features investigated along the DH2GC transect were mainly focused around the site of N950, due in part to the abundance, and accessibility of subterranean features within the transect parameters. There are a few subterranean features that were found just outside the elite group in small residential groups within a few hundred meters away to the north of N950. The majority of the subterranean features that have been located and investigated as part of the DH2GC are relatively small in comparison to caves outside of northwest Belize. The largest of these features were found at N950. A total of four subterranean features at N950 were discovered between the 2010-2013 field seasons.

Grupo Agua Lluvia

In 2014, heavy rains made it impossible to work along the DH2GC transect, but I

was fortunate to be allowed to investigate a subterranean feature at Grupo Agua Lluvia

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alongside the DHAP. Grupo Agua Lluvia was originally discovered in 2001 by Lohse’s

(2001) survey on transect A. Transect A extended west beginning at the north end of the ballcourt of Dos Hombres. Grupo Agua Lluvia is located approximately 1.7 km west of the Dos Hombres site center (Trachman 2007). The environmental setting is transitional uplands with modern vegetation around the group consisting mostly of tall hardwood trees (Trachman 2007). It has been defined as a steeply sloping area with thin soils

(Lohse 2001; Trachman 2007)

Prior to Trachmans dissertation work, minimal work had been carried out Grupo

Agua Lluvia. Lohse (2001) survey’s included tape and compass map (see also Trachman

2007). During Trachman’s (2007) investigations at Grupo Agua Lluvia, a total of 73 excavation units were established. Four of the five structures present at the site were investigated with the more elaborate structures getting the most attention (Trachman

2007).

Grupo Agua Lluvia is categorized as a plazuela group located on a modified plateau that extends horizontally from the La Lucha Escarpment (Tranchman 2007). The group’s plaza is formed by five clustered structures with five features: a single chultun, a water reservoir, a low wall, a borrow pit, and a pile of stones. The plazuela is partially formed by artificial terracing surrounding the structures (Trachman 2007). There are a total of two subterranean features at Groupo Agua Lluvia. Trachman (2010) intensively investigated the largest depression, while the chultun and a borrow pit were not excavated. Instead the humus layer was removed to expose the bedrock in preparation for

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closer examination of the features and plan maps. My research investigated Feature 2, the

chultun at the group.

Organization of this Thesis

The first section of this thesis introduces a general overview of research and project

area. Chapter 1 introduces the area of research, specifically the sites of focus for this

thesis. Chapter 2 provides an introduction to the physiology of cave formations and the

types of caves found in the Maya region. The first part of chapter 3 begins with an

overview on how cave archaeology is studied in Mesoamerica and segues into the history

of cave archaeology. Chapter 4 details the research design, research questions, and methodology used.

Chapters 5, 6, and 7 present the background and results of the excavations at N950 and Groupo Agua Lluvia. The results are organized by background, field results, lab results, and data interpretation. Then a subsequent a comparative analysis of these subterranean features to others both in and outside the Three Rivers region is provided.

The final chapter, Chapter 8, is a summary of the thesis, with suggested answers to

functions of subterranean features in the hinterlands surrounding Dos Hombres.

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CHAPTER II

CAVES IN THE MAYA AREA

This chapter begins with a brief discussion of the physiography of the Maya area,

which is broken down into three regions: Pacific Coastal region, Maya lowlands, and

Maya highlands. The discussion then shifts to the geology of northwestern Belize and its

cave formation process. It is followed by a breakdown of the types of caves that are

generally found in Central America: natural and artificial. The purpose of this chapter is

to provide background information on cave formations and their types, in an effort to

understand the types of caves that are found in northwest Belize.

The Physiography of the Maya Area

The physiography of the Maya area is expansive and variable. The region

stretches from the Mexican state of Chiapas, to the Yucatan peninsula, and as far south as

Honduras (Coe 2005). The Maya area is traditionally subdivided into smaller regions based on geological and environmental differences: the southern lowlands, central

lowlands, and the northern lowlands

The northern Maya lowlands consist of the portion of the Yucatan peninsula in

Mexico. The geologic make-up of the region is a large karstic limestone platform with a

continental shelf (Perry et al. 2003). The majority of the peninsula is fairly low lying with

elevations that range from 5 - 30 m above sea level, and the Sierrita de Ticul in the

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northwestern corner of the peninsula ranging approximately 60 - 100 m in elevation

(Marshall 2007:9-10; Perry et al. 2003). Notable geographic features include the

Chicxulub impact zone, which is now visible as a ring of cenotes in the northwest coastal

area of the Yucatan peninsula (Marshall 2007; Perry et al.2003). Additionally a series of

depressions and lagunas are part of the Holbox Fracture Zone as well as the Pleistocene

Beach ridge on the Caribbean coastal area of the peninsula (Marshall 2007; Perry et al.

2003).

In the northern Maya lowlands, there is often little soil covering the limestone bedrock; additionally, there is little surface water in the region. Much of the rainwater

seeps through the porous limestone into underground aquifers and streams leading to the

ocean (Marshall 2007; Perry et al.2003). Many of the caves in this region were formed by

the dissolution of limestone via water flowing through weak spots and cracks. Over time,

the dissolution process by water creates a chamber or cave. Ancient sea levels have eroded sections beneath the Yucatan plateau creating a vast network of interconnected flooded caverns (Marshall 2007).

The Maya central lowlands contain parts of southern Mexico, all of Belize, and

sections of Guatemala. This subregion has surface water in the form of rivers, lakes, and marshes. The geology of this region is marked by limestone ridges and escarpments spanning east to west, forming surfaces that rise 100 - 300 m above sea level (Marshall

2007; Schwartz 1990). The northern part of this region is a continuation of the Yucatan

Peninsula and contains caverns, caves, and underground streams. The central and southern areas of the region hold more surface water in the form of lakes, bajos, aguadas, 9

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and rivers (Marshall 2007; Schwartz 1990). The geological makeup of this area is much more complex than the Northern lowlands. Maya Mountains in central Belize is part of the Antillean orogenic belt that extends east from the Guatemalan highlands (Marshall

2007; Schwartz 1990). The Maya Mountains play a key role in the development of caves throughout the central Belize region. The Caves Branch region and the Vaca Plateau located at the base of the Maya mountains are composed of karstic limestone and are catchments for the both rivers and seasonal flooding (Miller 1996). The discharge of large volumes of water from the Maya Mountains into the karst limestone is conducive to creating caves and caverns by limestone dissolution.

The southern Maya lowlands is located from northern Chiapas, Mexico to the eastern and southern sections of Guatemala. The terrain mostly consists of broken karst topography that transitions to coastal margins that range from 800 - 1000 m in elevation

(Sharer and Traxler 2006). Much of the southern lowlands contain relatively deep and fertile soil and river basins travelling from the highlands. The southern lowlands do not contain many large caves, in fact most of the caves discovered are artificial (Brady 2004,

Wölfel 2006).

The Maya highlands are part of the Sierra Madre Mountain range containing the highest elevations in the entire Maya region (Marshall 2007). The highlands and consist of a series of distinct mountain ranges divided by canyons and occasionally alluvial valleys (Marshall 2007). The backbone of many of these ranges are volcanic, with the northern areas formed by ancient igneous and metamorphic rocks. The southern section contains deposits of lava and ash that have weathered due to erosion has led to the 10

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topography becoming steep with deep gullies (Sharer and Traxler 2006). While the

northern section begins with metamorphic mountains and transitions north to karstic

limestone formations (Sharer and Traxler 2006). This region is known for its formation of caves due to heavy water erosion through the karst landscape.

Types of Caves

This section describes the type of caves found in the Maya region. For the

purpose of this thesis caves are broken down in to two main categories based on their

formation process. These categories include naturally forming caves (which can have

modifications) and artificially constructed caves.

Natural Caves

Natural caves can be found in central Guatemala, central Belize, and the Yucatan

Peninsula. These caves are typically formed through water erosion, volcanic activity, or

geologic faulting (Healy 2007). Natural caves traditionally tend to form within the bedrock of the geologic matrix (Goldberg and Mandel 2008) The Maya sometimes modified natural caves by enlarging chambers, erecting walls, and constructing stairs and platforms (Halperin and Spenard 2015; Brady 2004; King et al. 2012). The category of natural caves also includes smaller features such as rockshelters, naturally forming fissures, and alcoves.

Large Caves

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Large caves are defined by their substantial size often ranging from over 10 m to kilometers in length, typically contain flowing water, and have a dark zone. These caves were formed by large-scale water erosion over time and are found in central Belize, such as the Vaca Plateau, and in Guatemala (Healy 2007). For example the Chiquibul System in the Vaca Plateau is “over 55 km in length… with a vertical relief of 300 m through its four major caves” and is the largest hydraulically tied cave system in Central America

(Miller 1996:112). In the Maya Mountains the caverns and caves formed partially from volcanic formations of granite, and by water erosion (Healy 2007). Large caves are generally rarer than rockshelters and this rarity mixed with the often imposing and grandiose size and atmosphere often made them important regional locales for ceremonies. Some of these large caves can be considered “show caves”, meaning they were open to the public via, large spaces, and avenues for pilgrimages (Brady 2004:86).

An example of a large cave is the cave site of Naj Tunich in Guatemala which has over 3 km of passages (Brady and Stone 1986). Evidence of regional pilgrimages can be seen within the glyphic texts and art work painted on the walls describing and depicting elites from many of the major regional powers participating in ceremonies (Brady 1998; Palka

2014). The Maya seemed to have utilized Naj Tunich as a significant ceremonial locale for the region, so important in fact it became a place of pilgrimage for many Maya living in the Central lowlands.

Cenotes

Cenotes are naturally forming sinkholes that are typically associated with the northern Yucatan peninsula. The geology of the Yucatan peninsula is unique in that it is a 12

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karst limestone shelf with a high water table (Cole 1910). Many of the cenotes in this

region were developed by the dissolution of limestone flowing through weak spots and

cracks. Over time the dissolution process by water creates a chamber or cave. Cenotes are

also most associated with water sources and water storage (Cole 1910). The most famous cenote is the Cenote Sagrado or Sacred Cenote located at Chichen Itza. It is 300 m north of the site center and connected to via a sacbe (Evans 2008). The feature is the largest at the site and is measured at 60 m in diameter and reaches the water table at 27 m in depth

(Cole 1910). There are depictions of the cenote in ethnohistorical documents describing rituals to the rain god Chaac and sacrifices occurring at the cenote (Anda 2007; Cole

1910).

Rock Shelters

Rockshelters are typically an overhanging projection of rock (Goldberg and Mandel

2008). Rockshelters characteristically form by “differential weathering of less

resistant layers in the bedrock” (Goldberg and Mandel 2008:969). Rock shelters can be formed by hydrological weathering undercutting of bedrock a valley wall (Goldberg and

Mandel 2008). However, they are typically smaller than the previously discussed larger caves, and have little to no dark zones (Wrobel 2013).

Artificial Caves

Landscape can be a reflection of cultural perceptions through modification,

construction, and mimicry, including cave features (Ashmore and Knapp 1999). This idea

can be seen in a variety of features from tombs, tunnels, chultuns, sascaberos, and at 13

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times in monumental architecture. The construction of these features is likely an attempt

to combine elements of the geological opening and conduits for water that natural caves

have. In his work across Guatemala and Mexico, Brady (2006) has noticed a trend of

artificially constructed caves at sites that do not have nearby access to natural caves.

Artificial caves strive to invoke the same symbolic elements as natural caves (Kieffer and

Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). Artificially constructed caves can be intentionally

constructed as an element of site planning (Brady 2004). These artificial caves can

become the center of a new town by legitimizing the ruler and/or providing the town cosmological legitimacy of its own (Brady 2004). Brady (2004) believes that artificial

caves are represented as an architectural form, at times equivalent to monumental

architecture. With such resource expenditures and incorporations into site planning

artificial caves were important to ancient Maya

Architecture Caves

Architecture caves are generally constructed and built within architecture (Brady

2004). There are various forms these types of cave can take such as, tombs, tunnels, and constructed voids within and underneath buildings. Resent research documented many

artificial caves located in the Central Mexico and the Guatemalan highlands (Brady and

Veni 1992), both locales lack large natural caves. Ethnographic evidence has led to the recognition of the relationship between pyramid and mountain and the subsequent appreciation of landscape features (Brady 2004). Brady (2004) argues that other such landscapes like caves can also share that same relationship. One example of this can be

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seen at the site of Sabalam in the Petén region of Guatemala. Cave 1 (Figure 2.1) was

built into the construction fill that created a leveled platform on Hill C (Brady 2012). The walls of the cave were made of unshaped stone and are located underneath architecture

(Brady 2012). Although not very large in size, this feature lies underneath architecture, potentially mimicking the mountain/cave symbol.

Figure 2.1 Architectural Cave 1 at Sabalam, Guatemala from Brady (2012:Figure 3) Sascaberos

Artificial caves can be found quite frequently in regions lacking natural caves

(King et al 2012). Sascaberos were originally used as quarries to mine sascab, an

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important resource for mortar, plaster, and stucco (Dahlin et al. 2014). These features

serve an important utilitarian function for procuring resources needed for construction

and upkeep. There is also evidence for sascaberos being repurposed for storage and in

some cases as shrines. Dahlin et al. (2014) suggests that many of the sascaberos found at the site of Chunchucmil were deliberately privatized and had restricted access because of proximity to housing units and were consequently walled in within these units (Dahlin et al. 2004). Not all of the sascaberos were associated with house groups, and some were publicly accessible (Dahlin et al. 2014). The sascaberos at Chunchucmil were fairly small measuring 0.5 to 2 m tall and 5 to 100 square meters in area (Dahlin et al. 2014). In addition to being used as a resource for construction there is also evidence for repurposing the features as places for storing water and potentially weaving cordage products (Dahlin et al. 2014).

Chultuns

Chultuns are artificial chambers excavated into bedrock. The chambers can take

on different forms but most are typically round or boot shaped, with the underground

chamber extending in one direction. The entrance is a narrow, cylindrical shaft that

extends from the surface to the top of the chamber; a disc-shaped slab of limestone

commonly capped the entrance. Chultuns were generally used for storing goods or

occasionally as burial chambers (Dahlin and Litzinger 1986; Puleston 1971). These features are mostly excavated in bedrock, though some can be more elaborately constructed with plaster walls (Puleston 1971). Chultuns also have variability in their general size and shape. For example some can have more than one chamber, and

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modifications such as steps and altars (Puleston 1971). Puleston (1971) suggests that

there may be two different types of chultun’s in the central lowlands that include a boot

shaped chultun and cylindrical pits. The boot-shaped chultuns typically have a vertical entrance and lateral chambers, while the cylindrical pits tend to have a bowl-shaped

vertical chamber (Puleston 1971) The size of chultuns tends to vary but they often range

between 1 to 2 m wide and 2 m deep (Dahlin and Litzinger 1986; Puleston 1971).

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CHAPTER III

MAYA USE OF CAVES

The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of the various ways

researchers have approached the analysis of caves in Mesoamerica, and how

interdisciplinary research has assisted in the cosmological understanding of caves and

their functions. Particular attention was paid in this thesis to ethnographic and

ethnohistoric sources, which provide a basis for interpretation of the cultural material and

function of the subterranean features in northwest Belize.

How Anthropologists Study the Cultural Uses of Mesoamerican Caves

By using a multi-disciplinary approach through synthesizing data collected from

art history, ethnographies, archaeology, and ethnohistoric documents, researchers can

provide a more accurate description of Mesoamerican peoples and their interactions with

caves. Ethnohistoric accounts have provided valuable information for research of how the

Maya interacted with caves following European contact and through the colonial period.

Also art historians analyzed images of caves in sculpture, murals, and codices; their

interpretations have provided detailed information on symbolic and ritual cave use.

Ethnographic accounts from the last century have provided information on how modern

Maya utilized caves, these have aided in archaeological interpretations of findings in

caves. In turn, cave archaeological research has provided the physical evidence of the

type of materials deposited in caves and the interpretations of the cultural remains. 18

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Ethnohistoric Interpretations

There are several ethnohistorical accounts from the contact period in

Mesoamerica that describe indigenous interaction with caves. Heyden (2005) describes

the contributions of 16th and 17th century chroniclers, such as Friar Ramon Pane, and

Antonio de Herrera. These early chronicles reported that the Aztecs believed the sun and moon were born in a cave. Friar Diego Duran reported the significance of caves as a place of origin of humanity (Healy 2007; Heyden 2005). Additionally, there are accounts of ritual activities related to caves. The Chichimec nation performed fasting and bloodletting for several days at the cave of Chicomoztoc (Healy 2007). An account from

Francisco de Burgoa in the 17th century reports the importance of several cave shrines at

Mixteca Alta in Oaxaca that served as burial tombs of kings and as shrines that foretold

the future (Heyden 2005).

These early European accounts discussed above are also important clues about the

roles of caves in Mesoamerican worldview. Geographic features such as caves, mountains, and springs, were recognized for playing a role in the religious conception of sacred landscape (Healy 2007). It is noted in some of these accounts that natural features such as caves could be identified and associated with mythological events from antiquity and had potential healing properties. The notion of landscapes as important cultural markers can be seen in 16th and 17th century indigenous land claim maps (Healy 2007).

On these maps landscape features like water sources, mountains, and caves were

displayed as landmarks along with cities and towns, indicating that landscapes with caves

included were seen as important landmarks in the Mesoamerican world.

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Caves in Art

Caves throughout Mesoamerica are prominently featured in several artistic

mediums such as iconographic depictions in carved reliefs, glyphs, codices, and murals.

In addition, there are many examples of art (sculpture and painting) in the caves themselves. Among the earliest known depictions of caves in Mesoamerican art are two reliefs found at Chalcatzingo, an Olmec related site in Mexico. Relief I (Figure 3.1) depicts a seated figure within a U-shaped niche (Grove, 1968). Grove (1968) has

interpreted this niche as representing a cave, while the volutes around the niche are likely

representation of clouds and mist (Grove 1968). The figure seated in the center wears an

elaborate headdress and carries a ceremonial bar that Grove (1968) suggests is

reminiscent of the Olmec. Other symbols in this piece are likely representations of rain

clouds (Grove 1968). The most notable interpretation of this piece as a whole suggests

that important figures traveled to caves for rituals associated with rain for agricultural

fertility (Grove 1968). This indicates that caves were important, if not sacred to the

Olmec.

A second cave depiction from Chacatzingo is Relief IX (Figure 3.2). The image depicted is of a jaguar’s face, with the interior of its open mouth as the entrance to the cave (Grove 1968). The outer four corners of the mouth are floral motifs likely representing maize. Grove (1968:490) states that there is a “definite connection to the jaguar-earth monster-cave motif and agricultural fertility.” Grove (1968) points out some

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similarities between the two reliefs such as the double outline motif and possible

connections to agricultural fertility.

Figure 3.1 Relief I, Chalcatzingo from Grove (1968: Figure 1)

Figure 3.2 Relief IX, Chalcatzingo from (Grove 1968: Figure 7)

Other cave motifs represented in Olmec art include, such as the Altar 4 at the site of La Venta, in the state of Veracruz, Mexico. Altar 4 depicts a seated figure inside a U-

shaped niche with his right hand on a rope/umbilical cord (Grove 1963; Mirro 2007). The

narrative portrays the creation of humans as emerging from a cave like feature (Grove

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1973; Mirro 2007). Another interpretation for Altar 4, involves the cave theme as an

element of Olmec elite legitimation (Grove 1973). According to Grove (1973), the Jaguar mouth depicted as a niche on Altar 4 represents the underworld according to Mexican codices depicting Olmec mythologies.

Some caves throughout Mesoamerica contain paintings and petroglyphs displayed on walls. According to Brady and Stone (1986), the most common form of cave art is petroglyphs carved or etched into walls and stalagmites featuring most prominently geometric designs and faces. Stone (1997) noted that wall paintings although not entirely rare, can be found mainly in the Puuc hills in the Yucatan Peninsula and in the

Petén/southern Belize area. One example is the paintings in Naj Tunich cave which are drastically different and sophisticated. Brady and Stone (1986) describe many of these paintings as portraying ritual actions such as auto-sacrifice of bloodletting and drinking from a bowl. A third group of paintings suggest that they may be representations of gods.

Brady and Stone (1986) argue that with the elaborate nature of the paintings and depictions of religious or ceremonial scenes suggests that the cave had restricted access

for elites. Studying cave art provides an avenue to interpret some of the interactions between caves and indigenous people.

Cosmology

The cosmological function of caves varies slightly between Mesoamerican cultures; however, there are some similarities and constants that pervade. The most basic function of caves within the Mesoamerican worldview is that they are typically part of a

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three-or five-layered cosmological system. The three part cosmological system includes

the underworld, earth, and the sky or celestial heavens (MacLeod 1978; Scott 2009),

while the five-layered cosmological system adds east and west (Scott 2009). In addition

to the five part horizontal plane of the earth, caves are considered the center. The

intersection between the middle level and the center was believed by the Maya to create

an axis mundi.

According to the Popol Vuh, a Maya document written by the Quiche in the

colonial period, caves correspond to Xibalba or the underworld (Macleod 1978). Macleod

(1978:1) states that “The sun on its journey through the underworld after sunset followed

these nine steps to the eastern horizon where it re-emerged at dawn.” One important story

of the Popol Vuh related to caves is of the creation story regarding the hero twins. In the story, Hunahpuh and Xbalanque must descend into the dark regions of the underworld to avenge their father’s death (MacLeod 1978; Minajares 2003). The hero twins, after descending the nine levels must undergo a number of tests to return to the surface, after which they are transformed into the sun and moon. According to Maya cosmology, caves can become part of the axis-mundi, a symbolic cross section between the celestial and underworld; and carry with them connotations of stories and myths from the Popol Vuh.

Sacred landscapes are integral in the maintenance of peoples identities and spiritual traditions. The spiritual function often resonates with the geological foundation of several sites, legitimizing the site’s political and spiritual significance. There are several different kinds of rituals based on the location and site. Some rituals are positive in nature such as those related to fertility, renewal, and cleansing while others are

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malevolent by sacrificing offerings to demons (McNatt 1999; Weaver 2011). Some caves are believed to be places that were foul, putrid and filled with death, while others are considered the womb of the earth with connotations of renewal and cleansing associated with pure water and creation (McNatt 1999; Weaver 2011). There is a complexity and duality within the cosmological understanding of caves. Weaver (2011:1; see also Bassie-

Sweet 2008) states that “This duality is best described as reflecting breaks in the quadrilateral fabric of the world through which destructive forces and essential elements could enter.” In many ways caves can also be seen as sacred spaces in which gods, and or ancestors reside.

Ethnographic Cave Use

This section focuses on the contemporary Maya utilization and conceptualization of caves. Understanding how the modern Maya use caves provides clues to how the ancient inhabitants could have used caves. This section will focus on the function and cosmological understanding of caves among several groups of modern Maya. The different contemporary Maya groups that are discussed live in the northern and northeastern Yucatan, in the state of Chiapas, and in the Guatemalan highlands.

Cenotes played an integral role to the Yucatan Maya cosmological understanding of the underworld and subsistence, as there is little surface water in Yucatan. These cenotes provided a valuable water resource, and thus ancient and modern cities in the region often developed around them. One example of cenote usage comes from Chan Kom a village located a few kilometers from Chichen Itza. Redfield and Rojas (1938) describe Chan

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Kom as a village that was founded around a cenote as its source of water. Although, it

may not be fully recognized in the ethnography, the cenote played an important role in

the foundation of the settlement, most likely attributing it with cosmological myths and

history linking it to the site. Redfield and Rojas (1934) portray Chan Kom as the center of

their cosmological worldview for its residents, with the cenote acting as the community’s

axis mundi. Interestingly, the Maya of Chan Kom distinguish cenotes as being both sacred and profane. There is a disagreement concerning as to whether or not the cenote within the village is considered a sacred space on the same level as other cenotes in the area. The cenote in the village is only accessible to the women and is used for strictly mundane tasks like water for drinking, laundry, and food preparation, while another cenote located a kilometer away in the forest is almost exclusively used for ritual preparation and the collection of “virgin water” (Redfield and Rojas 1934).

Their worldview is described as having three layers of the cosmoverse: the celestial sky, which angels inhabit; the earth; and the underworld where demons reside

(Redfield and Rojas 1934). The Chaacs are ancient Maya rain deities that are present near

water, including cenotes. It should be noted that water from cenotes to the Chan Kom

Maya, is considered a door to the sea and the source of all evil winds (Redfield and Rojas

1934). The Maya of Chan Kom see all cenotes as potentially sacred and dangerous places

but differentiate levels of sacredness between features. They also carry a dual

understanding of these features as places that hold the rain gods, but evil winds as well,

and offerings must be made to keep balance. Although these features were utilized by the

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villagers as a means of ceremonial cleansing, the Chan Kom Maya seemed to attempt to

maintain balance with the deities specifically the Chaacs, for rain and crop renewal.

The Maya village of Techaquillo near the ancient Maya city of Mayapan has access to several cenotes. These Yucatec Maya still use the cenotes for both subsistence and for ceremonial purposes. A recent Light Detection and Ranging (LiDAR) survey of

the area surrounding Mayapan discovered 150 cenotes in 4.2 square kilometers (Russell

et al. 2013). The residents of Telchaquillo have strong beliefs about the power of local

water sources. The villagers practiced the annual Chaac rain ceremony at Cenote Itzmal

Ch’en located within the Mayapan site center (Russell et al. 2013). Cenotes Cosil and Sac

Uayum are considered to be animate features, requiring a performance of special

ceremonies upon entering (Russell et al. 2013). The villagers believe that Cenote Sac

Uayum is home to a feathered serpent that lives in the sacred water and eats children,

scaring many who would dare to enter (Russell et al. 2013). Not only is the cave

dangerous but also sacred and frail, entering or taking water without permission can turn

the water undrinkable, and cause physical harm to the transgressor. The punishment is

delivered through bad winds. The Yucatec Maya value the cenote as a sacred water

source and perform ceremonies for renewal and fertility. However these places are

dangerous to those who cannot pacify the earth; failing to do so could potentially

contaminate the water and risk life (Russell et al. 2013). These cenotes were utilized as a

means of ritual renewal of rain, for the fertilization of crops and the sustainability of

water as a precious resource in the Yucatan.

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Zinacantan is a modern Maya town in Chiapas, in the highlands of Mexico. The

Zinacantecos seem to hold caves in a slightly different regard. Caves or water holes are

spaces in which the earth lord resides. The earth lord next to the ancestral gods is the

most important deity to the Zinacantecos and is described as being a large fat ladino who

possesses vast quantities of money and livestock (Vogt 1976). He controls the lightning

and the clouds that are believed to emerge from caves and that rise and produce rain for

crops (Vogt 1976). Animal figures play a key role in the earth lord’s depiction and

power. For example, the earth lord is often portrayed riding a deer mount and having a

snail shell powder flask (Vogt 1976). Men who visit him may receive riches but can also be taken forcibly to work in his underground lair (Vogt 1976). Vogt (1976) and claims that each House of the Wasp Nests, which makes up a local lineage maintains a series of cross shrines in the mountains and caves for communicating with the earth god. Vogt

(1976) also notes the binary duality and power of mountain and cave. Waterholes are also passageways to the earth lord and many small familial communities are set up around these features. Caves also play an important role in shaman’s curing ceremonies that often revolve around processions and animal sacrifice (Vogt 1976).

Waterholes and water from caves have an integral role in ceremonies. Priests or shamans collect water from seven sacred water holes around the Zinacantan center (Vogt

1976). A salty spring emerging from a cave is used to ritually clean clothes and keep demons away and is considered a bathhouse for the most prominent ancestral gods (Vogt

1976). Extended family lineages reside around water holes and caves are part of the mythological founding of the lineage. These caves are sacred landscapes that provide

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spaces for healing, renewal, and as cosmological legitimization of the towns historical

founding.

According to Scott (2009), the Kaqchikel Maya, who inhabit the geographic area

of the Guatemalan highlands, conceptualize the earth as a being that is both sacred and animate. Scott (2009:x) states that “within this earthscape exist places that are especially alive and powerful. These are sacred earth marks.” Ceremonies performed at the aforementioned locations communicate with the animate world and provide maintenance of balance between the natural and supernatural. Many of the caves visited by the

Kaqchikel were part of pilgrimages to perform ceremonies. Many of these caves had altars for specific ceremonies in which one could perform both positive and negative rituals, although the shrines to do so were clearly delineated (Scott 2009). Many of these rituals involve burning of candles or specific types of offerings (Figure 3.4) as a form of communication to ancestors or the “Spirit Owners” (Scott 2009). Scott (2009) notes that in the interior of the caves, the location of altars, crosses, modifications, and deposits often change. Sacred landscapes such as caves to the Kaqchikel can become ritually contaminated depending on how visitors treat the caves (Scott 2009). Spaces can be closed for short periods of time and reopened for special circumstances depending on the specific dates and visitors following protocol (Scott 2009). The highland Maya believe that not all sites are equal in power but there are no distinguishing characteristics that separate them into a hierarchy of power (Scott 2009). Scott (2009:181) states that “all sites are powerful, but the power waxes and wanes in accordance with the days in the sacred calendar, positive/negative disposition of the participation, and the type or quality

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of materials used in a ceremony.” In contrast to the underworld model, Scott (2009) claims that the cosmological significance closely tied to rain and fertility.

Scott (2009) disagrees with the traditional five-plane cosmological model. She instead suggests the Kaqchikel follow a quincunx model where ceremonies are expressed in six directions: the four compass directions, the sky, and earth (Scott; 2009). This model does not focus on nor does it develop cosmological ties to the underworld. It instead views the earth as a sacred animate landscape; it accounts for the underworld as a part of the earth, and not a separate entity (Scott 2009). Scott (2009) argues that

Kaqchikel utilization of caves focused the agricultural imperative for maintenance of the fertility and renewal cycle.

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Figure 3.4 Tabal, Nahuala from Scott (2009: Figure 4.32)

The Tzotzil Maya in Chamula believe that the earth is composed of caves and tunnels that eventually reach its edges. Earth owners live in the mountain caves and provide full forms of precipitation (Vogt and Stuart 2005). Only the earth owners, snakes, and demons inhabit the internal caves surrounding the town of Chamula (Vogt and Stuart

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2005). In Tzotzil cosmology, caves can also be symbolically linked to sweat baths, which can represent an underworld where sins of the dead are baked away before judgment

(Vogt and Stuart 2005). Overall, most of the caves were utilized by the Tzotzil Maya differently based on local histories and mythological foundations.

Archaeologically, jute shells have been found in many cave sites. However, there is little ethnographic evidence on the use and consumption of jute. There are reports that the Tzeltal Maya of Chiapas used jute to cure cases of male impotence, and thus it may be related to fertility (Halperin et al. 2003). Recently, Garza has collected relevant ethnographic information while working in the Petén. As reported in Halperin et al.

(2003:216), he recorded the following account:

Our ancestors used to eat them and, and jute live in sacred water, our ancestors at sacred food. When our Ancestors ate jute, they would save the shells, and later they would take those shells to the caves to give them back to Mother earth and to thank her for the sacred food. Jute are sacred food given by mother earth, and both and women can eat them and still eat them. But only men can take the shells to the cave. According to the ethnographic information, jute hold a practical and cosmological significance. Returning and depositing the jute may be part of a ritual deposition for future sustainability and fertility. They are additionally associated as sacred food for the dead, which may explain why they are commonly found archaeologically in association with burials (Halplerin et al. 2003). Jute shells are not native to cave environments so they were intentionally placed within them. Ethnographic data indicates that the Maya, rather than throwing the empty jute shell away, would intentionally deposit empty shells

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in caves, which hold sacred meaning as the origin of pure water (Halperin et al. 2003).

This is considered a ritual offering returning the shells to the earth or water in the hopes of fertility and abundance of rain, jute, and crops (Halperin et al. 2003).

According to ethnographic accounts, the Chol understand caves slightly

differently. Chol is a Mayan language spoken in southern Mexico; it is also the qualifier

for the group who speaks this language (Josserand and Hopkins 2001). The Chol are

mostly comprised of rural farmers who are currently occupying areas in the southern

Mexican state of Chiapas and parts of Tabasco (Josserand and Hopkins 2001). The Chol

community of Tila has a sacred mountain nearby called San Antonio that contains a cave.

The San Antonio cave incorporates a cross, and stone image of the Señor de Tila, a Black

Christ figure that is now the patron saint of Tila (Vogt and Stuart 2005). It is believed that

holy water emerges from the head of the stone image, and the cave is often visited to

make offerings for crop fertility and for curing illnesses (Vogt and Stuart 2005).

Additionally, the villagers believe the rocks are alive and part of the animate sacred earth,

and that the natural features associated with the caves are sexual representations of

fertility (Vogt and Stuart 2005) The San Antonio cave is partly considered sacred because

of its role in the founding of the community by Señor de Tila (Vogt and Stuart 2005).

Caves are also important places for ceremonies, shamans, and the connotation of the jaguar spirit companion that came from a Popol Vuh story of the hero twins and a cave

(Vogt and Stuart 2005). Newly inducted shamans have a rite of passage that requires

them to enter a cave with a stream flowing through it, to reach the earth lord and meet

spirits of the underworld. This journey mirrors the hero twins entering the underworld in

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the Popol Vuh. The Chol are also cautious of caves because evil and malicious spirits

reside there. The caves at Tila were utilized by the Chol for a variety of reasons that

include ancestral veneration, mythological foundation, agricultural fertility, biological fertility, rain renewal, cleansing, and entrance to the underworld and as important training ground for local shamans.

The Maya communities surrounding Lake Atitlan in Guatemala are known to use hunting shrines. These shrines are often associated with rock shelters, small caves, alcoves, and rock formations. The geology in this region of the Guatemalan highlands

limits the formation of large caves. Thus, many caves and rock shelters found around

Lake Atitlan are not very large. However, they do have an integral role in local Maya

cosmological understanding of nature and subsistence. The Maya used small alcoves and

rock shelters as shrines for sacred hunting rituals, which were integral for future

subsistence (Brown 2005). These alcoves may be natural, manmade, or a combination of

the two. An indicator of these shrines is the deposition of a large quantity of faunal

remains (Brown 2005). Most of these hunting rituals require the Maya to provide some

sort of ritual deposit or offering with the purpose of asking the forest god for permission

to hunt, expressing appreciation, or giving thanks for successful hunt in the proximate

area (Brown 2005). This is because many of the Maya believed the success or failure of a

hunt depended on the supernatural guardian of the animals (Brown 2005). Many of these

offerings are placed in caves, rock shelters, or alcoves in the area (Brown 2009).

A second belief in the secondary deposition of faunal remains suggests that the

Maya may have placed partial remains of a successful hunt in sacred places of the

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guardian god (Brown 2005). Often these sacred spaces are likely to be caves. This type of activity is related to the conflation of bone, seed, and regeneration (Brown 2005). This ritual offering of “planting of bones” is intended as a propagation of the species offered, which is similar to a fertility ritual (Brown 2005). According to Brown (2005), these types of rituals are possibly fairly widespread throughout the Maya region. These hunting shrines show that these cave features do not need to be large to fulfill a specific purpose.

An important aspect of these shrines is that not only do the usage of cave features permeate throughout the Maya region but so does the ritual activity, albeit slightly varied among the different Maya groups. However, it is clear that even small features functioned as significant ritual sites for future subsistence in hunting.

Caves are integral to the cosmological fabric of the Maya worldview. Caves, mountains, and water are all closely interrelated geologically and cosmologically. Caves to the contemporary Maya seem to portray an inherent binary opposition between danger/ death, and fertility/life. The caves presented in this section share a trend in usage among the Maya and are integral in recreating and maintaining resources, agriculture, body and cosmology. The ritual use of caves is a measure to maintain the balance of resources and the universe in order. Through the understanding of how caves function in modern Maya culture, whether as homes for deities, guardians, demons, ancestors, spirits, or even the earth itself, it is clear visitors are not alone when entering these features.

History of Cave Archaeology

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This section provides a history of cave archaeology in Mesoamerica. There is a long history of cave archaeology stretching back to the earliest days of exploration. To determine how caves were utilized it is integral to examine the historical development of the field. This review highlights the developments of each period and the major growth in scholarship in the last few decades that was synthesized by Brady (2006), Mirro (2007), and Kieffer and Scott (2012). This will segment emphasize periods of theoretical innovation and changes in methodology.

Early Period (1840-1914)

The Early Period of cave studies was initiated by the writings, illustrations, and

explorations in the 1840s of Fredrick Catherwood and John Lloyd Stephens (Kieffer and

Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). Their writings popularized the ancient Maya throughout

the world. During their expeditions, they visited and described a number of caves. In

Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan Stephens (1843:148)

prominently describes a cave at Bolonchen and includes one of Catherwood’s famous

illustrations (Figure 3.5), by saying “as well as we stood on the brink of the precipus,

under the shelving of an immense rock, seeming darker from the stream of light thrown

down the hole, giant stalactites and huge block of stone assumed all manner of fantastic

shapes and seemed like monstrous animals or deities from a subterrainian world.” These

travel books not only popularized the Maya, but they also spurred the development of

future archaeological interest and research.

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Figure 3.5 Principal Staircase in the Bolonchen Cave from Stephens (1843: Enrgaving 25)

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Towards the end of the 19th century, a number of archaeological cave studies o took place including: Henry C. Mercer’s (1875) Hill Cave of Yucatan, Edward H.

Thompson’s (1897) Cave of Loltun, George Gordon’s (1898) Caverns of Copan,

Honduras, and Edward Seler’s (1902) reports of several caves at Quen Santo in the

Highlands of Guatamala (Kieffer and Scott 2012; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). Thompson was well known for his dredging of the sacred cenote at Chichen Itza, between 1904 to

1907 (Mirro 2007). However, his work was not published until much later in the 1960s, as was his report on the High Priest’s Grave (Kieffer and Scott 2012; Mirro 2007; Scott

2007). Although these investigators were part of a group that conducted and published detailed work, they failed to sythnthesize their work, nor was their an active discisussion as to the function of caves.

Middle Period (1914-1950)

Prior to World War I in the Early Period there were several investigations into caves. However, by the Great Depression and through World War II there was a noticable recession of publications and excavations in Mesoamerica, particularily those on cave studies (see also Kieffer and Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). The Middle Period was charecterized by what Norman Hammond (1982:20) describes as “ Institutional

Domination,” when large projects were sponsored by institutions such as the University of Pennsylvania, the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, and the Carnegie

Institution of Washington (Kieffer and Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). The institutional projects often focused heavily on surface sites and outstanding artifacts (Kieffer and

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Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). The lack of caves within the scope and work of these

large projects caused caves to disappear from the academic discussion of Mesoamerican

archaeology. The lack of cave archaeology resulted in very little discussion of the

function of caves during this time.

Post War Period (1945-1979)

During the subsequent Post War Period, field investigations of caves reemerged after the absence of research in the Middle Period. Within the later years of the period of

“institutional domination”, the Carnegie Institution project at Mayapan investigated and published several cave studies (Kieffer and Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). The research at Gruta de Chac by E. Wyllys Andrews (1961) involved an investigation of the cave of

Balankanche (see also Kieffer and Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). This investigation was significant because of his conclusion that the site had a religious function.

Shortly After World War II, J. Eric Thompson’s (1959) Role of Caves in the

Maya Culture synthesized a major body of information on cave use (Kieffer and Scott;

Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). As McNatt (1996:5) notes, Thompson laid out a specific set of categories of use that are influential for understanding caves in a ritual context: “1) sources of drinking water, 2) sources of virgin water for religious rites, 3) religious rites,

4) burials, ossuaries, and cremations, 5) art galleries, 6) ceremonial dumps, 7) places of refuge, and 8) other uses.”

As a contemporary of Thompson, Doris Heyden took a different approach and focused on a single cave feature under the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan (Brady and

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Prufer 2005:4). Heyden, unlike Thompson, focused on the significance of caves in

relation to cosmology and mythology within a social context (Brady and Prufer 2005).

According to Brady and Prufer (2005:4) Heyden contributed heavily to research of caves

in Mesoamerica, as she “explores the possibility that caves were regularly used in rites of

passage. She examines documentary evidence that caves played a role in a number of

rituals from birth to death.” While Thompson focused on the function of caves, Heyden

(1981) investigated the meaning and significance of caves based on ethnographic research (Kieffer and Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). She related caves to several rituals, such as ascension rites, birth, death, and other life cycle events rather than to agricultural ceremonies (see also Kieffer and Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). Additionally, Heyden

(1981) maintained that caves were of great ritual and cosmological significance, as they are places of creation and cosmological genesis. Her interpretations of the cave influenced later research in understanding and identifying constructed landscapes.

The next important work in the field of cave archaeology was Barbara McLeod’s and Dennis Puleston’s (1978) Pathways into Darkness: the Search for the Road to

Xibalba. Brady and Prufer (2005:5) describes this work as ground breaking for “being the first theoretical discussion by archaeologists with extensive experience, since neither

Thompson nor Heyden has actually worked in caves.” This work was influential for its use of epigraphic and ethnohistoric documents such as the Popol Vuh and for suggesting caves were connecting entrances to the Maya underworld.

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Although this period reintroduced, and moved cave archaeology back into

academic discussion, there was no single theory or paradigm. Additionally, the period

saw the deaths of many of the prominent figures who had previously worked on caves.

Recent Period (1980-1997)

The Recent Period marked an emergence of the first specialized archaeology project focused on caves (Kieffer and Scott). Scott (2007:22) stated that this was “when

the underlying assumptions of the field were defined, a methodology was established, and a theoretical position took shape”. Brady’s 1981-1982 investigations of Naj Tunich in

Guatemala brought a new methodological model and focused on the ritual uses of caves

(Kieffer and Scott; Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). In the 1990s, the Petexabatun Regional Cave

Survey and the Western Regional Cave Project began as multi-season and interdisciplinary regional projects (Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). Arthur Demarest directed the Western Regional Cave Project, while the cave investigations were supervised by

James Brady (Mirro 2007; Scott 2007). At the time there was limited research on caves

and certainly no multi-season projects devoted to cave archaeology. However, these types

of studies have begun to spread throughout Mesoamerica, even into regions with geology

devoid of large caves such as the Three Rivers Region and the Guatemalan highlands.

Scott (2007) believes that the development of Mesoamerican cave archaeology

really began at the 1997 Society for American Archaeology conference in Nashville,

Tennessee. At the conference, Mesoamerican cave archaeologists held their own symposium, thus establishing a group of researchers with similar interests. This

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coalescing of theory and methodology may have been the spark for the subfield to

progress as it began to establish its own paradigm.

Mesoamerican Cave Paradigm

The progress of Mesoamerican cave archaeology in terms of method and theory can

be linked to researchers synthesizing ethnohistoric documents, art history interpretations,

and ethnographic accounts to support archaeological finds. The growth of the community

and more defined methods have led to a recent development of a Mesoamerican cave

paradigm. Interestingly, a southwest archaeologist, Scott Nicolay, attempting to adopt

some of the same term and methods used by Mesoamerican cave archaeologists

suggested the paradigm (Kieffer and Scott 2012). Kuhn (1996:175) notes “an entire constellation of beliefs, values and techniques, and so on, shared by the members of a given community.” The cave archaeology paradigm proposed by Kieffer and Scott

(2012) has four components:

The first component of the paradigm is that caves were primarily used for ritual or religious contexts. This stems from Thompson’s synthesis of caves and their uses, and is

later emphasized through the artifactual data and the indigenous perspective (Kieffer and

Scott 2012). The data collected by cave archaeologists thus far contend that caves were

utilized ritually because it is improbable that these features were used as places of

habitation. This is for several reasons. There is a lack of artifactual evidence of long-term

habitation. Additionally, the humidity of the tropical environment permeates through

these features making them unlivable for extensive periods of time (Kieffer and Scott

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2012). The lack of clear evidence for habitation suggests that caves were used for something more temporary, while artifact assemblages point towards ceremonial uses.

The second component is that caves must be understood from an indigenous perspective. Through the use of ethnographic resources archaeologists have “created a model of meaning of cave in indigenous cosmology and how this meaning relates to the function” (Kieffer and Scott 2012:21). Through this paradigm cave archaeologists have recently moved away from the idea that caves are only associated with the underworld.

Instead, they have focused their attention on caves that are more closely related to indigenous representation of the sacred animate earth (Kieffer and Scott 2012). These foundation myths and continued ancestor veneration at caves often forms the basis for a group’s claim to rights and access to land (Kieffer and Scott 2012). Another concept of caves that has been collected from ethnographic material is the idea of caves as sources of fertility. This is further emphasized by caves’ and their association with water, rain, and fertility. (Kieffer and Scott 2012; Scott 2009).

The third component of the Mesoamerican cave paradigm discusses the idea that caves played a significant role in Maya society. Caves were also significant features to pre-Colombian societies based on their cosmological understanding of the universe

(Kieffer and Scott 2012). Evidence for the significance of caves can be traced from archaeological findings and spatial analysis of these features. This concept, however is further supported though ethnographic and ethnohistoric accounts. Within Mesoamerica there are structures that clearly mimic the surrounding environment including mountains

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and caves. There are many caves both natural and artificial, associated with monumental and elite architecture such as pyramids, shrines, and temples.

The last component of this paradigm is that cave archaeology can address theoretical issues within the study of Mesoamerican cultures (Kieffer and Scott 2012). Cave archaeology through its emphasis on ritual addresses several topics related to Maya religion. This also extends to understanding the socio-political landscape and the idea of sacred landscape within the Maya cosmological and political structure (Kieffer and Scott

2012). Caves are seen as part of the same settlement system as residential and ceremonial sites, and cave archaeology considers who may have used or controlled caves within a larger socio-political landscape (Kieffer and Scott 2012).

Cave archaeology may be able to fill in some gaps of information within these theoretical topics. In essence the paradigm suggests that caves serve as ritual loci, are significant in Maya cosmology, and can be partially understood through the distribution of artifact assemblages and their location in relation to elite and monumental architecture.

Through the use of ethnographic sources archaeologists gain a better understanding to the function of caves while at the same time progressing the field of cave archaeology.

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CHAPTER IV

REASEEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

In this chapter I discuss my research design for this thesis. The research design

and question sections outline my hypothesis on caves in northwestern Belize, while also

highlighting the focus of this thesis. Finally the last section of this chapter describes the

methods used in both the field and laboratory for completing the research.

Research Design

My research examines small caves and cave-like features in the suburban

periphery of the Maya site of Dos Hombres by applying the conceptual framework of the

Mesoamerican cave paradigm. In other words, I hypothesize that the Maya of

northwestern Belize, in an area lacking large natural caves, viewed and used small

subterranean features in the landscape in the same ways their neighbors in areas with

natural caves utilized larger caves. By drawing on ethnographic, art historical,

ethnohistorical, and archaeological evidence of utilization, I attempt to determine how the

residents of N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia used their small caves.

Research Questions

This section defines the research questions that are the focus of this thesis. The investigations of these features within the suburban areas surrounding Dos Hombres

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provided enough information to draw initial conclusions about the use of caves in the area. The specific questions this thesis research addresses are:

1. What is the chronological history of use of each subterranean feature?

2. How did the ancient Maya utilize subterranean features at N950 and Grupo Agua

Lluvia?

3. How do the DH2GC and Grupo Agua Lluvia subterranean features compare to

small caves in northwest Belize (i.e., at Maax Na, Chawak But’o’ob, and in the

Maya Research Program permit area north of PfBAP)?

4. How does the use of subterranean features by the Maya of northwest Belize

compare to caves uses elsewhere in the Maya area?

Field Methodology

Survey Methods

This section reviews the methodological approach that was used in this thesis project. The subsurface features located at N950 and at Grupo Agua Lluvia have a variety of sizes and shapes, so a broad designation of “Subterranean Feature” was given to all, with the purpose of narrowing down the type of feature at a later point in time. Through the use of survey techniques, feature size, and shape, the amount of debris, the condition of the feature, and any safety concerns were documented. The shape of the feature is important in recognizing its function. For example, sascaberos are often horizontal

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chambers and were used for quarrying, while chultuns are typically round or boot shaped

and generally used for storing goods or as burial chambers (Dahlin and Litzinger 1986;

Lorenzen 1999). The small size of many of the subterranean features in the D2GC transect area made it difficult to map them using a Total Mapping Station (TMS).

Additionally, Global Positioning System (GPS) signals are disrupted underground therefore a map of each feature was drawn manually. In order to map a feature, several survey techniques were implemented.

The small size of Subterranean Features 1 and 2 at N950 prevented the implementation of the baseline survey method. Instead, the surveyors used a different method that included the use of a compass and a laser tape measure. By holding the compass level and above the datum, while also having it set at 0 degrees, an archaeologist used a laser tape measure to determine the distance from the datum to the cave wall. This process was repeated by measuring the datum-to-wall distance every 10 degrees until we completed the full 360 degrees.

To map Subterranean Feature 3 at N950, archaeologists used a modified baseline

survey method. Like the baseline method, a string was used bisect Subterranean Feature 3 and marked at every 10 cm. However, Subterranean Feature 3 slopes under the surface at an angle preventing the use of a level string. Instead, the string bisecting Subterranean

Feature 3 sloped down at a 40 degree angle to from the entrance to the rear of the cave.

The archaeologists then took measurements of the distance between the string to both walls, the ceiling, and the floor. This degree change in the string noted and corrected for during the drawing process. To measure the small chamber at the rear of Subterranean 46

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Feature 3, the archaeologists only performed basic measurements including height, width,

and depth.

Subterranean Feature 4 at N950 was initially surveyed using tape and compass.

Using a tape measure, the east-west and north-south diameters were measured to provide

basic information on the features size. The depth of Subterranean Feature 4 was measured

using a tape measure and a level string tied to a datum at its top surface. Subterranean

Feature 4’s lack of a ceiling allowed the survey crew to utilize a TMS to survey the

feature’s size and depth for more detailed measurements. The TMS survey was also used

to produce a digital version of Subterranean Feature 4 in the site map.

Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia was surveyed using the baseline method. A string

from one datum at the entrance to second datum bisected feature 2. The shape of Feature

2 extends east; a second string was used from the second datum to the back of the east

area to a third datum to fully survey the feature. The strings were leveled, marked every

10 cm; afterwards measurements were taken horizontally and vertically from the string.

Excavation Methods

To define the chronology of the features, excavations were set up based on the

information gathered from the preliminary survey. Following the PfBAP methodology,

each excavation area is designated an Operation number, while each excavation unit was

designated as a Suboperation. Additionally, stratum was classified as a lot. The size of

the units was determined based on the size and shape of the feature. However, the ideal

unit placement was typically within the feature or at the drip line. The excavations 47

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assisted in revealing the original size, shape, and depth of each feature. Each unit’s lot was excavated based on natural levels, changes in the type and frequency of cultural material, or in the soil matrix. The excavated matrix was screened through using 1-cm wire mesh. Excavations across the sites were performed in a similar manner and were supervised by Lindsey Moats, Sarah Boudreaux, Dr. Michael Brennan, Dr. Marisol

Cortes-Rincon, and the author. These test units were carried out to establish chronology of the group and were typically 1-x-1-m units.

The excavators recorded all data on standardized PfBAP lot forms, field journals, profile maps, plan maps, and photographs. The excavators performed this procedure to ensure accurate recordings of the excavations and surveys. Each member of the excavation team was required to keep field a journal that was updated every day. The team’s journals provided additional perspectives and interpretations of excavations.

Photographs taken by the excavation team included opening and closing shots of each lot, photos of significant features and or artifacts in situ. When the unit was terminated tarp was placed at the bottom to mark the spot that was previously excavated and then the unit was backfilled.

The excavation units revealed various levels of occupation and modification.

Additionally, the chronological data obtained from each feature is useful in determining the occupational history of each group. The amount and type of cultural material present also indicate the period each feature was utilized most and aid in interpreting the function of the features within the context of the groups. The cultural materials recovered were processed at the PfBAP field lab following the methods described below. 48

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Laboratory Methodology

Lithic Analysis

The lithic analysis was performed by Adam Forbis, Dr. Cortes Rincon, and

myself during the 2013 and 2014 field seasons. The analysis was performed using David

Hyde’s (2003) methods and typology. Lithic artifacts were categorized into five subsets:

tools, flakes, non-flakes (debitage), bifaces, and obsidian. The categorization of these

artifacts influences how they are analyzed. Debitage was grouped together based on size

from each lot and then was counted and weighed. For the flakes, tools, and bifaces, each

was individually described by length, thickness, weight, and the quality of the material.

Obsidian was analyzed in the same manner, however extra categories such as microwear

and color were recorded.

Ceramic Analysis

The ceramic analysis was performed by Sarah Boudreaux and Dr. Lauren

Sullivan. They used a type-variety method to categorize the assemblages. The DH2GC

recorded the counts ceramic types within each lot to determine chronology for each lot

(Boudreaux 2013). Based on qualities, each sherd was categorized as either general

diagnostic sherds, non-diagnostic sherds, and very small sherd fragments referred to as gunshot. This method requires an analysis of each lot’s ceramic data starting with categorizing each sherd (Boudreaux 2013). The measurements of sherds that passed the

size minimum (>6 cm) could provide information on use and depositional history of the

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ceramic. The typology categories are undiagnostic, striated, buff slip, red slip, and black

slip. Sullivan confirmed the groupings, the diagnostic sherds were then counted,

measured and recorded into the DH2GC database (Boudreaux 2013). The collection and

analysis of the ceramic data was able to provide a chronological sequence for each unit

excavated.

Samples

During the excavations several types of samples were collected for analysis. Soil

samples were collected in 2012 for all of the units that were opened that year for analysis

by Jeff Bryant (2014). Bryant (2014) compared available soil nutrient levels with X-ray

Fluorescence scans of the elemental concentration at DH2GC. The soil samples were collected using a clean trowel and placed in a zip-lock bag. Additionally, in 2013 soil

samples were processed using a floatation machine, to collect organic matter. Charcoal

samples were also collected whenever present within the soil matrix. These samples were

recorded, collected with a clean trowel and stored in aluminum foil. Charcoal was

collected with the intention of future radiocarbon dating.

Faunal Remains

Kieffer (2015) performed the faunal analysis in 2014. The focus of the analysis

consisted of bone and species identification. Due to the lack of access to a regionally

specific comparative collection or adequate field manuals to aid in species identification,

multiple photographs were taken as references for later identification (Kieffer 2015).

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Measurements were taken when necessary to assist in the identification species.

Measurements of jute width were taken at the base at the widest point to use for

determining age (Kieffer 2015). A minimum number of individuals (MNI) at the species

level was calculated rather than relying purely on the number of identifiable specimens

(Kieffer 2015). MNI was calculated based on the standard method of determining

specific bone counts, sidedness, and age differences. MNI was calculated at the lot level

and at the operational or cave level (Kieffer 2015). These two methods of calculating

MNI were done partly because of incomplete excavation of the caves and use of 1 cm

screen for screening, both of which would have impacted recovery.

Burial excavation and Analysis

The excavation of the burial located in Subterranean Feature 3 at N950 in 2013

was supervised by Stacy Drake, the PfBAP osteologist. Once the burial was uncovered

the excavation procedure changed. The excavation process was performed using the

guidelines set forth by Saul et al. (2007). The excavation equipment changed to small

brushes, dental tools, small trowels for more delicate excavating. The soil from the burial

was sifted using 1 cm mesh screens specifically to find small fragmented bones. The bones were plan mapped and photographed and included in the profile of Op 4 Subop N in Subterranean Feature 3. The few bones that were collected were wrapped in aluminum foil with sterile soil to protect the remains.

The human remains were analyzed by Stacy Drake in 2013 at the Mesoamerican

Archaeology Research Lab, at The University of Texas at Austin. Using the remains that

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were recovered from Subterranean Feature 3, Drake attempted to identify the specific bones. Additionally, she sought to determine several characteristics about the burial and body through here analysis. Drakes (2014) analysis included determining the MNI, sex, and age of death of the individual(s) in the burial. Further analysis included assessing taphonomy/pathology/morphology, cause of death, and positions of the remains in the burial feature (Drake 2014).

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CHAPTER V

PROJECT BACKGROUND AND GEOGRAPHY

This chapter provides background information on the PfBAP and segues into a

brief occupational history and archaeological history of Dos Hombres. Dos Hombres likely controlled many of the resources in its vicinity that includes the residential groups of N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia. Also included in this chapter is a discussion of N950 and its surrounding groups that contain subsurface features.

Cultural History of PfBAP

Belize is a modern Central American country that is on the southern section of the

Yucatan Peninsula, south of Mexico is east of Guatemala. Today Belize is a culturally

diverse country that is comprised of variety of cultural groups including Maya,

Guatemalans, Germans, Africans, Belizeans, Mexicans, Creole, Garifuna, El

Salvadorians, and Hondurans (C.I.A. 2015). For much of its history since European colonization, Belize was a colony of Great Britain until its independence in 1981.

However, before European contact and the country’s subsequent colonization, Belize was

occupied by the Maya. Through the archaeological investigations conducted in northwestern Belize, at sites such as Dos Hombres, La Milpa, and Maax Na a clearer picture of the chronology of the Maya occupation has emerged. From ceramic data, the period of Maya habitation in the area spans from approximately 900 B.C. to A.D. 1100.

For a clearer break down of the Maya chronology refer to Table 5.1. 53

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What follows is a brief chronology for the region; a more detailed chronology for

Dos Hombres however is presented below. Evidence of Early Preclassic occupation in

the eastern half of the Three Rivers region is limited (Harris and Sisneros 2012). One piece of ceramic evidence dating to Early Preclassic comes from Kaxil Uinic near Chan

Chich (Houk 2012). However, without a broader collection of Early Preclassic material it is difficult to understand the scale of occupation for the region during this time period.

Some of the earliest evidence of occupation in the Three Rivers region dates to the Middle Preclassic (900-300 B.C.) (Adams et al. 2004). A number of small villages and household groups were established by the beginning of the Middle Preclassic. While evidence of occupation is prevalent, the PfBAP area was sparsely populated. (Hageman

2004). Documented occupation of large sites such as La Milpa, Dos Hombres, Chan

Chich, and Blue Creek indicate that population in the region began to congregate at these sites (Adams et al. 2004). However, Lohse (2001) states that these settlements remained isolated as there is little evidence for occupation outside the larger sites.

By the Late Preclassic period (400 B.C. – A.D. 250), the settlement density in

northwest Belize remained low with minimal construction of monumental architecture.

The strongest evidence for large populations and monumental architecture are found at

Blue Creek (Guderjan 2007) and La Milpa such as the construction of the main plaza and

Monument 27 (Hammond and Tourtellot 2004). There is also evidence for increased

population surrounding La Milpa and the Dos Hombres site center (Brown 1995). The

discovery of ceramics, architecture, and mortuary remains present evidence for social

complexity in the Late Preclassic. 54

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The Early Classic period (AD 250–600), particularly at its beginning saw a

decline in the population, while later shifting population intensity in the larger sites

(Hammond and Tourtellot 2004). The main sites in the Three Rivers region that provide

evidence of occupation include La Milpa (Hammond and Tourtellot 2004), Dos Hombres

(Houk 2015; Sullivan and Valdez 2004), Gran Cacao, Rio Azul (Adams 1999), Blue

Creek (Guderjan 2007), and Chan Chich (Valdez and Houk 2000). The evidence of increased population intensity in the region stems from the construction of monumental architecture, for example the construction of Plaza A at Dos Hombres and erection of at least 20 stela at La Milpa (Hammond and Tourtellot 2004). Additional data comes from tombs excavated at La Milpa, Rio Azul, and Dos Hombres (Hammond and Tourtellot

2004). While many of these sites grew, some sites such as Rio Azul, Dos Hombres, and

La Milpa saw a decline during the Early Classic as a possible result of the hiatus at Tikal

(Adams 1999; Sagebiel 2006).

The Late Classic period conversely saw a dramatic increase in population and major construction around A.D. 600-850 (Adams et al. 2004; Hageman 2004; Houk et al.

2008). This explosion in population in northwestern Belize, is documented in the

dramatic construction of monumental architecture at Dos Hombres and La Milpa (Adams

et al. 1997; Houk 1996; Houk and Zaro 2011).

This dramatic increase in population and construction was short lived as the Late

Classic transitioned to the Terminal Classic period (AD 850-900). This period marks the

decline of power in the Maya lowlands, particularly in the Peten region. Similarly, many

of the cities La Milpa, Dos Hombres, and Blue Creek saw a decline in power and 55

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population (Adams et al. 2004; Guderjan 2007; Hammond and Tourtellot 2004; Houk

1996; Houk et al. 2008). By the end of the Terminal Classic period much of northwestern

Belize was largely abandoned (Adams et al. 2004; Houk et al. 2008).

Evidence for Postclassic (A.D. 900-1200) habitation in the RBCMA area can be categorized as either occupation or visitation (Houk et al.2008). Evidence of visitation post abandonment comes through the recovery of artifacts left as offerings associated with monument veneration found at La Milpa, Chan Chich, Dos Hombres, and Medicinal

Trail (Hageman 2004; Houk et al. 2008; Trachman 2007). A small percentage of ceramic assemblages dating to the Postclassic at La Milpa are indicative of visitations rather than continued occupation through its abandonment (Sagebiel 2005). Postclassic censers associated with ritual activities have been found at Rio Azul, Dos Hombres, and Chan

Chich (Adams et al. 1999; Guderjan 2007; Houk 1996; Houk et al. 2008). Houk (2012) has described the Postclassic occupation in northwest Belize comprised mostly of pilgrims and hunters.

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Table 5.1 Maya chronology from Sullivan and Valdez (2004: Table 1) Maya Chronological Sequence Time Period Phase (Sphere) Dates Postclassic Late A.D. 1200–1500 Early A.D. 850/900–1200 Terminal Classic (Tepeu 3) A.D. 800/850–900 Late Classic (Tepeu 2) A.D. 700–800/850 (Tepeu 1) A.D. 600–700 Early Classic (Tzakol 3) A.D. 450–600 (Tzakol 1-2) A.D. 250–450 Late Preclassic (Floral Park) A.D. 100–250 (Chicanel) 400 B.C.–A.D. 100 Middle Preclassic Late (Mamon) 600–400 B.C. Early (Swasey) 1000–600 B.C. Early Preclassic ± 1800 –1000 B.C.

Geology

The project area is in the Corozal Basin, a part of the North Petén Basin, which is an extension of the Yucatan peninsula. The Corozal Basin is one of three geological zones that spans from the Maya Mountains to the coastline of the Caribbean Sea

(Meerman et al. 2006). The Corozal Basin consists of a sequence of limestone intermixed with marls and topped by alluvial sands that were deposited from the Cretaceous period to the Pleistocene (Meerman et al. 2006). The topography of the region was shaped by a series of mass weathering, faulting, and slumping oriented in a southwest-northeast

direction. This resulted in the formation of escarpments, uplands, and bajos, which shape

the karstic landscape of the Three Rivers region (Brokaw and Mallory 1993; Houk

2015:159). These fault lines run across the Corozal Basin and create an undulating

landscape (Brokaw and Mallory 1993; Meerman et al. 2006). These fault lines created the

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La Lucha Escarpment, Rio Bravo Escarpment, and the Booth’s River Escarpment,

making up the some of RBCMA most noticeable landscapes.

The geology of northwestern Belize is generally younger than what has been documented in central Belize, specifically the Maya Mountains (Miller 1996). Miller

(1996) described the northern most portion of Belize, as swampy with small hills. Miller

(1996) includes the RBCMA in with Yalbac Hills, Regardless of the porous limestone in the area the collapses frequently, based on reports from King et al. (2012) and Walling

(2005) there is indeed a presence of small caves and rockshelters in the PfBAP area. In

The Yalbac Hills area includes the three escarpments on the RBCMA and the hilly area north of Gallon Jug along the Guatemalan border west of the Booth’s River escarpment

(Figure 2.1) (Miller 1996). The Yalbac Hills elevation rise to 200-250 m, with water drainage mostly occurring on the surface (Miller 1996). Miller’s (1996) research suggests that few large caves have formed in this region. However, weathering of the porous dolomitic limestone in the region has proved effective in creating small rockshelters, cavities, and sinkholes.

In northern Belize, to the east of the Yalbac Hills, is a region where tertiary rocks are exposed. This region mostly encompasses the area from Belmopan north to the

Mexican border. They are mostly carbonates, such as marls, but also include bentonitic clays and poorly consolidated sands (Miller 1996). The basement layers of the geomorphology underlying the limestone of northern Belize “vary from Paleozoic metasediments to granites, and are at progressively greater depths of 800 m to 3,000 m from Belmopan north to the Mexican border” (Miller 1996:117). Much of the surface 58

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drainage follows faulting along the uplift of the Yucatan Plateau. Miller (1996) notes that

there have been reports of minor rock shelters and shallow caves in this region.

Figure 5.1 Map of geologic zones in Belize from (Miller 1996: Figure 4)

Ecology of the Project Area

The environment of the RBCMA is best described as semi-tropical forest with

swamps and savannahs (Brokaw and Mallory 1993). The climate of this region is

consistent of this semi-tropical environment has two distinct seasons. The wet season

typically begins in June and ends in December, while the dry season spans from January

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to June (Brokaw and Mallory 1993). The wet season typically brings approximately 1500

- 2000 mm of rain per month (Dunning et al. 2003:14).

There are several physiographic regions in the RBCMA (Figure 5.2) the Rio

Bravo Embayment, Rio Bravo Terrace Upland, La Lucha Uplands, and Booths River

Upland (Scarborough and Valdez 2003). The DH2GC transect, and Grupo Agua Lluvia

are located within the Rio Bravo Embayment and Booths River Uplands environments.

Figure 5.2 Physiographic boundaries from Dunning et al. (2003:Figure 2.1)

The Rio Bravo Embayment is mostly low area located east of the Rio Bravo

Uplands and Rio Bravo Escarpments (Brokaw and Mallory 1993). A series of small spring fed tributaries and runoff from the Petén Karst Plateau feed the Rio Bravo, which flows through the embayment (Brokaw and Mallory 1993; Dunning et al. 2003;

Scarborough et al 2003). The Rio Bravo has a narrow channel that is typically about 5 m

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wide, but after substantial rains, the channel will flood creating a floodplain from 100 m to nearly a kilometer wide (Dunning et al. 2003:17). This region can also be described as

having a poor draining floodplain that receives water from the Rio Bravo and includes

bajos, lagoons and aguadas (Brokaw and Mallory 1993; Scarborough et al. 2003). The

poor draining areas of this region produce deep organic rich soils, while the soil is much thinner on higher ground (Brokaw and Mallory 1993; Dunning et al. 2003). Although

Dos Hombres is in this area, settlement is considered sparse over much of the embayment.

The vegetation of the Rio Bravo Embayment consists mostly of riparian forest

(Brokaw and Mallory 1993). Riparian forests typically have broken canopies intermixed with liana vines and sporadic trees (Dunning et al. 2003). However, in some areas the cohune palm can be the dominant canopy. Higher terrain in the Rio Bravo Embayment often results in more upland tree species, while dense thickets of spiny bamboo reside in low-lying areas.

The Booth’s River Upland is a large “tilted or fault block ridge, declining in elevation along its dipslope westward” (Dunning et al. 2003:17). The soils of the upland section of this region are typically shallow and well drained transitioning to deeper and less drained towards the north and west near the Rio Bravo Embayment (Dunning et al.

2003). The vegetation in the upland region transitions as the elevation declines from upland forests to riparian forest (Dunning et al. 2003).

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To the east of the uplands is the Booth’s River Depression, a fault-block valley

where there is an abrupt decline in elevation. The Booth’s River Depression generally has

perennially saturated conditions (Dunning et al. 2003). The low elevation and discharge of perennial springs along its margins keep conditions moist even doing the dry season

(Dunning et al. 2003). An herbaceous marsh covers the majority of the northern portion,

while herbaceous marsh and red mangroves cover the southern half (Dunning et al.

1999). The soil typically consists of peats in the marsh areas to organic clays on higher

elevations.

Dos Hombres

Dos Hombres is a key regional polity that held a significant geographical sphere of influence in the PfBAP area (Figure 5.3). The sites of N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia

(Figure 5.4) were likely under Dos Hombres influence based on their close proximity to

the city. A discussion of the archaeological site plan, research history, and occupational

history provides context to the local history of the area.

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Figure 5.3 Map of the PfBAP area from (Lohse 2001: Figure 3.1)

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Figure 5.4 Map of N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia in relation to Dos Hombres (Cortes-Rincon 2015)

Dos Hombres is located in the Rio Bravo Embayment, a low-lying structural trough between the Rio Bravo Escarpment on the west and the Booths River escarpment in the east (Houk 2015). The Rio Bravo’s channel and flood plain run along the base of the escarpment. The major architectural groups (Figure 5.5) are built on low limestone hills surrounded by seasonally inundated bajos (Houk 2015). The Dos Hombres site core is arranged along a distinctive north-south axis with Plaza A-1 situated in the north and an elite acropolis located in the southern end of the site (Houk 2015). A sacbe connects

Plaza A to Dos Hombres’ main ball court. In between Plaza A-1 and the acropolis are two smaller plazas.

Since its rediscovery in 1992, Dos Hombres has been one of the most studied sites in the PfBAP area. Some of the first investigations of Dos Hombres included

Robichaux’s (1995) settlement survey extending northwest of Dos Hombres.

Additionally, Houk (1996, 2015) investigated and excavated the site core, which helped 64

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establish the first chronology of the site. Based on the artifacts collected from Plaza A-1,

Dos Hombres has been occupied since the Middle Preclassic. During the Late Preclassic the population of Dos Hombres increased. Evidence of this population growth in the Late

Preclassic was documented by Brown (1995), who excavated a courtyard near Plaza A-1 and uncovered buried structures dating to the period. Towards the end of the Late

Preclassic there was a brief decline in population. In contrast, the Late Classic occupation is better defined and documented in the site center and residential contexts (Houk 2015).

Most of the visible architecture at the city was constructed during this period. Lohse’s

(2001) and Robichaux’s (1995) surveys, as well as Aylesworth’s (2005) excavations of

Group D provide evidence of significant population growth in the residential areas

outside the city center during the Late Classic period. According to Houk (2015), the

regional power of Dos Hombres developed late in the city’s history. However, this

expansion and growth was short lived as the Dos Hombres site core was soon abandoned

during the Terminal Classic period. Evidence of this abandonment can be seen the

termination of the Acropolis in Group C, and a lack of new construction (Houk 1996;

Trachman 2007). After Dos Hombres’ abandonment during the Terminal Classic period,

“small side-notched Postclassic arrow point” were documented and may be related to an

occupation, hunting parties or religious pilgrims (Houk et al. 2008: 97).

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Figure 5.5 Map of Dos Hombres from Lohse (1999: Figure 4)

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Group N950

Group N950 is situated on top of a limestone knoll that has been intentionally modified 1000 m north of the main plaza of Dos Hombres (Figure 5.5). The site of N950 is a small elite residential group with an eastern shrine. It was originally discovered by

Rigden Glaab in 2004 on a previous transect project that was not completed, and was

subsequently rediscovered in 2010 (Cortes-Rincon 2011). N950 consists of five

structures on top of the modified hill with three more structures to the east, and four

additional structures northeast near the base of the hill (Boudreaux 2013; Cortes-Rincon

et al. 2012). The group has a shrine on the east similar to a Plaza Plan 2 layout as defined

by Becker (1982; see Cortes-Rincon and Boudreaux 2013 for discussion). The shrine was

designated as Structure 36. Approximately south east of Structure 36 is Subterranean

Feature 4, a circular, vertically oriented subsurface feature. Northeast of Subterranean

Feature 4 is a small platform that contains two small structures (Cortes-Rincon et al.

2013). There are artificial water channels cut into the bedrock leading down the slope on

the south just past Subterranean Feature 4. Approximately 10 m north of Structure 36 is

Subterranean Feature 3, the largest subsurface feature at site (Boudreaux 2013; Ports

2012). On the north side of the knoll is another small platform with two small structures

and two small chultuns situated between them. On the north side of the N950 hill, the

slope was artificially terraced. Located amongst the terracing on the side of the knoll are

Subterranean Features 1 and 2, which are actually one feature with two openings

(Boudreaux 2013; Ports 2012). Finally on the northeast slope of N950 is a series of

depressions connected by a small water channel traveling down the slope.

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Figure 5.6 Plan map of the site N950 from Cortes-Rincon (2014: Figure 1)

Cortes-Rincon et al. (2012) conducted test excavations at the group to determine the history of occupation at the site. Boudreaux (2013) conducted her thesis research partially on the information gathered at N950 focusing on chronology, group layout, and spatial qualities. Nine 1-x-1-m test excavations were opened to establish chronology of the group (Boudreax 2013). Units were opened across many of the more prominent

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features and the plaza of the group. Suboperations A and B were opened on the south side and north side of Structure 36 (Figure 5.6). Suboperation A contained ceramics that date

to the Late Preclassic and Early Classic periods. Charcoal, obsidian, and jute were also collected from Suboperation A. Additional units were placed in a small water reservoir, and on the plaza. The ceramic data collected from all nine units opened in 2012 indicate that N950 plaza was primarily occupied in the Late and Terminal Classic periods.

Several of the features and structures have been excavated at N950 since 2012. In

2013 five units were opened to investigate the Subterranean Features 3, 4, and Structure

41 at N950 (Figure 5.8). A total of four units were re-opened from the previous year and four new units were opened as part of Operation 4. Outside of the units that were reopened, the new units tended to be focused on structures off the main plaza of N950. One unit of note is Suboperation G located between Structures 45 and 44 at a group located just north east of N950 (Boudreaux 2013). This unit contained ceramics that dated to the

Early Classic period, much earlier than what is typically found at N950 (Boudreaux

2013).

The excavations at N950 in 2014 a focused on Subterranean Feature 1 and 2. Two other units were opened in 2014; the first was focused on the platform between Structures

25 and 26 (see Figure 5.6). The other was opened on the east side of Structure 28. The excavations at N950 in 2014 were finished abruptly to flooding in the area.

According to Cortes-Rincon (2012) and Boudreaux (2013), N950’s site planning

was likely intentional. Group N950’s combination of a small eastern shrine (Structure

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36), water management features, steep elevation, and subterranean features is evidence of

a powerful landscape. This re-creation of sacred landscapes reflects cosmology in its

construction and layout, suggesting N950 is sacred and important (Boudreaux 2013).

Subterranean Features Found on DH2GC

There are several modest residential groups just north of N950, which were found through pedestrian survey, that also contain subterranean features. The subterranean

features found in these groups are small in size. The investigations of these features were

proposed for the 2014 field season, however heavy rains prevented work along the

DH2GC transect. I include a discussion as additional of subterranean features in the Dos

Hombres periphery and for future recommended investigations.

Just beyond N950 to the northwest lies the small residential group N1330 W281

that is 1,330 m north of the DH2GC survey datum and 281 m west of the baseline of the

DH2GC transect. Although situated outside the transect parameters, the group was

discovered during pedestrian surveys that were following cultural features north east of

N950. Group N1330 W281 is an informal household group that contains four structures

that are oriented on an east west axis (Cortes-Rincon and Boudreaux 2013). On the east

side of group N1330 W281 is Structure 92, situated on its own small hill. Subterranean

Feature 5 is a few meters south of Structure 92 (Cortes-Rincon and Boudreaux 2013).

This area of the site also contains two possible water reservoirs and a channel. Located 28 m to the west of Structure 92 is another small group with three structures, Structure 122

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with Structures 119 and 120 situated on a slightly higher elevation on a basal platform

(Cortes-Rincon and Boudreaux 2013).

Another small group is located 1,600 m north of the DH2GC survey datum. This

group is composed of only a few small structures on top of a modified hill (Cortes-

Rincon 2013). The east side of the hill contains extensive terracing with possible small

water catchment cavities on the terraces. At N1550 E30 on the side of the hill is a

subterranean feature amongst the terracing (Cortes-Rincon 2013). There are also at least

two chultuns, one associated with the terrace closest to the peak of the hill, and another at

the top of the hill. There may be as many as seven small chultuns on the terracing

alongside a hill at N1650. Because of the limited investigations of these subterranean

features an accurate description of their size and use is unavailable at this time.

Grupo Agua Lluvia

Grupo Agua Lluvia is a plazuela group located 1.7 km west of the Dos Hombres

site core on a modified knoll that extends east from the face of the escarpment (Figure

5.7) Trachman’s (2007, 2010) investigations took place mostly from 1999-2002 and

included 73 units, which were opened to investigate Grupo Agua Lluvia’s structures and features (Trachman 2007:216). The plazuela was formed by the modification of the natural knoll with terracing surrounding the structures. Grupo Agual Lluvia is comprised of five small structures, and five features surrounding a central open plaza (Trachman

2007). Based on Trachman’s (2007, 2010) excavations Grupo Agua Lluvia grew over

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time and was occupied from the Late Classic period to the time of abandonment during the Late to Terminal Classic period.

Structure s1 and 2 (Figure 5.7) are cobble platforms with retaining walls. These

structures were low-lying open platforms with no standing masonry structures. Trachman

(2007:221) states that “Structure 1’s dimensions are approximately 13 x 6 m, while

Structure 2 measured 18 m on the long axis on the east or front side, but only 11–12 m on

the west side with a width of 9 m.” The ceramic data from Structures 1 and 2 were dated

the Late to Terminal Classic periods (Trachman 2007).

Structure 3 (Figure 5.7) is a Late Classic round structure that sits atop a round

basal platform. Trachman (2010) concluded that the structure was the earliest

construction because of a buried plazuela attached to its exterior. Burial 3 is a cist burial

that excavators uncovered in the subfloor of Structure 3. Burial 3 contained no associated

grave goods, however there was a dedication cache underneath the door way that dated to

the Late Classic Period. Based on the stratigraphy, the burial was a result of intrusive

behavior and was placed after the construction of Structure 3 was constructed (Trachman

2007). The individual in Burial 3 was determined to be a female adult aged between 35-

50 years old (Trachman 2010).

Structure 4 (Figure 5.7) is a small structure supported by a rectangular platform

and had walls that partially consisted of stone (Trachman 2007). The architecture is

different than the other structures with some parts on a basal platform and others directly

on top of bedrock (Trachman 2007). Additionally, two burials was underneath Structure

4’s interior room with no associated grave goods (Trachman 2007). The ceramic data

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were discovered to be Tepeu 2-3 or Late to Terminal Classic period. The only structure not excavated was Structure 5 due to substantial tree fall on the structure.

Of the five features at Grupo Agua Lluvia, three are subsurface features. The larger depression is a water reservoir located in the northeastern portion of the site that measures 7.5 m in diameter and 2.4 m in depth (Trachman 2010). Feature 2 is a chultun in the northwest portion of the group; it was briefly investigated with a shovel test and a small unit to expose the bedrock surrounding the entrance (Trachman 2010). Feature 3 is a small depression containing visible cuts on its wall that is 2.5 m in diameter located east of Structure 1. (Trachman 2010). Feature 4 is a mound 2.5 m in diameter; excavations yielded little cultural material other than quarried stone. Trachman (2010) tentatively associates Feature 4’s quarried stone with Feature 3 as the potential source of the stone.

The last feature, Feature 5, is a stone alignment that is a low wall near Structure 3

(Trachman 2010).

Throughout the excavations at Grupo Agua Lluvia. Trachman (2010) discovered that the chronology of the group dated to the Late through the Terminal Classic periods.

Trachman (2010) identifies two types of rituals present at Grupo Agua Lluvia, dedication and mortuary. The mortuary rituals encountered consisted of one secondary and two primary cist burials (Trachman 2010). The two non-mortuary rituals consisted of two caches, one consisting of two water jars that were found beneath the doorway of

Structure 3 (Trachman 2010). The second cache encountered was associated with the small domestic reservoir (Trachman 2010). The ritual aspects at Grupo Agua Lluvia are modest with very little lavish material from the burials and dedication deposits. Although the ritual contexts are modest, their presence indicates that the ancient inhabitants 73

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performed ritual acts at Grupo Agua Lluvia compared to those found at other sites in the

region were rituals were more elaborate.

Trachman’s (2010) investigations have yielded information about production at

Grupo Agua Lluvia. For example, evidence for the production of stone and marl for

household construction and maintenance was collected from Feature 3. Shell beads found in abundance is possible evidence for jewelry production (Trachman 2007). Trachman

(2007) explicitly ties the female burial, dedicatory cache, water jug fragments found at

Structure 3 and the nearby reservoir and its dedicatory cache as water symbolism.

Trachman (2007:342) concludes that Grupo Agua Lluvia “may have been expressed with water symbolism in the domestic space, using the media of the household landscape in

the same way as one would use the sculptor’s stone.”

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Figure 5.7 Plan map of Grupo Agua Lluvia from Trachman (2007:5.1)

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CHAPTER VI

RESULTS

This chapter is an overview of the survey, field, and laboratory data collected for

this thesis project. The excavation section details the excavation process for each unit and

the cultural material, artifacts, and features found. The first section of this chapter focuses

on the results of investigations into four subterranean features at N950 as a part of the

DH2GC project. The subsequent section details the excavation and laboratory results of

Feature 2 at Agua Lluvia.

N950

N950 on the DH2GC transect contains several subterranean features within its

boundary. The investigation for at N950 focused on three of the most substantial

subterranean features. Subterranean Feature 3 was investigated first because its entrance is easily accessible from the courtyard and was the largest.

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Subterranean Feature 1 and 2 H

Subterranean feature 3 F, M and N

41 Subterranean Feature 4 R L

Figure 6.1 Map of N950 from (Cortes-Rincon 2014: Figure 1)

Subterranean Features 1 and 2 at N950

Subterranean Features 1 and 2 proved to be the same subsurface cavity with multiple openings (Figure 6.2 and 6.3). Subterranean Feature 1 has two openings and is located north of the shrine (Structure 36), on the slope of the natural limestone hill on which N950 was built. This feature has two entrances that are oriented vertically into the side of the slope, while the subsurface chambers travel horizontally closely aligned on a north-south axis. Entrance A is 43 cm wide and is 31 cm high at its tallest point. The

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depth of the feature measured from drip line of entrance A is 111 cm. Entrance B is

located 45 cm east of entrance A, and is approximately 40 cm wide and 38 cm tall.

Subterranean Feature 2 is 3.88 m east of entrance A of Subterranean Feature 1. Its

entrance is 151 cm wide and approximately 38 cm tall measured from the surface; and has a depth measured from the drip line of 140 cm (Boudreaux 2013; Ports 2012). This feature was briefly surveyed in 2012. A more intensive mapping survey was performed during in 2014 of Subterranean Features 1 and 2, using the compass based method described in the methods section. In 2014, a small subsurface feature was discovered approximately 4 m north down slope near the bottom of the hill and was designated

Subterranean Feature 2B (Figure 6.4). The cavity was circular in shape approximately 15 cm in diameter and was oriented more horizontally than the others. Subterranean Feature

2B was not investigated and it is unclear if there was a relationship between these features in ancient times.

Excavations of focused on Subterranean Feature 2’s entrance. This entrance was chosen to excavate because it is the largest of the three total entrances allowing a bit more maneuverability inside Subterranean Feature 1 and 2. Additionally, the space just outside the entrance was slightly larger and easier to set up a unit that the entrances tied to

Subterranean Feature 1.

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Figure 6.2 Photo of Subterranean Feature 2 view to the south

Figure 6.3 Photo of Subterranean Feature 2 view to the southeast

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Figure 6.4 Subterranean Feature 2B view to the southwest

Operation 4 Suboperation H

The goal of excavating Subterranean Feature 2 was to establish a chronology of

use, and determine its function in the context of the N950 group. The surface collection

of this feature in 2012 included the removal of collapse such as limestone debris and the

top humus layer in preparation for setting up a unit. This revealed that the west wall of

the feature extended north from the entrance approximately 40 cm, and seems to continue north down the slope. The length of the west wall and the direction it extends indicates a larger size in antiquity. The debris removed from just outside the dripline is likely form ceiling collapse. During the surface collection, approximately 40 non-diagnostic ceramic

sherds were found along with a few pieces of chert debitage. A chert biface was also

recovered from the surface above the feature near the dripline. Most of the cultural

materials collected during the surface survey are fragmentary, weathered, and likely out

of context. These artifacts were probably from a tertiary deposit that resulted from

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architectural collapse near the top of the slope that washed in to the feature. The surface collection was terminated due to the increase in cultural materials that was recovered.

Operation 4 Suboperation H (Figure 6.5) was a 50-x-50 cm unit placed just outside the entrance of Subterranean Feature 2 to collect chronological information and asses data related to its function. The small size of the unit was dictated by how much space was accessible near the entrance of Subterranean Feature 2. The datum was established 31 cm away and 20 cm above the surface of Suboperation H. Given the amount of debris within the feature and the low ceiling of the feature, the unit was placed near the edge of the dripline.

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Figure 6.5 Plan Map of Subterranean Feature 1 and 2 with entrance profiles

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The first lot of the excavation consisted mostly of a brown-gray soil, with large

quantities of limestone cobble and stones (Table 6.1). Some of the stones were flat and were probably from the cave ceiling collapse. Very little cultural material was observed

in this lot; only a few very small and fragmented ceramic sherds were collected.

However, there is one notable observation that was made during the excavation of the

first lot. The consistency of soil in the northern wall of the unit was different and

appeared to be looser and less dense than was observed in the rest of the unit. The lot was

closed at 40 cm below the datum due to a slight soil change to a more brown hue.

Lot 2 was characterized by a slight change in the soil matrix color and large limestone stones. After excavating through 6 cm of soil and limestone cobbles, two large flat limestone stones appeared (See Figure 5.6). It was observed that many of the stones near the floor of this stratigraphic level appear to slope down to the north. This follows the natural topography of the slope the unit rests on. The northern end of the unit still had looser brownish gray soil than the rest of the unit making it much easier to excavate. This matrix in the north end of the unit was loose and contained small limestone cobbles indicating the possibility of air pockets or gaps in the matrix. The unit was terminated at approximately 70 cm below the datum because of large flat pieces of limestone found in the floor of the unit that would have been too time consuming to remove.

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Figure 6.6 Photo of Operation 4 Suboperation L

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Table 6.1 Summary of excavation data from Suboperation H Operation- Lot Description Thickness Cultural

Suboperation (cm) Material

4-H -- Surface collection Ceramic (n=15);

Lithic (n=1)

1 Brown-gray soil with 40 Ceramic (n=5)

intermixed limestone cobble.

2 Brown soil, while the bottom 6 None

of the north wall of the unit

had looser soil. The unit floor

was composed of large pieces

of limestone.

Summary and Interpretation

Many of the artifacts collected during the surface survey were likely the result of debris washing down the slope from the structures above. The ceramics that were recovered and analyzed by Boudreaux and Dr. Sullivan were too eroded to date. Only a few small ceramics sherds that were undiagnostic were recovered from the excavation.

The excavation of Subterranean Feature 2 revealed little cultural material within the strata and a lack of consistent stratigraphy. According to Brady (2004), there is

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ethnographic evidence of caves being swept clean of ritual assemblages which may

account for the lack of material found within Subterranean Feature 1 and 2. However, a more likely scenario is that based on the shape of the feature, the unit was placed in an area which was not specifically utilized. The shape of the feature suggests that it extends out from the mouth to the northeast approximately a meter, potentially making the feature’s size larger than what was visible during the survey.

Excavators in 2014 discovered a small hole approximately 4 m north of the entrance of Subterranean Feature 2. This hole was found near the base of the modified hill that group N950 rests upon. Although this hole is a short distance below

Subterranean Feature 2, there is some evidence that suggests the Subterranean Features 1 and 2 and 2B were connected. Subterranean Feature 2’s west wall extends north beyond what was originally surveyed towards Subterranean Feature 2B. Additionally, lot 2’s north wall seemed to be much weaker with spaces in the matrix, which may have resulted from a series of collapses. These collapses north of the entrance of Subterranean Feature

2 support the idea that the feature was larger in antiquity. Lastly, the bottom of lot 2 was comprised of large flat pieces of limestone that slope downwards to the north in the direction of Subterranean Feature 2B towards the other small feature. This sloping floor could suggest that not only was Subterranean Feature 2 much larger but also deeper towards the northern end. Although, it is not clear if these features were connected in antiquity, it is possible that these two features are related in some way due to their proximity.

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Based on the data available such as the location near the middle of the slope, with a horizontal chamber orientation, and lack of cultural material I hypothesize that

Subterranean Features 1 and 2 are both sascaberos. If this indeed is the case, both features would likely have been used as sascab or plaster resource exploitation for the group and potentially the surrounding community. This would have been an important resource for the surrounding community for construction and maintenance. Additionally, not too far away to the east of these features is a small rural sacbe (Cortes-Rincon 2012;

Marinkovich 2014). Like mentioned previously Dahlin et al. (2014) indicate that chultuns are often in proximity to communities and sacbeob for continual upkeep. Further investigations of this feature particularly its relationship with the small opening are warranted.

Subterranean Feature 3

Located just north of Structure 36 at N950, Subterranean Feature 3 (Figure 6.7) is the largest and best preserved of the features found at this site. The entrance is oriented vertically, however the length of the cave travels horizontally. The entrance of the cave is

188 cm in width and its height is 77.3 cm (Boudreaux 2013; Ports 2013). The feature is approximately 4.16 m deep (Boudreaux 2013; Ports 2013). There was a large quantity of debris in the entrance from ceiling and wall collapse. There is a smaller chamber at the southern most section of the feature (indicated on Figures 6.8 and 6.9 by “chamber ledge”). Additionally, there is a large fracture stretching 60 cm across the south wall on the east side of the second, smaller chamber. This fracture, contained several square

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shaped stones wedged inside, possibly to support the structural integrity of Subterranean

Feature 3.

Figure 6.7 Photograph of Subterranean Feature 3.

A comprehensive survey was performed on the feature prior to excavations to

produce a plan map and profile (Figure 6.8 and Figure 6.9). The survey was performed using the baseline method measuring the distance from the string to walls, ceiling, and floor discussed in the methods section. In the cave at the very back is small

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ledge/chamber that was too small to measure accurately using the same method, only basic measurements were taken such as length, width, and chamber opening height.

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Figure 6.8 Profile map of Subterranean Feature 3 view from the east wall.

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Figure 6.9 Plan map of Subterranean Feature 3

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Operation 4 Suboperation F

Prior to the excavations in 2012, a surface collection was conducted around the entrance of the Subterranean Feature 3, in addition to a preliminary clearing of debris within the cave. During the surface collection, approximately 40 eroded non-diagnostic ceramic sherds were collected, with only a few found inside the feature itself.

Additionally, a few lithic artifacts, consisting mostly of chert debitage were collected.

Approximately 15 faunal remains which were likely a modern deposit were found in the rear of the feature within the top soil. As more cultural material appeared, the surface collection was terminated and the unit was prepared.

Operation 4 Suboperation F (Figure 6.10) was located at N950 inside

Subterranean Feature 3 towards the back of the cave with its south wall bordering and paralleling the back wall of the feature. The dimension of the unit was 1 x 0.5 m. Datum

1B was located in the rear of the cave, 20 cm away to the east and 37 cm above the surface. The small size of the unit was due to the limited amount of maneuverable space inside the feature. The first goal of this unit was to use the data recovered from the excavation to define the stratigraphy. A second goal was to observe and collect artifacts to determine the chronology and function of the feature.

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Figure 6.10 Plan map of Subterranean Feature 3

Lot 1 (Table 6.2) consisted of dry sandy soil that was a brown-gray color. After

the first few centimeters of excavation, badly eroded ceramic sherds and a small amount of chert debitage were collected. The ceramic types included Tepeu 2-3 types such as 93

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Achote Black, Cayo unslipped, and Late Classic water jar fragments. Faunal remains

were continually found throughout the lot, and consisting of small Rodentia, Avian, and

Chiroptera (see Table 6.4).

At 20 cm into the lot, the type of soil and artifacts changed. The ceramic sherds collected showed evidence of burning and the soil became much darker. In the same provenience as the change in soil were large pieces of charcoal, four prismatic blade fragments, and a broken ground stone artifact. The lot was terminated because of a soil change due to the amount of charcoal in the unit.

Lot 2 was characterized by more burned ceramics, and charcoal. Increasingly fewer faunal remains were unearthed as the excavation progressed, but the types of remains were consistent with the previous lot. At approximately 50 cm below the datum three more obsidian prismatic blade fragments (Figure 6.11 and 6.12) were uncovered. At the same level within the unit an applique decorated ceramic incensario fragment (Figure

6.13) that also showed evidence burning was unearthed. The excavators closed lot 2 at

about 56 cm below the surface because the soil became moist and dense and the appearance of limestone in the matrix. Excavations were halted at this stage.

In 2013, excavations of Suboperation F continued from the previous season’s work beginning at lot 3. After clearing out debris that had deposited over the year, only

6.5 cm of soil was removed before uncovering a large stone. This stone was angled in the

northwest corner and was associated with soil that was less sandy and denser than the

previous stratigraphy. A small quantity of lithic fragments and ceramic sherds was

collected. In contrast, a large quantity of faunal remains (N=250) were recovered. The 94

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ceramic types in lot 3 included Tinaja Red, striated varieties, and Achote Black dating to mostly to the Late Classic to Terminal Classic periods. However the sherds collected were badly eroded. Within the same level, in the northeast corner, the soil matrix became darker and more clay-like. Within this darker soil a small number of fragmented human bones (N=38) was collected. Upon preliminary analysis performed by Stacy Drake

(2014), identification of five cranial fragments (Figure 6.14) and a possible infant phalange was made. The lot and unit were ultimately closed at 110 cm below the datum because of the presence of a burial and a hard packed floor. The priority shifted to define and determine the burial and number of individuals.

Figure 6.11 Photograph of obsidian blade fragments, lot 2, courtesy of Bruce Templeton.

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Figure 6.12 Photograph of obsidian prismatic blade fragments, lot 3, courtesy of Bruce Templeton.

Figure 6.13 Photograph of applique decorated incensario from lot 3, courtesy of Bruce Templeton.

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Figure 6.14 Photo of human cranial fragment Suboperation F lot 2

Operation 4 Suboperation M

Operation 4 Suboperation M was a 1-x-0.5 m (See Figure 6.10) expansion of F,

placed to the east deeper into Subterranean Feature 3 (see Figures 5.13 and 5.14).The same datum used for Subop F was used for Subop M and is 10 cm to the east and 37 cm above the surface. The goal of this unit was to expand Suboperation F in an attempt to gather additional information on the position of the human remains. The initial strategy was to follow the stratigraphy of Suboperation F in the expansion, however, upon

excavating, it was discovered that 10 cm from the east wall of Suboperation F was a large

limestone boulder. The large limestone boulder blocked further excavations to the east

side of the feature. Based on the amount of material excavated and the limited work

space, Suboperation M was only excavated as one lot.

Texas Tech University, Kyle Ports, December 2015

In the east wall of lot 1 (Table 6.2), excavators encountered two large limestone boulders, presumably elements of separate phases of ceiling collapse (Figure 6.15 and

6.16). The unit contained a small quantity of chert debitage and several ceramic sherds including a large fragment of a ceramic bowl. Additionally, faunal bones were recovered from a small area between the two limestone boulders. Near the bottom boulder, approximately 60 cm below the datum, embedded in the surface of the floor of the unit were small fragmentary human bones (Figure 6.17). This provided two options as to the position of the body; either the rest of the burial extended east underneath the limestone boulders or to the northern sections of Subterranean Feature 3. The unit was terminated at

110 cm below the datum with the intention to extend the unit again, this time to the north of Suboperation F.

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Figure 6.15 Profile map of east wall of Suboperation M

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Figure 6.16 Photo of Suboperation M lot 1 view to the East

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Figure 6.17 Photograph of human bones in situ in Suboperation M lot 1

Operation 4 Suboperation N

Suboperation N (See Figure 6.) was set up as a 50-x-50 cm unit to the north of

Subops F and M. The goal of this unit was to expand the excavations of F and M to determine the position of the burial. The datum is the same as Suboperations F and M.

Lot 1 (Table 6.2) was composed of mostly debris and organic material that likely washed into the cave. At approximately 20 cm into the first lot, one human incisor was collected; with no other human remains recovered the incisor was probably out of context as it was found 50 cm above the burial. Within the same level, a long cylindrical ceramic piece with a square peg on one side was recovered. In addition, there were large amounts of small faunal remains recovered. The lot was terminated at 42.8 cm below the datum due to a darker color change in the stratigraphy.

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Lot 2 was characterized by a matrix that seemed similar to the previous lot but was intermixed with darker sediment, possibly due to the presence of charcoal. Charcoal samples were collected for future analysis. This lot contained faunal remains that were typically larger than previous findings. The faunal remains were found in the same stratigraphy as the section in-between the two collapse phases that were observed in

Suboperation M. Small chert debitage and some ceramic sherds were collected. The limestone collapse reported in Suboperation M was also present in the unit and took up about 50 percent of the unit extending out from the east and north walls, decreasing the space available for excavation in the lot. The lot was terminated 49.5 cm below the datum.

Lot 3 was characterized by the limestone covering about 85 percent of the unit only leaving the west wall and south wall open for excavation. The black clay matrix associated with the burial found in both Suboperation F and M was discovered in the southeast corner connecting with the soil in Suboperation M at approximately 60 cm below the datum. From this matrix, excavators recovered a human cranial fragment, a molar, and two obsidian prismatic blade fragments. Excavations into the east wall underneath the limestone shelf, revealed an additional seven human bone fragments in situ. Drake visited the site to assist in the identification of the bones; unfortunately the bones were too fragmented to accurately assess either sex or age. She was able to identify three of the seven bone found in situ: a radial fragment, scapula, and a rib fragment. She also discovered a white film like substance covering the bones that would flake off with a brush without harming the bone. Further investigations in the unit would have further

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disturbed the burial so the unit was terminated at 56.5 cm below the datum and backfilled with the burial still in situ.

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Table 6.2 Summary of excavation data from Operation 4 Suboperations F, M, and N Operation- Lot Description Thickness Cultural Material

Suboperation (cm)

4-F -- Surface collection Ceramic (n=38); Faunal

(n=0); lithic (n=0)

1 Brown-gray soil with intermixed 39.7 Ceramic (n=43); Faunal

limestone cobble, and some charcoal. (n=98); Lithic (16);

2 Darker brown soil that is more moist 16 Ceramic (n=132);

and compact than the sandier soil Faunal (n=54); Lithic

above. The lot also contained charcoal. (n=3);

3 A more brown soil, while the bottom of 6.5 Ceramic (n= 9 )Faunal

the north wall of the unit had looser (n=281) Human Skull

soil. Many large limestone rocks Fragment (n=5); Lithic

comprised the unit floor. (n=6);

Obsidian (n=5);

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Table 6.2 continued Operation- Lot Description Thickness Cultural Material

Suboperation (cm)

4-M 1 Similar soil matrix to Suboperation F. 73 Ceramic (n=31);

Had several large limestone collapses Faunal (no count);

that prevented further excavations Human Bone (no

south. count); Lithic (n=6)

4-N 1 Brown-gray soil with intermixed 39.3 Ceramic (n=51);

limestone cobble. Faunal (98); Lithic

(n=4)

4-N 2 Soil change to a darker color of brown- 13 Ceramic (n=30) Faunal

gray. (n=54) Human (n=6)

Lithic (n=6)

4-N 3 Dark brown soil that has small pieces 9.7 Ceramic (n=1); Faunal

of limestone and is much more clay (114); Human Bone

like. (n=34); Obsidian (n=2)

Summary and Interpretations

Subterranean Feature 3 is the largest subsurface feature at N950. The west wall in the rear of the cave has a substantial crack with several square shaped rocks wedged inside. This may have been a modification in order to stabilize the structural integrity of the feature in antiquity. Subterranean Feature 3 contained the largest quantity of cultural material among the subterranean features investigated at N950. The cultural material 105

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consisted of ceramic sherds, lithic debris (Table 6.3), prismatic obsidian blade fragments,

ground stone, faunal bone (Table 6.4), and human remains. Excavations also revealed

evidence of burning activity through the observation of charcoal. The large quantity of

faunal remains recovered from Subterranean Feature 3 is vastly different than what was

found at the rest of the site. Very few faunal remains were recovered from the other

excavations at N950, besides some shell. The sheer amount of faunal remains has not

been noted at any other settlement group along the DH2GC transect. It is likely that the

much of the material recovered at higher levels in the strata may have washed in from

outside or are out of context from ceiling collapse. The human incisor that was

discovered 50 cm above the burial could have been either a second individual higher in

the stratigraphy, or was disturbed by animals.

Table 6.3 Lithic quantity by each suboperation and lot for N950. Lithic analysis was performed by Adam Forbis and Dr. Cortes-Rincon Provenience Debitage Flake Tool Obsidian 4-F-wall 3 0 0 0 4-F-3 2 2 4 5 4-L-1 0 4 0 0 4-L-2 0 3 0 0 4-M-1 4 2 0 0 4-N-1 3 1 0 0 4-N-2 3 1 2 0 4-N-3 0 0 0 2 4-R-1 10 3 3 0 4-R-2 0 9 0 0 Total 25 25 9 7

Table 6.4 Faunal remains, Operation 4 Suboperation F (Kieffer 2015: Table 1)

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Op 4 Subop F 1 1 Beak Passeriformes 1 5 Fibula Unknown (Rodentia and Chiroptera) 1 2 Humerus (Left) Small Rodentia 1 1 Humerus (Right) Small Rodentia 1 3 Incisors Small Rodentia 1 4 Mandible (Fragments) Small Rodentia 1 1 Mandible (Right Fragment) Chiroptera 1 1 Maxilla Chiroptera 1 3 Maxilla (Fragments) Small Rodentia 1 2 Metacarpal Chiroptera 1 4 Metacarpal Small Rodentia 1 3 Metapodial Small Rodentia 1 1 Radius (Proximal Fragment) Small Rodentia 1 7 Rib (Fragment) Unknown 1 6 Scapula Unknown (Rodentia and Mammal) 1 3 Tibia (Proximal Fragments) Small Rodentia Unidentified Faunal Bone 1 30 (Fragment) Unknown Unidentified Long Bone 1 8 (Fragment) 1 11 Vertebra Avian 1 1 Vertebra Avian 1 1 Vertebra Unknown (Rodentia) 2 1 Beak Avian 2 1 Beak Avian 2 1 Coracoid Avian Femur (Right Proximal 2 1 Fragment) Avian 2 1 Fibula Small Rodentia 2 2 Humerus (Left) Small Rodentia 2 3 Humerus (Right) Small Rodentia 2 4 Incisor Small Rodentia 2 2 Mandible (Right Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Maxilla (Left Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Os Coxa (Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Radius Small Rodentia 2 6 Rib (Fragment) Unknown (Probable Avian) Unidentified Cranial Bone 2 1 (Fragment) Human Unidentified Cranial Bone 2 3 (Fragment) Avian 2 7 Unidentified Faunal (Fragment) Unknown Unidentified Long Bone 2 4 (Fragment) Possible Human Unidentified Long Bone 2 8 (Fragment) Unknown (Rodentia of Avian) Unidentified Long Bone 2 3 (Fragment) Small Mammal

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Table 6.4 continued

Lot Count Item Identification Op 4 Subop F 2 3 Vertebra Avian 3 1 Distal Phalanx (Claw) Unknown (Probable Small Rodentia) 3 1 Femur Avian 3 5 Femur (Proximal Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 1 Humerus (Distal Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 2 Humerus (Left) Small Rodentia 3 1 Humerus Epiphysis (Proximal) Small Rodentia 3 1 Incisor Small Rodentia 3 3 Incisors Small Rodentia 3 3 Incisors Small Rodentia 3 2 Interproximal Phalanges Unknown (Small/Medium Mammal) 3 3 Mandible (Left Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 1 Mandible (Right Fragment) Chiroptera 3 4 Mandible (Right Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 5 Maxilla (Distal Fragment) Small Rodentia Maxilla (Right Anterior 3 2 Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 2 Maxillae (Fragment) Chiroptera 3 2 Metacarpal Unknown (Rodentia and Unknown) 3 1 Molar Small Rodentia 3 1 Possible Coracoid Epiphysis Avian 3 3 Radius Unknown 3 2 Rib (Fragment) Avian 3 1 Scapula Small Rodentia 3 2 Tibia Small Rodentia 3 1 Ulna Small Rodentia 3 31 Unidentified Bone (Fragment) Possible Human 3 3 Unidentified Bone (Fragment) Possible Human Unidentified Cranial Bone 3 6 (Fragment) Avian Unidentified Faunal Bone 3 82 (Fragment) Unknown Unidentified Long Bone 3 25 (Fragment) Unknown Unidentified Long Bone 3 10 (Fragment) Avian 3 4 Vertebra Small Rodentia 3 47 Vertebra (Complete) Avian 3 16 Vertebra (Fragments) Avian 3 2 Vertebra (Tail) Unknown (Probable Rodentia) 3 1 Vertebra (Unfused) Avian Unidentified Cranial Bone 5 (Fragment) Human

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The ceramics date to the Tepeu 2-3 or the Late to Terminal Classic period

(Boudreaux 2013, 2014). Burned ceramics including a ceramic fragment of an applique

decorated incensario were present within the same context of the charcoal level.

Excavators discovered a cylindrical ceramic piece that had a square peg on one end in

Suboperation N near where the human incisor was discovered. This piece was not clearly

identified but may have served as a leg of a ceramic figurine or a vessel. Seven prismatic

obsidian blade fragments (Figure 5.6), a broken ground stone mano, burned ceramics

including the incensario fragment were found within the context of charcoal and burning

activity. The layer of charcoal matrix was persistent in both Suboperation F and N. This

burned area is located just above the burial, but is also present around the burial.

Additional obsidian prismatic blade fragments were found within the same

context of the burial and are perhaps part of a larger group of funerary objects. We were

unable to continue excavating due to the potential for further disturbing the remains,

which were extremely fragmentary. Due to the fragmentary nature of the bones, the position of the body was undetermined. However, most of the recovered bones were

cranial and phalange fragments, coupled with the observed radial and clavicle observed

in situ. It is likely that the burial extends underneath the collapse to the south toward the

back of the cave. The limestone collapse in the feature was situated on top of the burial

making it a likely contributing factor to the highly fragmented nature of the remains.

This, in turn, made it very difficult to determine age and sex of the individual.

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Based on the associated cultural materials Subterranean Feature 3 functioned as a space of internment for at least one individual. It is unclear whether the deposition of the

burial was primary or secondary, but the feature seems to have been used as burial chamber or deposit associated with human remains. It is a possibility that some artifacts recovered from Subterranean Feature 3 were elements of funerary rituals, or ancestor veneration. The applique decorated incensario fragment recovered from lot 2 provides significant evidence for ritual activity associated with Subterranean Feature 3. The burning of copal or wood as incense is often attributed to a variety of rituals in both surface and cave contexts. Burning incense is a widespread phenomenon among Maya ritual practices making it difficult to tie it to a single type of ritual (McNatt 1998).

However, the human burial and the associated charcoal in Subterranean Feature 3 might suggest that the incensario fragment could be related to mortuary rituals. Similar artifact assemblages associated with burials were discovered at Actun Nak Be, a relatively small cave in central Belize associated with commoner settlements (Halperin et al. 2000). The quantity of faunal bones (see Figure 5.10) from Subterranean Feature 3 is rare amongst the units opened in the settlement groups along the DH2GC transect. Welsh (1988) suggested that grave locations were important to higher members of the community.

Perhaps the burial in Subterranean Feature 3 was specifically interred because of the cosmological significance of caves.

The presence of a burial within Subterranean Feature 3 held significance to the

inhabitants of N950, because of its rare occurrence in subsurface features in the region.

Based on the artifacts recovered, the burial, and its proximity to a small shrine, it is likely

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that this feature held some ritual or ceremonial significance within the site of N950 as a burial space for someone of higher status.

Subterranean Feature 4

Subterranean Feature 4 (Figure 6.18) was discovered in the 2011 field season, located southwest of Structure 36 at N950. Located approximately 5 m north of

Subterranean Feature 4 is Structure 41, a small mound just off the main plaza. This

Subterranean Feature 4 is bowl-shaped with a circular opening about 3 m in diameter with steep walls and a depth of 1.5 m. During the initial reconnaissance, it was noted that

Subterranean Feature 4 contained a substantial amount of debris and collapse material.

Towards the bottom of the feature there are shallow shelves that initially were believed to be indicator for potentially wider walls or chambers extending horizontally. The evidence, however, is inconclusive after the surface collection and subsequent excavation.

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Figure 6.18 Plan map of Subterranean Feature 4

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Operation 4 Suboperation L

The excavation of Suboperation L (Figure 6.19) was conducted to establish the chronology and function of Subterranean Feature 4. Before a unit was set up, a surface collection was performed to clear much of the debris deposited within the feature. The surface collection and debris removal concluded with the recovery of 14 eroded ceramic.

Once the surface collection was completed, a 2-x-1 m unit was positioned on an east-west axis with the west side of the unit bordering the western wall of Subterranean

Feature 4. The placement of the unit allowed the excavators to observe the western wall, and the shape of the bottom of the feature. A datum was placed on southern side of the wall at the ground surface. The datum was 120 cm south of the south east corner of

Suboperation L, and is 81 cm above the top of lot 1.

Lot 1 (Table 6.5) consisted of two different soil types; a lighter soil containing sascab was observed in the western side of the unit, while a dark humus-like soil was present in the east. Although the surface collection recovered ceramics, this lot yielded only small quantities of lithic fragments, and one Pachychilus (jute) shell. The lot was terminated at 1.04 m below datum after the soil color shifted to a slightly grayer matrix and the frequency of gray limestone cobbles increased.

Lot 2 had the same horizontal soil division (Figure 6.20) in it from the previous lot, with the east half of the unit in lighter sascab and the darker brown soil intermixed with limestone cobbles in the west half. At 120 cm below the datum, a black streak across the western wall of the feature was observed and initially interpreted as evidence of burning. A limestone geochemical analysis performed on the streak by Dr. Brennen

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concluded that there was no evidence of burning. Similar to lot 1, there was little cultural

material collected, and the few artifacts found were highly eroded ceramics and lithic

fragments. The diagnostic ceramics recovered in this lot date to the Late Classic period.

Excavators also noted a void in the bottom of the lot in the southeast corner. The lot was

closed at 139.4 cm below datum when the unit encountered what appeared to be the

bottom of the feature: a zone of gray limestone cobbles and gravel that was possibly plaster lined. Excavators also noted a void within the floor of the unit in the southeast corner.

Lot 3 continued excavations surrounding the void in the floor of the lot. During this process, a second hole was revealed 20 cm west of void 1. Surrounding void 1 in the south east corner was raised bedrock or plaster that was 8 cm higher than the rest of the unit floor/feature bottom. Besides two ceramic sherds, no other cultural material was collected. lot 3 was closed at 162 cm below the datum because of the presence of two circular voids.

Lot 4 initiated the excavation into the two holes (Figure 6.21) within the floor of the lot. These two cavities contained a lighter brown matrix that was sandier than the matrix in rest of the unit. Excavation within these voids reached approximately 20 cm below the bottom of the previous lot and recovered no additional cultural material before reaching bedrock. The bedrock itself was gray and very soft and porous. The excavation into these voids revealed very little information as they did not contain any cultural material. As a result of reaching bedrock in the voids, the lot was closed at 173 cm below of the datum. This also prompted the termination of the unit as well. Initially, the two

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holes found in the bottom of lot 3 were going to be two distinct lots; however the lack of any substantial findings lead to combining the two into one lot.

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Figure 6.19 Photograph of Suboperation L showing void 1 and the black streak from lot 3

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Figure 6.20 Operation 4 Suboperation L south wall profile

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Figure 6.21 Operation 4 Suboperation L plan map.

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Table 6.5 Summary of excavation data from Operation 4 Suboperation L Operation- Lot Description Thickness(cm) Cultural Material

Suboperation

4-L -- Surface collection 30 Ceramic (n=11);

Lithic (none); Jute

shell (n=1)

1 Brown-gray soil with intermixed 20.8 Ceramic (n=34);

limestone cobble. Lithic (n=4)

2 The eastern half contained dark brown 34.6 Ceramic (n=32);

soil with layers of gray limestone Lithic (n=3)

rocks. The western half contained

yellowish sascab like soil that had a

large black streak at 120 cm.

3 Western half consists of yellowish 22.6 Ceramic (n=2)

sascab like soil, while the eastern half

is dark brown soil with limestone

rocks interspersed. Presence of two

small circular voids in the soil.

4 Excavation into the two small voids. 11.2 None

The soil was grayer and sandier than

the previous lot.

Summary and Interpretation

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The preliminary idea that this feature was potentially a collapsed chultun or that

there may be side chambers extending horizontally proved to be invalid. The excavation

in Subterranean Feature 4 did not result in the recovery of an abundance of cultural material. Its shape is much more bowl-like with steep walls travelling down into bedrock vertically. Although only a small quantity of ceramics was recovered, the sherds dated to

the Late Classic period. The floor of Subterranean Feature 4 contained two cavities that

were possibly covered with a small layer of plaster. The geochemical analysis of the

black streak on the west wall of lot 3 resulted in no evidence of burning. An alternative

explanation for this may be that the limestone was stained by organic material. Sandy

Strayer, Humboldt State University, provided a preliminary analysis of the soils from the

same stratigraphic layer and discovered seeds; however, a more intensive analysis is

needed to conclusively state the species. This discovery further validates the idea that

there was a presence of rich organic matter over a meter deep within the feature, making

it less likely that was recent depositional material. The voids in the floor of the feature

were probably created from dissolution from water. Just a few meters east of

Subterranean Feature 4, there are several man-made channels that are cut into bedrock that travel briefly underground towards the downward slope of the knoll. This in association with water management features suggests that Subterranean Feature 4 may have functioned as a water storage feature.

Operation 4 Suboperation R

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Based on the lack of cultural material discovered in Suboperation L, excavations

targeted Structure 41, near a small mound about 5 m west of Subterranean Feature 4.

Structure 41 is approximately 1 m tall. Structure 41 is the closest structure to

Subterranean Feature 4. The first goal of this unit was to assess the chronology of the structure and provide a clearer definition of the structure. The second goal was to investigate a possible association between Subterranean Feature 4 and Structure 41.

Subop R (Figure 6.22) is a 2-x-1-m unit on the just off the south west side of Structure

41. The unit was placed on the edge of the structure while extending away from it

towards the east. This was done to define the boundary of the structure while also

excavating for a possible midden. The datum for Suboperation R is located just off the

south east corner of the unit at a distance of 57 cm and height of 50.5 cm above the

surface.

The first lot (Table 6.6) was characterized by a humus layer that was intermixed

with limestone cobbles, most likely fill from the structure's platform. This lot contained

some ceramics that were badly eroded, but the majority of artifacts were lithic chert

fragments including the distal end of a biface. The lot was terminated at 67 cm below the

datum due to a soil change indicated by slightly lighter colored matrix intermixed with burned limestone.

Lot 2 contained a larger quantity of ceramics than the first lot. This lot was also characterized by a lighter soil color and a larger quantity of burned limestone than the previous lot. The most prominent artifact recovered was a distal end of a broken biface.

Near the bottom of the lot, the excavation encountered large flat pieces of limestone, and underneath the limestone rocks the matrix transitioned into a much lighter color. This 121

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lighter matrix was only 1-2 cm thick and sat directly on top of bedrock (see Figure 5.18).

It was noted that the bedrock was fairly flat and sloped down slightly towards the west.

The unit was terminated due to the presence of bedrock at approximately 97 cm below the datum.

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Figure 6.22 Photo of Operation 4 Suboperation R 123

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Summary and Interpretations

Investigations began at Structure 41 based on close proximity to Subterranean

Feature 4 being. The amount of debitage and sherds (Table 6.6) located in the unit seem to correspond with construction fill for the small structure. Preliminary analysis of the ceramics indicated that many of the ceramics were badly eroded and dated to the Late

Classic period. The large amount of burned limestone may also be part of the construction fill. The light color soil and the flat bedrock suggest that the floor was modified and possibly had a thin layer of plaster on top as a floor. The very shallow depth of the unit and cultural material collected do not conclusively tie Structure 41 and

Subterranean Feature 4 together. Much of the material collected suggested that it was construction fill for the structure and the courtyard floor. Although we can date the structure to the Late Classic period, I can assume that Subterranean Feature 4 was utilized during the same period. More excavations over the top of the structure could determine more accurately size and shape while also providing more answers as to the function of the structure. The relationship between Structure 41 and Subterranean Feature 4 remains undetermined.

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Table 6.6 Summary of excavation data from Operation 4 Suboperation R

Operation- Lot Description Thickness Cultural Material

Suboperation

4-R 1 Humus layer with some limestone 13.5 Ceramic (n=63);

cobble. Lithics (n=16)

2 Lighter brown soil with many 27 Ceramic (171); Lithic

limestone rocks and cobble are gray (n=9)

and red likely to have been burned.

Found bedrock that was reasonably

flat.

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Grupo Agua Lluvia

Due to substantial rain and flooding during the 2014 field season, the original goal

of investigating subterranean features along the DH2GC transect beyond N950 was

abandoned. Dr. Rissa Trachman granted me permission to work on Feature 2 at the site of

Grupo Agua Lluvia in lieu of the original plan. This changed my thesis proposal slightly,

but provided better comparison data. Grupo Agua Lluvia is a small plazuela residential group located 1.7 km southeast of the Dos Hombres site core.

Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia (Figure 5.23) is in the northwest section of the group. Feature 2 is situated between a rock mound and Feature 5, a barrow pit. According to Trachman (2007, 2009) Feature 2 was open slightly at the top of the mouth, leaving a dark cavity visible, and without the presence of a capstone (see Figure 5.20). Previous investigations of Feature 2 included a shovel test within the debris that washed in to the entrance. The results concluded that the contents were washed in from the plaza floor and date to the Late Classic period based on Tepeu 2-3 ceramics (Trachman 2007). The results indicated little as to what the function or the feature was, and how it related to the site, however Trachman surmised that it was likely a chultun based on its general shape.

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Figure 6.23 Plan map of Grupo Agua Lluvia from (Trachman 2007:Figure 5.1)

Trachman (2007) investigated the chultun further by setting up a unit, to clear away the humus and expose cuts in the bedrock (Trachman 2007). Trachman (2007) placed a unit over the top of Feature 2 (not in it), to determine the entrance size and look for evidence of modification to the bedrock. The excavation of Operation 35

Suboperation Y, yielded very little data but recovered one jute shell (Trachman 2007). 127

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Although there have been previous studies on Feature 2, these have resulted in a very

limited amount of data. This feature had not received an in-depth investigation previously

due to lack of resources and the level of danger associated with these types of

excavations.

Feature 2

Feature 2 (Figure 6.24) is located approximately 10-15 m west of the main plazuela of the group. Approximately 3 m to the northeast lies a borrow pit. Feature 2

contains a significant quantity of collapse on the southern end of the feature near the

entrance making a ramp, in addition to the collapse within the northern/back end of the

feature. Feature 2’s entrance is approximately 1.55 m wide and 35 cm tall. Outside of

Feature 2’s entrance is a small depression that transitions on a downward slope north into

the main chamber. Feature 2’s (Figures 5.25 and 5.26) main chamber length extends

laterally. The chamber itself is close to a meter in height, 2-3 m in width, and 4 m in

length. The long axis of Feature 2 is oriented north-south. In addition to the largest main

chamber, there exists a much smaller extension or chamber that that extends about 2 m to

the north. The baseline survey method that bisected the unit was used to produce a plan

map and a profile map of the feature. The datum designated as 1A was located at the

dripline in the southwest corner of the unit at approximately 8 cm above the surface. The

chultun’s floor contained large chunks of ceiling and wall collapse, and an old termite

nest. During the survey, there was little to no cultural material observed.

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Figure 6.24 Photo of Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia

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Figure 6.25 Plan map of Feature 2

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Figure 6.26 Feature 2 profile

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Operation 35 Suboperation G

The primary goal of this unit was to determine the shape and size of the feature. A second goal was to define Feature 2’s chronology and determine its function. In order to excavate the feature, rather than opening a standard 1-x-1 m or 1-x-2 m unit it was decided to excavate approximately half the feature due to the lack of maneuverability.

The baseline string acted as a marker for the unit’s west wall while the east cave wall acted as the unit’s eastern wall. The dimensions of the resulting unit were approximately a 3 m long and 0.5 to 1 m wide (Figure 6.27).

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Figure 6.27 Plan map of Feature 2 including Operation 35 Suboperation G 133

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Lot 1 (Table 6.7) contained a lot of fragile and flaky limestone debris from ceiling

collapses that accumulated over time. The soil was light brown in the southern end and

yellowish gray in the northern side. During the initial excavations, a small amount of

ceramics was found in the southern section of the unit, most likely from debris washing

in from the outside. A small amount of chert debitage was recovered in both the north

and south ends of the unit. A large flowstone approximately 5-10 cm below the surface of

the excavation unit was observed in the middle of the unit. This large flowstone is likely

part of a previous ceiling collapse. The center of the unit yielded many fragments of

faunal remains (N=17) that consisted of small mammals such as Rodentia and Aves. Lot 1

was closed due to the presence of the flowstone accompanied with a denser, darker, and damp soil at 27 cm below the datum.

In lot 2, the northern side of the unit a yellowish colored matrix contained 12 faunal bone fragments. Included in this cluster were several small blue-green shell fragments that were probably part of a modern deposit. The south section of the unit that was closest to the entrance has a matrix that is darker in color and fairly consistent throughout that side of the unit. This matrix was likely sediment washed in from the outside. The identified types of ceramics that were collected were Achote Black and

Tinaja Red, which date to Late Classic and Terminal Classic periods.

Excavators uncovered a small area at the bottom of lot 2 that collapsed, exposing a pocket of space in the matrix. This pocket was approximately 140 cm north and 10 cm east from the datum. The matrix surrounding the pocket included limestone rocks and cobble that were loose and were easily removed. The depth of the pocket was 134

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approximately 20 cm from the current lot’s floor. The matrix at the bottom of this space

was dryer and sandier than the rest of lot 2. While excavators cleaned the bottom of the

lot for photos, the area immediately surrounding the pocket continued to collapse

increasing its diameter, eventually taking up approximately 40 percent of the unit. This

space in the matrix could have been created by a series of ceiling collapses that created

gaps in the stratigraphy that were not completely filled in by debris and soil. The gap in

the stratigraphy accompanied by a change in the soil at the bottom of lot 2 resulted in the

lot’s termination at approximately 38 cm below the datum.

Further excavation in the pocket resulted in the increase in its size due to the loose

limestone cobble, stones, and soil surrounding it (figure 6.28). As the excavations

continued in the pocket, an increase in cultural material and change in the matrix was

observed. During the removal of limestone stone, cobbles and stones surrounding the

hole, a greater frequency of larger ceramics was recorded. Some of the ceramics collected

in this context had burned interiors. These ceramics were concentrated in the southern

and eastern sections of the unit. The eastern section of the lot was one of the first areas to

reveal charcoal and burned limestone. In the same context of the charcoal, ceramic sherd refits that were recovered appeared to have been burned. Although this lot contained several vessel refits, no whole vessels were recovered. Within the eastern and northern areas of the unit a few faunal remains were recovered, including a single jute shell.

Although the northern portion of the lot held less cultural material overall, several faunal bones were found. These remains included a peccary tooth and other smaller bone fragments. The lot was closed at approximately 63 cm below the datum due to a matrix

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change that was more dense and intermixed with cobbles. Before closing the unit, several charcoal samples were collected for future radiocarbon dating.

Figure 6.28 Photo of Suboperation G opening lot 3, highlighting space in the matrix.

Lot 4 also consisted of dark gray matrix containing large quantities of charcoal. In addition to the high charcoal content, lot 4 also contained a large quantity of artifacts.

There was a noticeable increase in ceramic and faunal bone. The faunal bones were concentrated in the northern end of the unit. In this concentration, excavator’s recovered bones of a peccary that included a molar, and metacarpals. Additional faunal bones recovered from this concentration included unidentified thin white cranial fragments, and jute shell. Most of the faunal remains recovered in this lot were found in the context of the charcoal matrix.

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The excavation of lot 4 uncovered a large quantity of ceramics, many of which were observed in situ. Two large rim sherds, with many smaller sherds intermixed in between, were also found. This concentration was designated as ceramic deposit 1A and had a large quantity of charcoal surrounding the deposit. After photographing and measuring their location, the sherds were removed revealing more charcoal and sherds in situ. Approximately 5 cm north of deposit 1A a faunal long bone in was discovered in situ. A second cluster of sherds 10 cm northwest of deposit 1A was uncovered and designated as ceramic deposit 1B. However, these two deposits are probably a singular ceramic assemblage because of their close proximity. Before closing lot 4 excavators uncovered a pink granite metate fragment near the center of the lot. Additionally, an obsidian prismatic blade fragment was recovered in the vicinity of the metate. This lot also contained three faunal phalanges and metatarsal in situ near the north end of the unit

These likely came from a large mammal, potentially also from a peccary like the molar mentioned above. After removing a few larger stones, it became apparent that the soil was getting denser and increasingly clayey and was intermixed with large limestone rocks. The lot was closed due to the change in soil content at 71 cm below the datum due to a change in the strata to square chunks of limestone.

Lot 5 was characterized by the discovery of square chunks of limestone. The soil was very similar in color to lot 4, but it was slightly denser. This lot contained ceramics and chert lithics but in lower quantities. In the north portion of the lot, an occipital fragment of a large mammal was collected. Near the stratigraphic layer of the floor, a general utility biface and a large scraper were recovered. As the excavation of lot 5

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progressed, the excavators noticed the bottom of the lot becoming dense and compact with flakey limestone chunks intermixed. Additionally, this matrix was also unusually flat throughout the lot probably indicating a floor of Feature 2. Dr. Trachman inspected the bottom of lot 5 and interpreted it as a plaster floor (figure 5.29). It is unclear how extensive this floor was given the significant amount of collapse in the north side of the feature that prevented excavators from finishing that side of the unit. Further excavations through this floor were not carried out because of time constraints. During the cleanup process for photographs, two more jute shells were collected. The lot was ultimately closed at 81 cm below datum due to the change in the matrix.

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Figure 6.29 Operation 35 Suboperation G west wall profile

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Table 6.7 Summary of excavation data from Operation35 Suboperation G Operation- Lot Description Thickness Cultural Material

Suboperation (cm)

35-G 1 The southern half contained dark brown 10.1 Ceramic (n=9); Faunal

soil. The northern half began as a (n=19); Lithics (n=6);

lighter color of brown but ended darker.

Large flowstone, likely from ceiling

collapse.

2 Medium sized limestone pieces, slightly 34 Ceramic (n=17); Faunal

darker soil, and the presence of a (n=44); Lithic (n=7);

void/space between some of the larger

stones.

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Table 6.7 Continued Operation- Lot Description Thickness Cultural Material

Suboperation (cm)

3 South end had a more damp and dark 22 Ceramic (n=85); Faunal

brown soil, north end had a yellowish (n=31); Lithic (n=24);

brown soil. The void contained a more Obsidian (n=3)

sandy gray soil.

4 Burned gray limestone with darker 19.1 Ceramic (n=301);

brown soil with small limestone rocks Faunal (n=102); Jute

and charcoal. shell (n=8); Lithic

(n=42); Obsidian (n=2);

5 Slightly larger chunks of larger 47 Ceramic (n=10); Faunal

limestone that turned out to part of a (n=103); Jute Shell

plaster floor. (n=2); Lithic (n=16);

Ground Stone (n=1)

Summary and Interpretation

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Feature 2 was designated as a chultun by Trachman (2007, 2010) because of its

small size, and shape. However, this may not be the case based on the results. Typically,

chultun entrances are sealed with a capstone, albeit it is occasionally missing due to being

moved or have been extremely weathered. However, Feature 2 does not have a capstone,

and nothing similar was found in the vicinity. Feature 2 does not necessarily conform to

the traditional shape of a chultun described in an earlier chapter as being circular or boot

shaped. It instead has vertically oriented entrance and a fairly long horizontal chamber.

Trachman’s (2007) initial assessment of the subterranean feature deemed it unlikely to have been used as a water storage device since there is a reservoir present nearby. Trachman (2007) also indicates that based on its shape and location, Feature 2 was intentionally constructed to keep dry. Feature 2 was constructed on the same relatively high ground; that also slopes upward on the west side of the plaza (Trachman

2007). The placement of the feature on a high point on the hill was likely intended to limit the amount of water that could reach the interior. Although, with limited data

Trachman (2007) believes that Feature 2 may have been some sort of storage feature for the group. Although both of these factors do not exclude Feature 2 being categorized as a

chultun, it seems more characteristic of a cave in my opinion.

At this junction, it is still unclear if the feature is natural or artificial, however the floor of Feature 2 is unusually flat indicating at the very least a form of modification.

Between Feature 2’s use/abandonment and its rediscovery approximately 1 m of debris

accumulated. Based on the stratigraphy and cultural material recovered, there are likely

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two processes that account for this: the material was deposited intentionally or debris that

was that accumulated via washing in and other natural occurrences.

Lot 1 and 2’s sediment and deposits likely developed through non-intentional

deposition. Although some cultural materials were recovered, most was in the southern

section of the unit near the entrance. These artifacts likely washed in from the outside.

The faunal remains recovered from these lots included eggshell fragments and small

animal bones (reptile, small mammals, and rodent bones) and are likely from animals

seeking shelter.

Lots 3-5 were at the bottom of the pocket described above and what I believe is part of a series of ceiling collapses, sealing these deposits. Evidence for intentional deposition of artifacts and bone stems from a drastic increase in quantity of artifacts recovered from lots 3-5. Additionally, many of these artifacts and faunal bones were recovered in the same context as the charcoal matrix in the stratigraphy. The artifact quantity across all types seems to dramatically increase between the first two lots and the bottom three lots. The charcoal matrix found in the stratigraphy of lots 3-5 supports human agency in the deposition process. Based on the ceramic analysis there is also a

slight temporal variation in ceramic material between the lower and upper layers in the

stratigraphy (Kieffer 2015; Lauren Sullivan personal communication). This suggests that

Lots 1 and 2 were slightly older than what was found in Lots 3 through 5. This indicates

that there is a temporal difference between these lots probably due to two different

depositional process. Additionally, the cultural materials from Lot 3-5 were deposited

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analysis that peccary, small rodent, and bird may be part of a ritual deposit. Likewise the recovery only one limb of the peccary is also a pattern repeated at other cave sites (Pohl

1983). Additionally, obsidian and granite are not locally sourced. These stone artifacts are also often associated with ritual contexts in caves throughout Mesoamerica further supporting the intentional deposition of artifacts found in lots 3-5 (Brady 2004; Kieffer and Scott 2012).

The investigation into Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia produced 509 ceramic sherds. There were different varieties of sherds including black and orange polychrome pieces and ash temper sherds (Table 6.8). The ceramic phases mostly associated with

Feature 2 are the Tepeu 2 and little of Tepeu 3 dating to the Late to Terminal Classic period. There are a significant amount of sherds that show evidence of burning, but a specific count was not provided. It is unknown what exactly was burned to cause damage to these sherds, however there is archaeological and ethnographic evidence of copal burning for ceremonies performed in many caves (Halperin et al. 2013, Kieffer and Scott

2012, King et al. 2012, Martinez 2012, McNatt 1998; Scott 2009). A few of the sherds found in situ were refit, however no full vessels were recovered. As described in Chapter

4, ritually depositing and sometimes removing single pieces of ceramics in caves were often elements of ritual circuits (King et al. 2012; Wrobel et al. 2006).

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Table 6.8 Operation 35 Suboperation G Ceramic data courtesy of Lauren Sullivan Provenience Forms Counts

RB# Op Subop Lot Time Period Type: Variety Plate Bowl Jar Cylinder Other Rim Bod Bas Tota Comments 2 35 G 1 Tepeu 2 Tinaja Red? 1 1 1 2 35 G 1 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 2 2 ash temper 2 35 G 1 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 6 6 2 35 G 2 Tepeu 2 Achote Black 1 1 1 2 35 G 2 Tepeu 2 Tinaja Red 4 4 4 jar fragments 2 35 G 2 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 1 1 ash temper 2 35 G 2 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 11 11 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Achote Black 1 1 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Cayo Unslipped 2 2 2 refit- possibly burned 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Cayo Unslipped 2 2 2 refit 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Gunshot 42 42 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Lemonal Cream 2 2 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Lemonal Cream 1 1 a different paste - not a fine 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Slipped 12 12 eroded with little to no slip remaining 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Striated 4 4 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Unidentified 9 9 2 35 G 3 Tepeu 2-3 Unslipped 10 10 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Achote Black 1 1 1 2 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Black Slipped 3 3 with ash temper 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Black Slipped 14 14 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Cambio Unslipped 1 1 Bucket style with red wash 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Cayo Unslipped 3 1 8 9 four of the body sherds looked burned Probably from the same vessel - 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Cayo Unslippped 2 1 1 2 not burned 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Cayo Unslippped? 8 8 eroded 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Kaway Impressed 1 1 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Red Slipped? 5 5 burned on interior - smooth on 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Slipped 1 1 exterior with no slip remaining some of these sherds show 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Striated 82 82 signs of burning 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Subin Red 3 2 1 3 refit 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Tinaja Red 8 8 thin walled with orange to black 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Tinaja Red? 1 1 1 mottled slip sherds refit, Black on Red or and 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 2 2 2 Orange- polychrome, eroded slip so it is hard to tell Possibly eroded Tinaja Red, thin walled 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 19 1 18 19 jar body sherds with no slip remaining 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 3 3 ash temper 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 37 37 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 99 99 very small to gunshot sized sherds 2 35 G 4 Tepeu 2 Yaha Creek Cream 1 1 no slip left - creamy ash paste 2 35 G 5 Tepeu 2 Achote Black 1 8 1 9 2 35 G 5 Tepeu 2 Cayo Unslipped 1 1 5 6 2 35 G 5 Tepeu 2 Cayo Unslipped 2 2 2 same vessel 2 35 G 5 Tepeu 2 Striated 32 32 2 35 G 5 Tepeu 2 Subin Red 2 2 2

2 35 G 5 Tepeu 2 Tinaja Red? 8 1 7 8 no slip remaining, thin walled jar 2 35 G 5 Tepeu 2 Unidentified 44 44

Overall the quantity of lithics recovered from Feature 2 is significantly lower than

the amount of faunal remains and ceramics. We recovered several chert core fragments, 145

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along with a general utility biface, and several utilized flakes. There were 21 flakes and a large amount of debitage, 19 chert tools, and a few exhausted core fragments.

Importantly, we recovered seven obsidian prismatic blade fragments. The obsidian blade fragments’ color ranged from black to translucent gray. These types of blades are typically associated with rituals and or ritual activity as they were often used as tools for auto-sacrifice (Brady 1989). These were also often found in conjunction with ritualized deposits found at many archaeological sites across Mesoamerica.

Table 6.9 Lithic quantity by each lot for Operation 35 Suboperation G. Lithic Analysis Performed by Adam Forbis and Dr. Cortes-Rincon

Lot Debitage Flake Tool Obsidian

Operation 35 Subop G 1 3 3 0 0 2 2 4 1 0 3 17 4 3 0 4 28 9 6 2 5 6 1 9 0 Total 56 21 19 2

One of the more intriguing stone artifacts recovered was a large, pink granite metate (Figure 6.30) fragment. It was found face down on top of the plaster floor of

Feature 2. Granite is an igneous rock that is formed in volcanic formations (Kieffer and

Scott 2012). Granite does not occur native to northwest Belize and was most likely imported from the Maya mountains to the south. Metates are mostly used in processing maize or grain into a more edible substance (Kieffer and Scott 2012). However, metates can also be perceived as materials imbued with metaphorical and symbolic properties of

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fertility (Kieffer and Scott 2012). Ground stones artifacts including manos and metates are commonly found in caves. Ground stone tools once worn out or broken can be reused as burning surfaces or materials used for construction inside the dark zone of caves

(Kieffer and Scott 2012). Given that the position of the granite metate fragment was face down directly on top of the floor within a charcoal layer, this piece may possibly have been a part of the burning surface inside Feature 2.

Figure 6.30 Photo of pink granite metate fragment from operation 35 subop G lot 5. Photo courtesy of Bruce Templeton.

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Table 6.10 faunal remains Op 35 Subop G (Kieffer 2015: Table 2) Jute Width Lot Count Item Identification Measurement (mm) Op 35 Subop G 1 1 Phalanx (Distal, Claw) Possible Aves 1 1 Vertebra Possible Aves 1 1 Mandible (Fragment) Possible Fish or Reptile 1 1 Vertebra (Tail) Possible Reptile or Rodentia 1 1 Humerus (Distal Fragment) Small Mammal 1 1 Ulna (Proximal Fragment) Small Mammal 1 13 Unidentified Faunal Bone (Fragment) Unknown 2 1 Humerus (Right Distal Fragment) Sciuidae spp. 2 2 Rib (Fragment) Small Mammal 2 1 Fibula (Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Humerus (Right Distal Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 5 Incisors Small Rodentia 2 1 Mandible (Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Maxilla (Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Os Coxa (Acetabulum Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 2 Radius (Distal Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 2 Tibia (Shaft Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Unidentified Cranial Bone (Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 5 Unidentified Long Bone (Fragment) Small Rodentia 2 1 Vertebra (Tail) Small Rodentia 2 1 Eggshell Fragment (Blue) Unknown 2 1 Unidentified Cranial Bone (Fragment) Unknown 2 18 Unidentified Faunal Bone (Fragment) Unknown 3 4 Distal Phalanx (Claw) Mammal 3 1 Metapodial Possible Chiroptera 3 1 Vertebra (Tail) Possible Rodentia 3 1 Canine Tooth Small Carnivora Humerus Epiphysis (Proximal 3 1 Small Mammal Fragment) 3 1 Intermediate Phalanx Small Mammal 3 1 Metacarpal (Fragment) Small Mammal 3 2 Metacarpal (Proximal Fragment) Small Mammal 3 2 Proximal Phalanx Small Mammal Mandible (Left Anterior/Body 3 1 Small Rodentia Fragment) 3 1 Mandible (Ramus Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 1 Mandible (Right Body Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 1 Maxilla (Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 1 Maxilla (Left Anterior Fragment) Small Rodentia

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Table 6.10 Continued

Lot Count Item

Op 35 Subop G 3 1 Maxilla (Right Anterior Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 1 Molar Tooth Small Rodentia 3 1 Tibia (Proximal Fragment) Small Rodentia 3 1 Mandible (Ramus/Condyle Fragment) Unknown 3 1 Os Coxa (Acetabulum Fragment) Unknown 3 1 Unidentified Epiphysis (Fragment) Unknown 3 6 Unidentified Faunal (Fragment) Unknown 3 10 Unidentified Long Bone (Fragment) Unknown 4 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 21.69 4 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 17.84 4 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 14.68 4 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 19.85 4 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 18.11 4 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 18.84 4 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 13.73 4 1 Shell Pachychilus indiorum 11.32 4 1 Shell Pachychilus indiorum 10.65 4 1 Shell Pachychilus indiorum 10.7 4 2 Vertebra Possible Aves 4 12 Unidentified Long Bone (Fragment) Probable Artiodactyla 4 3 Carpals Probably Tayassu spp. (Peccary) 4 4 Intermediate Phalanx Probably Tayassu spp. (Peccary) 4 2 Metacarpal (Proximal Fragment) Probably Tayassu spp. (Peccary) 4 1 Molar Tooth Probably Tayassu spp. (Peccary) 4 1 Os Coxa (Acetabulum Fragment) Small Mammal 4 1 Rib (Shaft Fragment) Small Mammal 4 1 Humerus (Left Distal Fragment) Small Rodentia 4 2 Incisors Small Rodentia 4 1 Mandible (Right Body Fragment) Small Rodentia 4 1 Distal Phalanx (Claw) Mammal 4 1 Ulna (Fragment) Unknown 4 7 Unidentified Cranial Bone (Fragment) Unknown 4 14 Unidentified Faunal Fragments Unknown 4 29 Unidentified Long Bone (Fragment) 5 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 22.95 5 1 Shell Pachychilus glaphyrus 22.45 5 1 Occipital (Fragment) Probably Tayassu spp. (Peccary) 5 1 Rib (Fragment) Small Rodentia 5 1 Unidentified Cranial Bone (Fragment) Unknown 5 5 Unidentified Faunal (Fragment) Unknown

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The faunal bones recovered from Feature 2 provide further data for interpreting its

function. The incomplete remains of several different species were present during the

excavations of Feature 2. Of the 194 faunal fragments recovered, 79 were identifiable

(Table 6.10). Kieffer’s (2015:32) analysis indicated that Feature 2 contained “at the

operation or cave level, these remains indicate the presence of at least one peccary, four

rodents, one small mammal (possibly a carnivore), one possible bat, a possible fish or

reptile, and one egg of an unknown species.” Previously, I have concluded that there

were two depositional processes responsible for the faunal material in the cave: natural deposition in Lots 1 and 2, and intentional deposition in Lots 3-5. The faunal analysis concluded that the bones from Lots 3-5 contained the incomplete remains (Figure 6.31) of one bat, one small mammal (possible carnivore), at least one peccary (Figure 6.32 and

6.31), bird, and small rodents (Kieffer 2015). These remains were recovered from the same provenience as the charcoal matrix. According to Pohl (1983) peccary, small rodent, and bird remains were considered to have ritual function in caves. Pohl (1983) suggests that ritual sacrifice of peccary in caves resemble the cuch ceremonies. The recovery of primarily one limb of a peccary, is actually quite common from other Maya cave sites (Kavountzis 2009:175). Trachman’s (2007) excavations of Grupo Agua Lluvia recovered very little animal bone. The sheer quantity of faunal remains from Feature 2 is in stark contrast to what was found during surface excavations, and separates this space from the rest of Groupo Agua Lluvia. This difference in artifact assemblage not only sets

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Feature 2 apart from the rest of the group, but may also indicate an important or sacred space.

Figure 6.31 Photo of faunal remains from Operation 35 Suboperation G lot 4

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Figure 6.32 Faunal remains in Operation 35 Suboperation G Lot 4

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Figure 6.33 Photo of metacarpals from a peccary from Operation 35 Suboperation G lot 4

Excavations recovered 10 jute shells (Figure 6.34) from Subop G. Jute is a common fresh water snail that can be found in the rivers and streams in the Three Rivers

Region and the Maya lowlands (Halperin et al. 2003). The most complete of these shells showed evidence of modification through lopping spires off the shell. The process of spire lopping is an important archaeological marker of human agency (Halperin et al.

2003). The ancient Maya utilized these mussels as an additional source of protein and the modifications allowed them to reach the mussel for consumption (Halperin et al. 2003).

Although jute is often used and readily available in the Maya lowlands as a source of protein, there is ethnographic evidence that suggests it was deposited ritually (Halperin et al. 2003). Two jute shells shows signs of modification beyond spire lopping that are

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potentially an indicator of use as ornamentation (Kieffer 2015). The ritual deposition of

jute shell in cave contexts according to Halperin et al. (2003) is for agricultural fertility.

Many cave archaeologists ascribe caves as sacred earth based on the many examples in

Mesoamerican art and ethnographies of caves associated with agricultural fertility (Brady

2008; Scott 2009; Kieffer and Scott 2012).

Figure 5.34 Photo of two spire lopped Pachychilus (jute) shell from Operation 5 Suboperation G lot 4

In addition to the jute recovered from Subop G, Trachman (2007) reports one

Pachychilus from around the mouth/opening of the chultun during the excavation of

Subop Y, and five jute shells from Feature 4 near Feature 2. However, the bulk of jute

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shells (n=992) at Grupo Agua Lluvia were recovered in subfloor construction fill contexts

including both terrace and plaza fill (Trachman 2007:113). Based on this data it seems

that Jute shells were abundant and utilized heavily at Grupo Agua Lluvia. The significant

amount of jute at Grupo Agua Lluvia is an indication that is likely an easily accessible

resource procured from a nearby spring fed creek (Kieffer 2015; Trachman 2007).

Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia is the only feature at the group that is truly

subterranean. Although initially designated as a chultun by Trachman (2007, 2010),

Feature 2’s shape is not consistent with the boot or bowl shape that charectorize most

chultuns. The shape instead is more reminiscent of a cave. The excavation of Feature 2

yielded an abundance of artifacts that were different from what was recovered from the surface excavations. Additionally, the recovery of a significant quantity of faunal remains, obsidian, charcoal, and burned ceramics is indicative of ritual use of the feature.

The deposition of the faunal remains and jute can also be indicative of ritual activity or deposits and is typical of deposits found in other Maya cave sites (Halperin et al. 2003).

Additionally, the significant amount of burning both in the matrix and ceramics is indicative of a variety of rituals. The differences in the artifact assemblages between

Feature 2 and the surface suggest that Feature 2 was utilized differently. Through examining the artifacts recovered such as the jute shells and metate fragment, it seems that Feature 2 was used as a space for ritually depositing materials possibly agricultural fertility. Additionally, the presence of artifact assemblages that are typical for cave contexts, suggests that Grupo Agua Lluvia’s inhabitants believed that Feature 2 was an important, if not sacred space.

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CHAPTER VII

COMPARITIVE ANALYSIS

Throughout the previous chapter, I discussed the results of my findings at Grupo

Agua Lluvia and N950; building off of these findings, this chapter begins with a discussion of the other investigations of several caves in PfBAP. This discussion establishes the characteristics based on size, location, artifacts, modifications, and interpretations of each cave. This segues into a regional comparative analysis based on

many of the characteristics discussed above. On a larger scale of analysis the caves and

subterranean features within the PfBAP area are discussed in relation to other caves outside northwest Belize as a means of establishing a clearer understanding of Maya cave use in Maya Lowlands.

Maax Na

Maax Na is located 7 km south east of Dos Hombres (King et al. 2012). Maax

Na, a small major center, us significantly larger than N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia. The

site core consists of three plazas that are linked by causeways (King et al. 2012). Maax

Na was rediscovered in 1995 by Barnhart (1997) and has been the focus of excavations

and surveys by Eleanor King and Leslie Shaw (King et al. 2012). Maax Na may have

been initially settled during the Late Preclassic period, and saw much of its growth in

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construction and population during the Early Classic period (King et al. 2012).

Additionally, there is little evidence of growth in the Late Classic or Terminal Classic periods (King et al. 2012).

Figure 7.1 Map Maax Naa from King et al. (2012: Figure 3)

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Figure 7.2 Profile and plan map of Spider Cave at Maax Na from King et al. (2012:Figire 4)

Spider cave (Figures 7.1 and 7.2) is situated below the east building that is part of the northern plaza complex, and its depth travels into the modified knoll to a second entrance (King et al. 2012). The initial entrance discovered was located at the base of the knoll and was oriented vertically with its chamber travelling horizontally. In addition, a second vertically oriented entrance was discovered at the top of the knoll near the eastern building (King et al. 2012). Spider cave is approximately 8 m long and 7.5 m wide and is relatively small in comparison to other caves in the Maya Lowlands (King et al. 2012).

The excavations of the mouth and the inside revealed a dense assemblage of ceramic sherds, with some having burned interiors (King et al. 2012). The excavators also found two obsidian prismatic blades, general utility biface fragments, a shell pendant, and a speleothem that did not originate from Spider Cave (King et al. 2012). King et al. (2012) suggests the presence of travertine on the floor of the cave is an indication of water flow

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at least occasionally and was likely perceived as a symbolic landscape feature. King et al.

(2012) believes that the presence of burning activity is likely an element in the ritual burning of copal. King et al. (2012) interprets Spider Cave as a feature that likely helped situate Maax Na within a cosmologically reflected site plan. This would replicate the hill and cave with sacred water motif that can be seen in many examples (Brady 2004; King et al. 2012). The cave may have been an important landscape feature that the site’s founders may have used as a point of legitimization and foundation.

Chawak But’o’ob

Chawak But’o’ob is a zone of non-elite settlement 2 km south of Dos Hombres

(Walling 2005). The Chawak But’o’ob settlement is comprised mostly of modestly sized platforms without associated elite or administrative structures (Walling 2005). From the types of lithic material recovered from the Chawak But’o’b, Walling (2005) believes that the main occupation of its residents was farming. Ceramic dating of the settlement corresponds mostly to the Late Classic period (Walling 2005). The focal point of the area is a small ballcourt situated far from the Dos Hombres epicenter, and two small caves.

The size of the ball court structures are approximately 2 m tall, while the alley is 16.5 m wide and 7 m long (Walling et al. 2006). The ball court is unique because of its location in a non-elite settlement, in addition to its relatively small size probably resulted it not being used for the game itself, but rather for ritual activities (Walling 2005).

There are two caves within 15 m of the ball court. Cave 1 is located 5 m west of the southern end of the ball court. In 2010 excavations were conducted outside of the

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Cave 1’s “modestly proportioned mouth” near the drip line (Kieffer 2011: 2). The

excavations revealed very little cultural material, but the excavators did note that the clay

matrix suggested that this area repeatedly held water (Kieffer 2011).

Cave 2 is located just southwest of the ball court, and has a north south length of

3.5 m (Kieffer 2011; Kieffer and Walling 2013). In 2010 researchers as part of Dr.

Walling’s project excavated outside the drip line of Cave 2. Their excavations yielded

small quantities of ceramics, lithics, and charcoal, with the most prominent findings being a fragment of an obsidian prismatic blade and a ceramic reptilian flute. In 2012, excavations took place inside Cave 2 in the northwest quadrant. Kieffer and Walling

(2013) excavations in Cave 2 unearthed ceramic sherds, a prismatic obsidian blade, spire

lopped jute shell, and a conch shell pendant. Kieffer and Wallings (2013) team also found

faunal remains of a small rodent and a deer. A second excavation near the entrance of

Cave 2 revealed more ceramics, the tip of an arrow point, a constructed floor, and a

constructed wall. Kieffer and Walling (2013) interprets the cultural material of part ritual

assemblages pertaining to rain and fertility. Interestingly, many of these artifacts were not

associated with each other, leading to the possibility of separate and discrete ritual actions. Additionally, the modifications that were made to Cave 2 may have been to restrict space or light, creating a larger dark zone.

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Figure 7.3 Plan map and Entrance Profiles of Cave 2 from Kieffer (2013: Figure 1)

Walling (2005) makes a concise argument that Caves 1 and 2 were associated with water. Walling (2005) argues the natural caves at Chawak But’o’ob were a source of foundation and legitimization. Beyond the presence of water, the extensive faulting across the surface of the escarpment with its resultant exposed limestone crevasses and small caves, would have probably created further underworld associations for the

inhabitants of Chawak But’o’ob (Walling 2005).

La Milpa

Excavations at Maax Na and Chawak But’o’ob have incorporated the most

extensive investigations within the caves of PfBAP area. Although these caves have been

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the focus of excavations in the region there are several more that been located at other

sites, but have not been given the same treatment. At La Milpa, the largest site on the property, there is cave-like feature in Plaza A (Figure 6.4). Whether this feature is a chultun or cave is unclear based on the survey and preliminarily investigations by Aitkins

(2008) using groundpenetrating radar (GPR). Through the use of GPR, Aitkins (2008) was able to determine the dimensions of the cavity as 5 m wide and 1.7 m in length. The

GPR produced an image that indicates that there may at least two additional features near the first cave that are located just off the grid (Aitkins 2008). It is suggested by Aitkins

(2008) that a third feature bends and extends to the southeast, but it is unlikely that the two features were connected in antiquity. Future investigations into this feature may yield

data concerning function, chronological history, and the relationship between these three

features.

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Figure 7.4 Plan map of Plaza A at La Milpa from from Hammond and Tourtellot (2004, Figure 13.1)

Another chultun at La Milpa was excavated by Martinez (2013). The chultun (see

Figure 6.5) is located at the Los Pisos Hillock east of Plaza A. According to Martinez

(2013:196), the boot shaped chultun is 1.7 m wide, 1.9 m long, and 2.3 m below the surface. Inside the chultun excavators uncovered a Late Preclassic burial of a single

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individual missing long bones and a cranium. Additionally, the burial lacked many preserved funerary objects. Martinez (2013) documents a single carved shell ornament and ceramic paint chips in addition to faunal bones. Martinez (2013) interpreted the dark organic matrix associated with the body as the result of perishable funerary offerings.

Additionally, the soil matrix contained charcoal indicating ritual burning. Martinez

(2013) proposes that the missing bones is evidence of ritual re-entry and is related to animation of buildings/construction phases.

Figure 7.5 Chultun 1 profile 1, Suboperation B (Martinez 2013 Figure 5.24)

The findings of Chultun 1’s excavation at La Milpa are reminiscent of

Subterranean Feature 3 at N950. The size of Chultun 1 is smaller, with a more

pronounced lateral chambered shape is different than Subterranean Feature 3. However,

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both features contained a burial. Similarly the soil matrix associated with the burials in

Chultun 1 and Subterranean Feature 3 share similar qualities of being dark and

intermixed with charcoal. Martinez (2013) postulates that the dark organic matrix is from

perishable funerary objects and the charcoal can be associated with mortuary rituals.

Evidence for these burial practices found in Chultun 1 at La Milpa is similarly

represented at Subterranean Feature 3 at N950. Although the qualities of the burials are

quite different, burials in cave and chultuns are not common in the PfBAP area.

A second chultun was investigated in Plaza A at La Milpa. Chultun 2 (see figure

7.4) is located a few meters south of Chultun 1, and is on the southern side of the plaza

near the north side of a range structure. Chultun 2 (Figure 7.6) is fairly large at

approximately 7 m in diameter and contains a few nooks and shelves (Mason 2012).

According to Mason (2012), the size of Chultun 2 may actually be larger than what the

survey indicates because there is chamber that may connect to Chultun 1. Excavations of

Chultun 2 revealed a floor at the bottom of the feature that yielded ceramic that date to

the Early Classic period (Mason 2012). Directly above the floor was a deposit of burned

ceramics and charcoal that Mason (2012) believes is part of a termination ritual of the

feature. Additionally, Mason (2012) notes the discovery of a stone and mortar wall within

Chultun 2 presenting evidence of modification.

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Figure 7.6 Plan map of Chultun 2 from Mason (2012 Figure:10)

Other Subterranean Features at PfBAP

According to the transect survey that Lohse (2001) conducted that extended east and west from Dos Hombres there are several subterranean features that are of note that were recorded during the survey. On transect A and in survey block three which, is approximately 850 m east of Dos Hombres, is Laguna de Juan Piojo in the northern section with an intermittent stream running through the middle of the block (Lohse 2001).

The eastern side of the block has several structures that are moderately spread out, while in the northeastern section contains what Lohse describes as a cave and a chultun nearby.

Although the features were not excavated, the cave is the only feature designated as such among the entire transects around Dos Hombres conducted by Lohse (2001) and

Robichaux (1995). In contrast, Robichaux (1995) did not encounter any features that he designated as caves. Robichaux (1995) does note, however, finding several chultuns and 166

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depressions during the transect survey. Future work in reassessing these features,

including survey and excavations may yield different interpretations of these features.

Farther to the north of La Milpa is the Barba Group within the Barba Territory

(Hageman 2004). Within the Barba Territory are two small caves (Figure 7.7) that were too small to further investigate, one is located at the base of Grupo Blanco while the other is situated at the base of another nearby community situated on a knoll (Hageman 2004).

In his research, Hageman (2004) briefly discusses these features as fairly small and not necessarily substantial enough to continue investigations. He has also notes many chultuns within the Barba Territory survey. Although, these features were only briefly described, they are visually represented on a map of the area. The location of these features near the base of the modified hills is a trend that is seen at both N950 and Maax

Na.

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Figure 7.7 Plan map of Barba Group from Hageman (2004: Figure 9)

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Although not a cave, but relatively important for this discussion, is the chultun

containing a burial at Blue Creek. Blue Creek is located northeast of La Milpa and was

probably and independent polity during the Late Preclassic and Early Classic periods

(Guderjan 2007). The chultun is located beneath a shrine designated as Structure 34

(Guderjan 2007). According to Guderan (2007), the chultun was partially filled in to create a crypt in its eastern end and later plaster sealed the entrance. The artifacts recovered included a red ceramic pendant and sherds dating to the Late Preclassic period.

Guderjan (2007) believes that this was a lineage founder of the Blue Creek, based on the crypts’ centrality, and early dating. Some archaeologists would still consider that this chultun would have carried similar attributes as caves cosmologically creating a sacred space (Brady 2004; Hageman 2004). Again, chultun and cave burials are unusual for this

region, likely ascribing importance and power to these places of interment.

Based on these examples, it is clear that subterranean features do exist in the region outside of the few cases previously discussed. Additionally, these features are likely more common than previously understood as there are several across the PfBAP region. One drawback is that the PfBAP area is still largely unexplored as the thick jungle makes surveying difficult. Future surveys and research into caves and subterranean features may show they are much more prevalent in the area.

Discussion

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The location and placement of caves is often perceived to the ancient Maya as

way to replicate sacred landscapes and spatially mimic cosmological ideas. The caves at

Maax Na and La Milpa were appropriated or incorporated as a part of urban landscape.

Although similar, the subterranean features at N950, Grupo Agua Lluvia, and Chawak

But’o’b are closely associated with more modest residential and courtyard groups and

were incorporated into the group layout. According to Walling (2005), King et al. (2012),

and Cortes-Rincon (2012-2014) the caves at both Chawak But’o’ob and Maax Na were

probably significant in each group’s foundation and later legitimization. It is still unclear

if the subterranean feature Grupo Agua Lluvia impacted the foundation of this group;

however, it is probable that the caves were integral to all of these sites. For this

discussion of cave location it is important to point out that the majority of caves found

and investigated in the PfBAP area are in the vicinity of settlements. However, because

of the limited sample size and nature of surveys conducted in the area, the datasets are biased towards caves located near settlements.

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Table 7.1 Cave Location, Morphology, Chronology Site Feature Setting Size in Chronology Length

N950 Subterranean Middle of 1.4 m - Features 1 and 2 northern eastern slope

N950 Subterranean Northern section 4.16 m Late- Feature 3 of the main plaza Terminal Classic

N950 Subterranean South of the plaza depth-2 Late- Feature 4 m Terminal Classic

Grupo Feature 2 a few meters west 4 m Late- Agua of the plaza Terminal Lluvia Classic

Maax Na Spider Cave Below structure 8 m Middle and on slope of Preclassic- hill Late Classic

Chawak Cave 1 East of Ball court - - But'o'ob built into the base of a small mound

Chawak Cave 2 Plaza south of a 3.5 m - But'o'ob Ballcourt

La Milpa Chultun 1 Center of Plaza A 1.9 m Late Preclassic

La Milpa Chultun 2 Southern section 7 m Early of Plaza A Classic

In assessing the size of each feature represented in Table 7.1, there are several intriguing notes. The chamber length of each feature is small, while three subterranean features share a comparable size. The depth of Cave 2 at Chawak But’o’ob, Subterranean

Feature 3 at N950, and Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia are all relatively comparable in size (less than 5 m, but larger than 3 m). These three subterranean features stand out

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because not only do they share a similar size, they also contain evidence of ritual use. The outlier is Spider Cave at Maax Na, which is significantly larger than any of the other caves at 8 m in length (King et al. 2012). Although Subterranean Features 1 and 2 at

N950 are smaller than the others by comparison, there is evidence that indicates the features length was larger in antiquity. Subterranean Feature 4 at N950 provides the most strikingly different shape amongst the others, as it is circular and travels is oriented vertically with steep walls. The size was determined through excavations and is close to 4 m in depth vertically. Between the caves in the PfBAP, there is a striking similarity in their general size. This is most probably due to the geology of the region not able to support the formation of large caves.

Although, there may be a trend in the general size based on each caves depth with the majority being fairly comparable, there is even stronger evidence in a trend based on shape. All of the features discussed in this thesis have low hanging ceilings that not only restrict the size of the feature, but also the amount of space available for movement. Even with excavations these features were still not tall enough for a person of average height to stand up straight. This specific characteristic is present across all of the features except for Subterranean Feature 4 at N950. This restriction may have been intentional, and will be discussed in more detail in a later section of the chapter.

Another trend associated with shape that can be seen through the information provided from each subterranean feature is the lack of a dark zone. Many of these subterranean features are not large enough to have true dark zone. However, it is possible that in both Subterranean Feature 3 at N950 and Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia, the 172

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smaller sections in the rear of each may have been restricted enough to create a dark

zone, but this remains untested. These features likely created something more akin to a

twilight zone (King et al. 2012). For example, a wall was discovered in Cave 2 at

Chawak But’o’b that Kieffer (2013) believes was constructed to create a more defined

dark zone.

It is difficult to determine if a feature was artificially created without indicators

such as tool marks, it is clear that many of these features were at least modified in

specific ways. Subterranean Feature 3 at N950 contains what is probably hard packed dirt floor, while also having structural support modifications. Feature 2 at Grupo Agual

Lluvia has a modified floor that is fairly leveled, and may have been plaster-lined.

Subterranean Feature 3 was also likely plaster-lined. Cave 2 at Chawak But’o’ob and

Spider Cave at Maax Na were also modified in various ways such as modifying a second

entrance and a wall. It seems through this comparison that modifying subterranean

features was fairly common practice.

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Table 7.2 Artifact Assemblages Site Feature Human Faunal Jute Other Groundstone Biface Lithics Obsidian Ceramic Intentional Speleothem Special Bone Shell Sherds Burning Deposits

N950 Subterranean x x x Feature 1and 2

N950 Subterranean x x x x x x x x Feature 3

N950 Subterranean x x x x Feature 4

Grupo Feature 2 x x x x x x x x x x Agua Lluvia

Maax Spider Cave x x x x x x Na

Chawa' Cave 1 x x But'o'ob

Chawak Cave 2 x x x x x x x But'o'ob

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The artifact assemblages collected from each cave and subterranean feature in the

PfBAP area was also compared (Table 7.2). The caves and subterranean features that

provided the most cultural material seemed to share similar artifact assemblages’. By

looking at Table 6.2 it is clear that among the most utilized caves several types of

artifacts such as ceramics, lithics, obsidian, charcoal, and faunal bone are commonly recovered from the caves. The artifact types recovered from Subterranean Feature 3 at

N950 and Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia included burned ceramics, obsidian, animal bone, and shell; along with evidence of burning activities were present in Cave 2 at

Chawak But’o’ob and Spider Cave at Maax Na.

Although the assemblages themselves are very similar there are a few outliers.

One such outlier is the human burial found in Subterranean Feature 3, this type of deposit is rarely found in the Three Rivers region, and is typically related to chultuns. The other outlier consists of a special deposit that was a ceramic crocodile flute found outside Cave

2 at Chawak But’o’ob (Walling 2010). Overall the general consistency of artifact types among the cave and subterranean features is intriguing and suggests similar activities were performed in each feature.

Based on the ceramic data collected, a chronology was determined for most of the subterranean features. Ceramics from Subterranean Features 3 and 4 at N950, and Feature

2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia date to the Late to Terminal Classic periods. Subterranean

Features 3 and 4 correspond to the peak occupation at N950. Grupo Agua Lluvia shows a

similar trend with its earliest occupation in the beginning of the Late Classic and

subsequent abandonment in the Terminal Classic period. The ceramic assemblages date 175

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Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia to the Late and Terminal Classic periods. The

chronology of the subterranean feature at N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia correspond the

peak occupation of each site.

Spider Cave presents slightly different chronology than the subterranean features

of N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia. The ceramic dates from Spider Cave reveal substantial

use from the Middle Preclassic through the Late Classic periods (King et al. 2012).

Spider Cave’s Preclassic use preceded the peak occupation for Maax Na and for this

reason King et al. (2012) believes that it probably was a focal point in the sites founding.

Although, chronological data for Cave 2 at Chawak But’o’ob is not reported, Walling

(2005) believes that this cave was also a source for the sites foundation.

Through a comparative analysis between the most studied caves and subterranean

features in the PfBAP area, it is clear they share many characteristics. There is a

possibility of trends existing among the size, shape, and artifact assemblages; however

there are several limitations to this analysis. Cave studies in this region are very recent

and have produced a limited amount of data. The limited number of caves excavated also

presents a sampling bias; the seven caves and subterranean features presented in this analysis are only a handful of cases that are in the region. The data are also heavily skewed because of the number of caves investigated in the vicinity of Dos Hombres. A larger sample of caves from a wider range of settings is needed.

Comparative Analysis with Caves Northwestern Belize

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The caves in the PfBAP region are all small, which stands in stark contrast to the larger caves that have been studied elsewhere in Mesoamerica. In contrast to PfBAP features, caves such as Naj Tunich in eastern Guatemala are monumental. These large caves can easily be equated with power. The caves in northwest Belize were likely not appropriated for their size. However, even a small opening can represent a transition point, and be viewed as a connection between the sacred earth and the normal world

(King et al. 2012). King et al. (2012) argue that the small cave features still make up a transitional point regardless of their size.

Another characteristic of many of the subterranean features in PfBAP is their lack of interior space and low ceilings. The Guatemalan highlands are similar in this regard, as hunting shrines are often found in rock shelters, alcoves, and small caves (Brown 2005).

Likewise, sascaberos typically are not very large, but have proven to be important spaces conceptualized as the birthplace/ legitimization of Zinacantan (Brown 2012; Vogt 1976).

There is evidence that the Maya utilized, perceived, and created sacred spaces and landscapes in the environment. For example, Brady (2004) suggests that man-made chultuns were utilized beyond utilitarian functions, and could have been used as household or small scale ritual spaces. For example several chultuns at Tikal presented evidence of ritual activity such as Chultun 4F-3 which contained two skull fragments of two adult individuals, and Chultun 5D- 6, which contained a significant amount of faunal remains (Brady 2004). Although, chultuns are typically small, they can present evidence of ritual use similar to the subterranean features and caves in northwest Belize.

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Large caves often have large caverns and rooms that allowed for large elaborate ceremonies and audiences. In contrast, these same caves also have constructed and modified rooms for restricted access, space, and creation of a dark zone. The site of Cahal

Uitz Na in central Belize is located in a region that is rich with large caves (King et al.

2012). The relatively small cave of Actun Nak Beh is connected to the main plaza of

Cahal Uitz Na by a 240 m long causeway (Halperin et al. 2000). This small cave was included in site plan, although there are other larger caves in the vicinity. These spaces were likely reserved for the most elaborate and special ceremonies. Even with this capacity, there is evidence that the Maya may have preferred restricted spaces. According to Patel (2005), there are several low hanging caves on Cozumel Island that contained shrines built into them, which Patel believes are elements in a ritual circuit. Additionally, within even larger caves such as Naj Tunich, small alcoves forced participants to squat and kneel to enter (Brady 1989; King et al 2012). There is a significant amount of evidence from cave all across Mesoamerica that the Maya constructed walls to restrict access to alcoves, chambers, and entrances (Halperin and Spenard 2015). A few examples include Jolja Cave (Halperin and Spenard 2015), Naj Tunich (Brady 1989), and

Las Cuevas (Moyes 2009), among others. According to King et al. (2012), the Maya consciously created ritual spaces that were restricted and the size of caves is much more negotiable.

Although not as clear, many of the subterranean features and caves in the PfBAP area are associated with modified hills, potentially recreating the mountain/cave motif.

The Maya imparted significance to varying types of features based upon their relationship

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to the landscape and architecture. It is likely that the subterranean features and caves

representative of the PfBAP region may have played a larger role than previously

understood. Although, diminutive in size these features may have imparted the same

symbolic meaning of sacred space and were important albeit in a much smaller scale than

the larger caves of other areas to the surrounding communities. They may be small or

artificial but may have played the same role as larger caves did on a much larger scale elsewhere in the Maya region.

Evidence for ritualized use of many of these larger caves emerges partially from the artifact assemblages discovered within them. Working within the Mesoamerican Cave

Paradigm Kieffer and Scott (2012) argue that there are specific artifacts that appear in ritual contexts in caves. The presence of charcoal is indicative of fire which is an essential part of many Maya rituals (Scott 2009). Recent work has shown that a variety of faunal remains are being ritually deposited in caves. These deposits range from animal bone to a variety of shells that are integral parts of rituals that include hunting shrines and fertility. According to Halperin et al. (2003), the presence of jute in cave contexts is not uncommon. Aktun Nak Beh in Belize contained 1,339 jute shells across multiple excavation levels (Halperin et al. 2003). Ground stone artifacts may also be a part of these assemblages and represent ritualized processing of specific foods or were re-used as burning surfaces or construction fill (Kieffer and Scott 2012). Additionally, lithic materials such as obsidian prismatic blades have been found in many cave contexts including El Duende at Dos Pilas, and Naj Tunich among other sites (Brady 1989; 2004).

According to Brady (1989) epigraphic evidence from Naj Tunich indicates the use of

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obsidian as a tool for auto-sacrifice, which may have been performed in caves. These ritual deposits found in many cave contexts are also consistent with several of the cave features in northwest Belize.

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CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the porous dolomitic geomorphology of northwest Belize is unable

to sustain large caves. Thus, many of the caves in northwest Belize, are small and have

little to no dark zone. This thesis project looked at four subterranean features at N950 and

Grupo Agua Lluvia that are located in the vicinity of Dos Hombres. Three subterranean features were investigated at N950, while one was excavated at Grupo Agua Lluvia. By looking at the subterranean features studied in the vicinity of Dos hombres through the

Mesoamerican Cave Paradigm, the ways ancient Maya utilized and appropriated small cave features in northwest Belize are better understood.

The first research question that this thesis referred to was the history of use among subterranean features and their relation to the occupational history of each site. All but one of the subterranean features at N950 could be dated. The chronology of Subterranean

Features 1 and 2 remains undetermined at the time of this thesis; however Subterranean

Features 3 and 4 were dated to the Late to Terminal Classic periods. This coincides with the known chronology of N950 as most of its construction occurred during this period.

Feature 2 at Grupo Agua Lluvia was also dated to the same interval. This history of use again parallels the majority of construction and habitation at Grupo Agua Lluvia.

Determining the function of each subterranean feature was important in not only understanding how each feature was used, but also its relation to the site. Subterranean

Features 1 and 2, based on what was recovered and location, likely served as a sascabero

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to extract plaster and marl for the construction and maintenance of N950 and its nearby community. The artifacts and burial discovered in Subterranean Feature 3 likely reflect mortuary rituals and or rituals associated with ancestor veneration. Additionally the burial context in a subterranean chamber suggests the individual may have been an important member of the community. From this conclusion Subterranean Feature 3, served as an important and sacred space for N950. Subterranean Feature 4’s function is partly derived from the lack of artifacts recovered, its distinctive bowl shape, and proximity to manmade water channels points toward its serving as a water storage or management feature. Feature 2 at Agua Lluvia probably functioned as a sacred space in which the ancient inhabitant likely ritually deposited ceramics, lithics, and faunal remains

In comparison to other studies, there seems to be a general pattern of characteristics and function of the subterranean features throughout the PfBAP area. All of the caves less than 10 m long, however Spider Cave’s size is an outlier. Most are less than 5 m long. The caves that had evidence of ritual activity were also very similar in size being close to 4 m in length. Additionally, all the caves investigated thus far at PfBAP have low ceilings that restrict movement. Many of the caves seem to have been modified in some way, whether for structural support, further restriction, or to create a floor.

Finally, four of the seven features that have been investigated contained similar artifact assemblages that included obsidian, charcoal, burned ceramics, and faunal remains, suggesting ritual use among these features in northwest Belize.

After looking at additional studies from caves outside the region, there seems to be several trends that are similar to the ones discussed above. This comparison was done to further understand if there is a regional difference in cave usage. However, besides the 182

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obvious general size difference, there are some striking similarities. In general, most

caves seem to have been modified in some way by the ancient Maya. For example,

constructing walls to restrict space is a common modification with the intention of creating darker more restrictive spaces. The artifact assemblages found in caves that had ritual activity are very similar to those found in northwest Belize. There may be difference on the scale or purpose of rituals but the small caves likely were used in a very similar manner to those large caves and features outside of the region.

Spiritually, caves meant many things to the ancient Maya, from the house of gods, to the underworld, to sacred earth (Brady 2004; Kieffer and Scott 2012; King et al 2012;

Macleod 1978; Scott 2009). The data from subterranean features from N950 and Grupo

Agua Lluvia, in addition to the previous investigations of Spider Cave at Maax Na, Cave

2 at Chawak But’o’b, and chultuns at La Milpa help to clarify the role caves played in the

PfBAP area. It is clear that caves hold such cosmological significance that the Maya have found ways to create or appropriate sacred spaces in regions lacking large, natural caves.

This thesis has presented evidence of a variety of functions tied to subterranean features at N950 and Grupo Agua Lluvia. However, there seems to be a trend of subterranean features functioning as sacred spaces in which ritual acts were performed.

To echo King et al. (2012:621), the significance a cave feature is not tied to its size, as it still provides a space of liminality. Similarly Laughlin (1975:132) asserts that “Caves are included linguistically under the Maya term ch'en which signifies most basically a hole.”

Under this assumption, the Maya would have conceptualized and appropriated all types of subterranean features with the characteristics of caves. The evidence presented in this

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thesis not only from these two sites but also across PfBAP, suggests that the ancient

Maya appropriated modestly sized caves as sacred spaces. It is the goal of this thesis to now suggest a reevaluation of how the Maya of northwestern Belize perceived and appropriated sacred landscapes and spaces. Subterranean features in northwestern Belize should no longer be dismissed or deemed unimportant, and research of this kind can significantly contribute to the Maya concept of sacred landscapes.

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