American Television and Chinese Audiences in Global Beijing Yang GAO Singapore Management University, YANGGAO@Smu.Edu.Sg DOI

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11-2016 Inventing the ‘authentic’ self: American television and Chinese audiences in global Beijing Yang GAO Singapore Management University, [email protected] DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443716635870

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Citation GAO, Yang.(2016). Inventing the ‘authentic’ self: American television and Chinese audiences in global Beijing. Media, Culture and Society, 38(8), 1201-1217. Available at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research/1918

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Inventing the “Authentic” Self: American Televisi on and Chinese Audiences in Global Beijing

Journal:MCS Media Culture for and Society Review Manuscript ID MCS-2015-322.R1

Manuscript Type: Original Article

cross-cultural media consumption, identity, reflexivity, China, television, Keyword: authenticity, modernity, youth

This article examines the ways educated urban Chinese youths engage American television fiction as part of their identity work. Drawing on theories of modern reflexive identity, and based on 29 interviews with US TV fans among university students in Beijing, I found these youths are drawn to this television primarily because they perceive the American way of life portrayed on it as more ‘authentic’. This perception of authenticity must be examined within the socio-cultural milieu these students inhabit. Abstract: Specifically, torn between China’s ingrained collectivist culture and its recent neoliberal emphasis on the individual self, my respondents glean from US TV messages about how to live a spontaneous, nonconforming, and fulfilled life while remaining properly Chinese. By inspecting the ways these youths employ foreign symbolic materials to interrogate their own identity and life, this article demonstrates how transnational media consumption informs lived experiences for a historically unique and important Chinese demographic.

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1 2 3 Inventing the ‘authentic’ self: 4 5 6 American television and Chinese audiences in global Beijing 7 8 9 10 11 Introduction 12 13 14 American television fiction (hereafter US TV) has become a pop culture staple for educated 15 16 urban Chinese youths – the nation’s first cosmopolitan generation and first generation of only 17 18 19 children under the one-childMCS policy. Although for almos Reviewt none of those shows have been broadcast 20 21 on Chinese television, fans nonetheless have free access to a wide collection of series through the 22 23 24 Internet thanks to the subtitling and uploading volunteered by some of the more avid and 25 26 technologically savvy devotees. Considering language and cultural barriers, this gravitation 27 28 toward US TV is puzzling, even more so given the fast growth of domestically produced Chinese 29 30 31 TV drama (Keane, 2012). In addition, since US TV is not officially imported to China and has 32 33 been consumed by Chinese viewers largely through pirate streaming, macro models of economic 34 35 dependency and cultural invasion fall short in explaining its popularity. Why, then, are Chinese 36 37 38 fans drawn to US TV? And how should we understand this attraction within the Chinese 39 40 context? 41 42 Given ample journalistic attention to the Chinese enthusiasm for US TV (e.g., French, 2006; 43 44 45 Langfitt, 2013, 2014; Sydell, 2008), and the surge of academic research on cross-cultural media 46 47 consumption in other national contexts (Ang, 1985; Havens, 2000; Iwabuchi, 2002; Kim, 2005; 48 49 50 Liebes and Katz, 1990), the lack of scholarly inquiry into the popularity of US TV in China is 51 52 surprising. Yet as I will show in this article, the Chinese engagement with US TV is a telling 53 54 case with which to study the ways audiences selectively and strategically extract meanings from 55 56 57 58 59 60 1 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 2 of 31

1 2 3 foreign content, the role of social contexts in shaping cross-cultural media reception, and, more 4 5 6 generally, the interweaving of global media and local everyday lives. 7 8 As part of a larger research on the Chinese consumption of US TV, this article is based on 29 9 10 11 one-on-one interviews with university students in Beijing who regularly watch US shows. In 12 13 accordance with existing reception research, I find that my respondents approach American 14 15 programming in a deeply reflexive manner – demonstrated by their tendency to switch between 16 17 18 commenting on television and talking about themselves. Moreover, these youths do not pursue 19 MCS for Review 20 American programming as a primer on Western consumerism, nor do they indulge in it simply to 21 22 escape. Rather, throughout my interviews, the Chinese expression zhenshi , which translates 23 24 25 literally into ‘true’ or ‘real’, keeps coming up and eventually tops the list of offered reasons for 26 27 favoring US TV. This embrace of American television as ‘real’ turns out to have little to do with 28 29 verisimilitude, or the perceived accuracy of TV representation. Instead, zhenshi is typically 30 31 32 invoked as the respondents describe a particular personhood embodied by their favorite 33 34 characters. Specifically, this persona is marked by spontaneity , nonconformity , and self- 35 36 37 realization . In the English-speaking world, these three traits have been associated with a state 38 39 of being regularly labeled as ‘authentic’ in the popular as well as intellectual discourse (Potter, 40 41 2010; Taylor, 1992; Trilling, 1972; Vannini and Williams, 2009). 42 43 44 I adopt the notion of authenticity with an awareness of its complex and controversial nature, 45 46 and I want to clarify and emphasize that this study is not about authenticity per se. That is, my 47 48 goal is not to answer questions about what authenticity is or how notions of authenticity might 49 50 51 reinforce power and status. Instead, I treat authenticity as an inductively developed construct, 52 53 one idealized and pursued in this case by Chinese youths as they simultaneously contemplate 54 55 foreign symbolic materials and navigate China’s rapid social change. Put otherwise, I approach 56 57 58 59 60 2 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 3 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 authenticity from a social constructionist perspective (Vannini and Williams, 2009), which 4 5 6 requires scrutinizing the respondents’ authenticity narratives within the socio-cultural 7 8 environment they inhabit. As I will show in this paper, while overuse may have debased the term 9 10 11 authenticity in the West – so much so that anything so called now appears not authentic – the 12 13 idea seems to be gaining traction among China’s aspiring youths who are on the lookout for 14 15 values beyond state-sanctioned ideology, school credential, and monetary wealth. 16 17 18 In what follows, I first discuss theories of modern reflexivity and its implications on identity 19 MCS for Review 20 formation. Drawing on existing cross-cultural media reception research, I then discuss both 21 22 global media’s ever greater power in informing identity – especially youth identity – around the 23 24 25 world and the essential role of local contexts in shaping the ways foreign content is interpreted 26 27 and incorporated into local everyday lives. After introducing my study population and methods, I 28 29 analyze the Chinese consumption of US TV using the conceptual tools of reflexive identity, 30 31 32 contextualized meaning making, and authenticity. I conclude by summarizing my main findings 33 34 and discussing the implications of the study. 35 36 37 38 39 Modern reflexivity – the self as a symbolic project 40 41 42 As a dominant trope in theories about detraditionalization, reflexivity permeates all levels of 43 44 45 modern life. At the individual level, reflexivity refers to the continuous monitoring of one’s own 46 47 conduct and its context (Giddens, 1990); it is a practice of ‘self-analysis’ and ‘self-confrontation’ 48 49 50 (Beck, 1994: 5) that helps people ‘keep in touch with the grounds of everyday life’ (Kim, 2008: 51 52 8). As identities and their obligations and connections have become progressively less prescribed 53 54 and fixed in modern or modernizing societies, reflexivity has come to the forefront of everyday 55 56 57 life (Beck, 1994; Giddens, 1991; Thompson, 1995). People now constantly confront themselves 58 59 60 3 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 4 of 31

1 2 3 with questions like ‘What to do? How to act? Who to be?’ (Giddens, 1991: 70). In short, 4 5 6 modernity has made reflexivity not only practical but also imperative. Meanwhile, the self, no 7 8 longer to be taken for granted, has become the most viable object of modern reflexivity – a 9 10 11 project that people have to constantly work on. 12 13 In addition to being reflexive and processual, modern identity is quintessentially symbolic and 14 15 increasingly globally oriented, thanks to the now omnipresent transnational media. By carrying 16 17 18 new forms of non-local knowledge to every nook and cranny of the world, the mounting global 19 MCS for Review 20 media flows open new identity possibilities to local consumers, thereby both enriching and 21 22 complicating their self-analysis and self-reinvention (Appadurai, 1996; Thompson, 1995). 23 24 25 Despite its growing malleability, the modern self remains socially conditioned and locally 26 27 bound (Kellner, 1995; Thompson, 1995). A number of studies have examined the role of 28 29 Western (predominantly American) media in altering self-understanding – especially the very 30 31 32 texture of young lives – in non-Western contexts such as Korea (Kim, 2005), Japan (Fujita, 33 34 2008), India (Butcher, 2003), Taiwan (Huang, 2008), and China (Tan, 2011). These and other 35 36 37 empirical studies have found that although youths are generally inquisitive and appreciative of 38 39 modern Western values such as individualism, their interpretation and reception of particular 40 41 representations are complex and ambivalent. For instance, while they celebrate ideas of freedom 42 43 44 and self-fulfillment, they largely frown upon, if not explicitly condemn, perceived sexual 45 46 permissiveness in Western media. 47 48 Paralleling this negotiated reception of Western media is a ‘fused’ identity common to youths 49 50 51 in various contemporary non-Western contexts. Specifically, young people oscillate between 52 53 identifying with the local and national, on the one hand, and aspiring to the Western and 54 55 cosmopolitan, on the other. And they typically do so by comparing and contrasting indigenous 56 57 58 59 60 4 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 5 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 and Western media, sometimes expressing allegiance toward national cultural heritage while 4 5 6 other times using Western ideology to challenge local traditions and social norms. The dynamic 7 8 and ongoing process of maintaining such a hybrid identity showcases the ways local contexts 9 10 11 provide filters for and impose moral boundaries upon the consumption of global media. 12 13 14 15 Population of interest: China’s post-80s urban elites 16 17 18 19 The main venue for consumingMCS US TV for in China Reviewis the Internet, which makes it hard to determine 20 21 the exact demographic makeup of the fans. However, journalistic reports and the limited research 22 23 24 on the Chinese consumption of foreign television (e.g., Tan, 2011) indicate that most avid 25 26 viewers of US TV in China are young, well-educated urbanites, such as college students. These 27 28 elite youths are part of China’s ‘post-80s generation’, the first generation of only children born 29 30 31 after the one-child policy took effect in 1979. I use the word ‘elite’ to stress how, in China, being 32 33 both college-educated and urban marks one as belonging to a privileged social group. For 34 35 simplicity’s sake, in this article I sometimes use ‘Chinese youths’ as short for ‘elite Chinese 36 37 38 youths’ or ‘educated urban Chinese youths’. In light of the crucial role of social contexts in 39 40 shaping local engagement with global media, the rest of this section provides three snapshots of 41 42 contemporary urban Chinese landscape central to the identity formation of elite youths: 43 44 45 education, employment prospects, and television consumption. 46 47 48 49 50 Education 51 52 53 In post-Mao China, a revived emphasis on education and professionalism (Fong, 2004; Hoffman, 54 55 2010), together with the increasing association between education and income (Bian and Logan, 56 57 58 59 60 5 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 6 of 31

1 2 3 1996), rendered education a top priority for every urban Chinese family. Academic pressure is 4 5 6 particularly intense for the post-80s singletons. As the ‘only hope’ for the upward social mobility 7 8 of their families, these youths enjoy unprecedented parental largesse but also face unparalleled 9 10 11 familial and social expectations for academic and career achievements (Fong, 2004). In a 12 13 populated nation where higher education, though rapidly expanding, still lags behind the 14 15 developed world, the renewed emphasis on education gets translated into an extreme exam 16 17 18 culture. A quintessential manifestation of this culture is China’s notoriously stressful national 19 MCS for Review 20 college entrance examination. Also known as gaokao , the test determines most students’ 21 22 university admission and has a crucial bearing on their career prospects (Fong, 2004; Kipnis, 23 24 25 2001). But those who have survived gaokao do not always find college life in China fulfilling. 26 27 Critics frequently condemn the system’s prioritizing of memorization over creativity, its 28 29 emphasis on collective opinion at the cost of originality, its focus on obedience to teachers 30 31 32 instead of on critical thinking, and so on (Jiang, 2010; Kristof, 2011). 33 34 35 36 37 Employment prospects 38 39 40 China’s economic restructuring revolves around the transition from a socialist planned economy 41 42 to a neoliberal, market-oriented economy, during which the commoditization of labor and the 43 44 45 opening-up of the labor markets have been particularly consequential for the post-80s generation. 46 47 Since the early 1980s, a series of education and labor law reforms has loosened the once top- 48 49 50 down control of student transition to the working world. With these structural changes has come 51 52 a new discursive focus on the self: education and training are now prioritized for self- 53 54 improvement and self-fulfillment; career planning now emphasizes self-direction and is 55 56 57 fundamentally geared toward self-actualization; and career guidance focuses on self-cultivation 58 59 60 6 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 7 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 and self-presentation. The new employment system offers opportunities and freedoms that 4 5 6 especially appeal to youths. But, by rescinding the many perks of the assignment system of the 7 8 high-socialist era (e.g., lifelong employment, subsidized housing in the city, etc.), it has also 9 10 11 stirred up feelings of uncertainty and insecurity. The professional identity of post-80s youths is 12 13 thus characterized by autonomy and self-entrepreneurialism, on the one hand, and ambivalence 14 15 and anxiety, on the other (Hoffman, 2010). 16 17 18 19 MCS for Review 20 Television consumption 21 22 23 24 Television has long been the primary venue for the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) political 25 26 propaganda and social control (Lull, 1991; Meng, 2015; Miao, 2011). Even with its general 27 28 deregulation in the reform era, the Party-state keeps a tight rein on TV content that provokes 29 30 31 public debate, sparks critical thinking, or challenges authority. Consequently, the production 32 33 surge of scripted TV drama has been accompanied by little quality improvement. Besides 34 35 enduring complaints about boring content, unsubtle political sermonizing, and overall low 36 37 38 production values (Lull, 1991; Meng, 2015), new audience gripes include lack of innovation and 39 40 too much program replication (Keane, 2012). 1 41 42 Fed up with a TV market flooded with copycat shows and propagandist dramas, more and 43 44 45 more young people, especially the better educated and cosmopolitan oriented, turn to the Internet 46 47 for alternative viewing options. American television, in particular, began to gain popularity 48 49 50 around the turn of the century. Thanks to new media technologies, relatively loosened regulation, 51 52 and more devoted fans who volunteer their time, language skills, and Internet technology 53 54 expertise, viewers in China are able to download or stream for free an increasing number of 55 56 57 subtitled US shows and movies from fan-created websites. While rounds of government 58 59 60 7 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 8 of 31

1 2 3 crackdowns have forced many fan-initiated websites to be more discreet in spreading foreign 4 5 6 programming, major Internet portals have taken a more active role in acquiring and 7 8 disseminating American television. 9 10 11 12 13 Data and methods 14 15 16 There is a dearth of scholarship on popular media consumption in China; even less concerns 17 18 19 consumption of foreignMCS media. Given thefor exploratory Review nature of my study, qualitative 20 21 interviewing – in particular semi-structured interviews – is an excellent methodological choice. 22 23 24 The method allows the researcher much more leeway to probe angles deemed important by the 25 26 respondents and to pick up information that has not occurred to the researcher or of which the 27 28 researcher has no prior knowledge (Brinkmann, 2013; Weiss, 1994). As it turned out, the flexible 29 30 31 structure and in-depth exploration of semi-structured interviews made them uniquely capable of 32 33 grasping in detail my respondents’ own accounts for their attraction to US TV and the meaning 34 35 they make of this television. 36 37 38 I collected data from September 2009 to January 2010 in Beijing – the capital city that is both 39 40 China’s center of culture and creativity and its seat of authority. Beijing’s uniqueness suggests 41 42 that the findings discovered there may not represent the other parts of China. However, precisely 43 44 45 because Beijing both bears the brunt of China’s economic and cultural globalization and is right 46 47 under the thumb of the CCP administration, it is a revealing setting to capture ‘the precarious 48 49 50 nature of transnational cultural consumption’ (Iwabuchi, 2002: 35). More specifically, my 51 52 respondents came from three universities: Peking University (PKU), Renmin University of China 53 54 (RUC), and Capital University of Economics and Business (CUEB). Both PKU and RUC are 55 56 57 58 59 60 8 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 9 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 prestigious national universities whose students come from all over China; CUEB is a second- 4 5 6 tier, more local university, where about 90% of the students are from Beijing. 7 8 I recruited participants by posting study advertisements on the BBS (Bulletin Board System) 9 10 11 of the three universities, inviting interested students to first fill out an online survey, through 12 13 which I collected their demographic and TV viewing information. I then used 2 criteria to choose 14 15 29 students to interview on a one-on-one basis: first, I selected current viewers who had named 16 17 18 at least 3 shows with which they were familiar enough to discuss. Second, I did my best to 19 MCS for Review 20 balance the gender distribution of the sample. In line with existing research finding that 21 22 television drama attracts more female than male viewers (Kim, 2005), my final sample 23 24 25 comprises 11 males and 18 females. I used pseudonyms to maintain respondent confidentiality. 26 27 The semi-structured interview guide I followed contained 4 sections of more or less open- 28 29 ended questions. First, to inspect whether earlier exposures to US programming had led my 30 31 32 respondents to develop an affinity for the Hollywood formula, I asked about the students’ initial 33 34 experiences with US TV. Second, I invited them to share thoughts about their current favorite 35 36 37 US shows. Here I departed from the routine of picking a particularly popular or otherwise 38 2 39 important show to focus on, because I wanted to probe the students’ idiosyncratic fascination 40 41 and choices rather than their response to some common option or already determined show. 42 43 44 Then, to discover the special appeal of US TV, I asked the respondents to compare their favorite 45 46 American shows with Chinese shows of similar genres or subject matter. Finally, to scrutinize 47 48 the role of US TV in the symbolic identity work of these youths, I asked the students to reflect on 49 50 51 what watching US TV had done to them. 52 53 Due to the limited size and non-random nature of my sample, the findings are not meant to be 54 55 applicable to a larger audience. Moreover, watching US TV requires an English language ability 56 57 58 59 60 9 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 10 of 31

1 2 3 and global media literacy that in China only a small educated elite with cosmopolitan orientation 4 5 6 and transnational cultural capital possess; their taste for American programming is unlikely to 7 8 reflect the rest of Chinese viewers. However, these students’ interpretation of US TV will 9 10 11 provide a window into how a leading edge of young aspirants in China engage a powerful 12 13 component of global media and how they deploy these transnational media experiences in their 14 15 everyday lives. 16 17 18 19 MCS for Review 20 Inventing the ‘authentic’ self 21 22 23 24 The protean meanings of authenticity crystalize around two broad senses: the first, which I shall 25 26 call ‘existential authenticity’, refers to an idealized condition of being true to one’s self; the 27 28 second, which I shall call ‘object authenticity’, refers to whether an artifact or event is what it 29 30 31 claims to be. Unpacking the shifting and at times contradictory meanings of authenticity in both 32 33 realms, social scientists have criticized the reification of the concept as an inherent quality of 34 35 entities and have instead pointed out its socially constructed nature (Potter, 2010; Vannini and 36 37 38 Williams, 2009). In this analysis, I proceed from a social constructionist point of view to 39 40 construe authenticity not as some objective attribute but as a claim , made about people or events 41 42 in reflection of the claim maker’s social milieu as well as subjective experiences and aspirations. 43 44 45 Studying respondent accounts for why and how the televised American way of life strikes them 46 47 as zhenshi (‘real’), I focus in this article on the first, existential dimension of authenticity. Based 48 49 50 on literature and induced from my data, my working definition for existential authenticity 51 52 contains three components: spontaneity, nonconformity, and self-realization. Through this 53 54 conceptual lens, I now inspect the ways Chinese youths engage American television to celebrate 55 56 57 and negotiate an idealized state of living in accordance with one’s unique sense of self. 58 59 60 10 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 11 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 4 5 6 Spontaneity 7 8 9 Authenticity requires one to be true first and foremost to one’s self (Trilling, 1972). Marked by 10 11 12 this inward turn, the elevation of the ideal of authenticity in late modernity concurred with a shift 13 14 of framework for self-conception: from being institutionally informed to impulse driven (Turner, 15 16 1976). Spontaneity, allegedly arising naturally without external stimulus or constraint and 17 18 19 supposedly unfiltered byMCS the conscious for mind, has Review thus become a cult in the modern quest for 20 21 authenticity. 22 23 24 In commenting on their favorite US TV characters, many of my respondents appreciate 25 26 spontaneity in the form of a carefree outlook. For example, speaking of Rachel Green on the 27 28 popular sitcom Friends , 20-year-old Song Fang says, ‘I like her attitude toward life… She does 29 30 31 just as she pleases, even when it comes to running away from her own wedding… Life must be a 32 33 lot easier for people like her’. Here, spontaneity bestows blitheness, both of which Song Fang 34 35 considers lacking in her ‘typical Chinese sensibility’. To her, the difference not only triggers and 36 37 38 deepens reflexive engagement with foreign television but invites self-reinvention: ‘Rachel’s life 39 40 is different from mine in many aspects, and I’m curious about her lifestyle… I want to know 41 42 more about it and sort of dip my toe into it, to change myself a bit’. 43 44 45 Besides being carefree, spontaneity sometimes manifests itself in the expression of true 46 47 feelings and opinions. About half of the respondents find candid or self-assertive characters 48 49 50 charming, such is the case when Peng Yu adores Cristina Yang on the medical drama Grey’s 51 52 Anatomy for ‘saying whatever’s on her mind’. Later, going beyond television, Peng Yu sees 53 54 spontaneity and candor as a hallmark of the American national character: 55 56 57 58 59 60 11 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 12 of 31

1 2 3 Show an apple to an American, if he really wants it, he’ll say, ‘I want it’. But if you ask a 4 5 6 Chinese person, however much he wants it, he’ll…be like, ‘Yeah, but, maybe I shouldn’t, 7 8 maybe it’s not appropriate’… In China you’re trained to be indirect, to be appropriate, to be 9 10 11 polite. (Peng Yu, female, 21-year-old) 12 13 14 Although many students see American straightforwardness as emblematic of a less burdened 15 16 and more genuine way of being, everyone cannot easily let go of Chinese properness. For 17 18 19 example, Zhao Nan tellsMCS me that as much for as she Reviewlikes American frankness, 20 21 22 In reality, I’m Chinese after all and I don’t think I can really act like an American… I see 23 24 25 many characters [on US TV] doing stupid things on formal occasions and they don’t seem to 26 27 fret; I don’t think they give a damn… They think what’s most important is their feelings. 28 29 (Zhao Nan, female, 22-year-old) 30 31 32 33 While Zhao Nan approaches American candor ambivalently, others are more strategic when 34 35 treading the fine line between authentic and appropriate self-expression. Tellingly, Peng Yu, 36 37 38 vocal as she is against ‘Chinese politeness’, is equally eloquent in advocating the Chinese 39 40 emphasis on ‘the context’ ( qingjing ): 41 42 43 44 You’ve got to take the context into consideration… Because we are all connected with people 45 46 around us and it’s hard to ignore others’ feelings when you are surrounded by them. In a 47 48 context where everyone expects you to be polite and appropriate, you are likely to oblige. But 49 50 51 in certain situations, say, you are making academic arguments, then you should be like 52 53 Americans: bold, independent, creative, and dare to speak your own mind. I don’t like it when 54 55 intellectuals act like turtles. You see, I’m a student of Chinese philosophy, and I think 56 57 58 59 60 12 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 13 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 Confucius’ emphasis on the context really makes sense. The idea is that nothing is absolute, 4 5 6 and that the appropriateness of one’s conduct depends on the context, the when and where. 7 8 (Peng Yu, female, 21-year-old) 9 10 11 12 By pledging allegiance to the Confucian emphasis on the context, Peng Yu effectively 13 14 establishes her ‘Chineseness’. Yet stressing the importance of the context also helps qualify and 15 16 justify her orientation – as a young, cosmopolitan intellectual – to at times acting more like an 17 18 19 American – bold, independent,MCS creative, for and truthfu Reviewl to her own mind. The quote captures the 20 21 negotiated and strategic nature of youths’ identity work in a transitional, globalizing context. 22 23 24 25 26 Nonconformity 27 28 29 Images of individualistic heroes – isolated, misunderstood, facing almost universal mistrust and 30 31 32 hostility – permeate American popular culture. The mold historically fits cowboys such as the 33 34 ‘lone ranger’, a number of modern detectives, the soloist terrorism fighter Jack Bauer ( 24 ), and 35 36 37 such superheroes as Spider-Man and Batman. Observing that the quintessential American hero is 38 39 without exception a loner – a completely autonomous individual who never fits in or settles 40 41 down – critics such as Bellah see the isolated heroism as exemplifying the inner ambiguity of 42 43 44 American individualism (Bellah et al., 1985). However, my respondents seem intrigued by the 45 46 rebellious or controversial characters. Li Bing vividly demonstrates this gravitation toward 47 48 nonconformity with a concise yet snappy reasoning for favoring Chuck Bass, Gossip Girl ’s 49 50 51 archetypical ‘bad boy’: ‘[I like him] precisely because he’s a badass. He’s got character and he’s 52 53 good looking!’ 54 55 While many students applaud misfits, oddballs, or otherwise unconventional figures on US 56 57 58 59 60 13 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 14 of 31

1 2 3 TV, what seems to have more forcefully struck a chord is the image of a ‘challenger’ – someone 4 5 6 who fights against powerful social establishment or authority. Take this example from Shen Beili, 7 8 a student of social work who has decided to go to law school in part because watching Boston 9 10 11 Legal has inspired her to question authority: 12 13 14 When they pick cases, they opt for litigation against the government, or the FDA, or other 15 16 political or business tycoons. I’m not sure whether that’s just something completely made up 17 18 19 by the writers or producers…butMCS to forme, it’s a Reviewgesture of challenging authority, which suggests 20 21 that the authority is challengeable. But in China, I’ve never been exposed to that idea [of 22 23 24 questioning authority] at school, not to mention watching the government get blamed or sued 25 26 on TV. (Shen Beili, female, 21-year-old) 27 28 29 Lu Hao picks up on the same idea when commenting on the police procedural drama NCIS : 30 31 32 33 When they investigate a crime in the military, no matter how high your rank is, you’re going 34 35 to have to sit here and cooperate with the investigation… Every time I see something like that 36 37 38 on US TV, I think, we can’t pull that off in reality here, and our media won’t tell such stories 39 40 either… Whatever the reality is, American TV always reflects a distrust of and challenge to 41 42 authority, whereas Chinese media basically dodge the issue. (Lu Hao, male, 21-year-old) 43 44 45 46 Both Shen Beili’s and Lu Hao’s statements demonstrate a broader kind of reflexivity – the 47 48 tendency to contemplate not just one’s self but one’s socio-cultural surroundings. 49 50 51 Acknowledging the contrived and dramatic nature of US TV, both students nonetheless 52 53 appreciate its valorization of practices against prevailing rules. The skepticism toward social 54 55 authority on US TV seems alluringly wholesome partly because it is largely missing from the 56 57 58 59 60 14 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 15 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 mass media – and social life in general – in China. 4 5 6 7 8 Self-realization 9 10 11 12 One of the most written about achievements – or problems, depending on one’s perspective – of 13 14 modernity is the creation of the autonomous individual striving for self-realization. Modernity 15 16 embraces and nurtures the ideal of self-direction and self-fulfillment. As many critics of 17 18 19 contemporary AmericanMCS culture observe, for Americans’ Review early desire for freedom from oppressive 20 21 rules would increasingly be focused on freedom for the individual to think and act independently 22 23 24 of others, to do whatever it takes to be successful (Bellah et al., 1985; Taylor, 1992; Tocqueville, 25 26 2000 [1845]). While critics in the West often see this new form of inwardness as an extreme and 27 28 unhealthy rendition of the sacredness of the individual, many of the Chinese students I 29 30 31 interviewed aspire to greater autonomy in self-realization. 32 33 The self-determination my respondents long for consists of the freedom to dream one’s dream 34 35 and the passion and perseverance to pursue that dream. To begin, a large number of the students 36 37 38 see having one’s own dreams as essential for a rewarding and fulfilled life. Indeed, the pursuit of 39 40 the American Dream is such a resonant theme that it is mentioned for almost every show that 41 42 gets discussed, regardless of the subject matter of the show. In this analysis, I examine the 43 44 45 Chinese reading of the American Dream by focusing on the musings of two hard-core Gossip 46 47 Girl fans, Li Jia and Li Bing. To Li Jia, dreaming is a central moral of Gossip Girl : 48 49 50 51 Every one of them has their own dreams, even though some dreams may seem vain… 52 53 [T]here’s little J… She’s passionate about fashion and design. She has failed, but she keeps 54 55 going, toward where her heart leads her. (Li Jia, female, 19-year-old) 56 57 58 59 60 15 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 16 of 31

1 2 3 4 5 Li Bing echoes Li Jia in many ways but speaks with a conspicuously introspective tone: 6 7 8 They’re not afraid to show their uniqueness, their striking personalities. And they emphasize 9 10 11 independence… Take little J’s devotion to fashion design. I find her tremendously 12 13 independent and persistent. In China, people her age, or even older kids, wouldn’t have the 14 15 guts. Same with Serena: she decides to defer college for a year to find out where she really 16 17 18 belongs. Like little J, she’s very independent, self-directed, and true to herself. (Li Bing, 19 MCS for Review 20 female, 19-year-old) 21 22 23 24 The reception of Gossip Girl in the US helps to put its Chinese reception into perspective. On 25 26 the negative side, media watchdog groups such as the Parents Television Council (PTC) accuse 27 28 the show of inappropriately rendering teenage behaviors and promoting a ‘hedonistic 29 30 31 irresponsible lifestyle’ (PTC, 2007). On the positive side, critics relish the show’s trendy re- 32 33 packaging of teen rebelliousness and other forms of exaggerated ‘teen-soapy goodness’, but 34 35 overall they describe the show as a guilty pleasure rather than a worthy must-watch with weighty 36 37 38 morals (Maynard, 2007). Given that American Gossip Girl fans mostly consider themselves to 39 40 be taking a ‘guilty plunge’, it is interesting to see the same show offering solemn life lessons to 41 42 the Chinese viewers. Because of the extremely small sample size in this case – two students – I 43 44 45 will not argue for Gossip Girl ’s pedagogical value for educated urban Chinese youths. But that 46 47 the only two respondents who choose to discuss the show with me both read it as promoting 48 49 50 autonomy and perseverance tells us a thing or two about the values they are drawn to at this point 51 52 of their lives. 53 54 This celebration of the waywardness of New York’s trust fund babies on Gossip Girl may 55 56 57 strike some as a sign of naivety and cluelessness on the part of the Chinese viewers. My response 58 59 60 16 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 17 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 is that we need to put their interpretation in the context of urban China’s quickly shifting 4 5 6 landscape in which young people strive to find a firm footing. Like most of their schoolmates, 7 8 my respondents have come to be where they are through surviving gaokao – China’s notoriously 9 10 11 high-stakes and competitive national college entrance examination. But after more than a decade 12 13 of rote learning and wholeheartedly focusing on the all-important gaokao , many students feel a 14 15 loss of purpose now that they have finally achieved that once most sought-after goal. Here is Li 16 17 18 Jia sharing this sentiment: 19 MCS for Review 20 21 When I was little I had dreams… But the older I become… Well, I got very confused after 22 23 24 junior high – I didn’t know what my dreams were. I felt I didn’t have dreams at all. Perhaps 25 26 my only so-called dream was to go to a good senior high school and then go to college. But 27 28 that is a path that everyone has to walk. Sometimes I feel it’s more about my parents than 29 30 31 about myself. (Li Jia, female, 19-year-old) 32 33 34 Yearning for a clearer sense of her own needs and wants, Li Jia finds the televised American 35 36 37 resolve appealing: 38 39 40 I think if a person doesn’t have dreams and if she can’t figure out what route she’s going 41 42 down, then she’s like a puppet, always having her strings pulled by others. Living a life like 43 44 45 that sucks... Somehow I feel Americans…have a better sense of what they want. (Li Jia, 46 47 female, 19-year-old) 48 49 50 51 In a similar vein, Li Bing opines why she thinks people who ‘have their own opinions and 52 53 dare to try anything’ are ‘rare animals’ in China: 54 55 56 57 I think it has to do with a fundamental cultural difference between China and America. The 58 59 60 17 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 18 of 31

1 2 3 Chinese speak of zhongyong (‘the middle way’), a culture of social conformity… It requires 4 5 6 everyone to be the same, to follow the same direction… But I think in the West, individuality 7 8 is encouraged, having your own ideas and opinions is encouraged. (Li Bing, female, 19-year- 9 10 11 old) 12 13 14 Contrary to the concerns of Chinese cultural crusaders over consumerism and other forms of 15 16 ‘capitalist decadence’, what Li Jia and Li Bing find enticing about Gossip Girl is not its 17 18 19 depiction of the glamorousMCS lives of their for American Review peers. In fact, throughout the interviews, I 20 21 hear no gushing over the posh parties or brand-name products paraded on the show. Instead, the 22 23 24 program strikes a chord when the characters on it appear to be acting of their own volition. Torn 25 26 between an ever more clamorous neoliberal discourse that stresses autonomy and self-reliance 27 28 and an other-directed culture that runs deeply through China’s social fabric, young people like Li 29 30 31 Jia and Li Bing reach under the American teen drama’s glittering surface for practical lessons of 32 33 self-determination. 34 35 Another idea many respondents pick up on is that dreams need to be pursued with passion and 36 37 38 persistence. Peng Yu, the philosophy student I quoted earlier, has a penchant for strong, 39 40 professional female protagonists. She gets excited when talking about her favorite character – the 41 42 driven surgeon Cristina Yang on Grey’s Anatomy : 43 44 45 46 [Cristina] is quintessentially American… She longs for success. And she’s a workaholic, 47 48 incredibly focused and driven... And she doesn’t care how other people see her. She’s very 49 50 51 independent, and she does everything on her own… She’s always like, ‘I can do this!’ (Peng 52 53 Yu, female, 21-year-old) 54 55 56 57 Given the discursive emphasis on self-reliance and self-entrepreneurialism in China’s current 58 59 60 18 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 19 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 neoliberal transition, Peng Yu’s attraction to Cristina’s go-getting spirit seems only natural at 4 5 6 first glance. But this celebration of American grit among Chinese youths deserves scrutiny. For 7 8 one, being motivated and hardworking is an almost universal modern value. In fact, parental 9 10 11 pressure to succeed in academics and career has now been associated more with Asian culture 12 13 (Chua, 2011; Kristof, 2011) and has been widely seen as an important factor in the (at times 14 15 stereotypical) over-achievement of talented Asian kids. For another, the young people I 16 17 18 interviewed are students from reputable universities in Beijing, a position most of them have 19 MCS for Review 20 earned by working hard over the years and surviving rounds of fierce academic competition. So 21 22 what is it exactly that those American TV figures do that Chinese youths find admirable? In this 23 24 25 analysis, I take so-called American grit as a construct, which, like ‘American dream’, means 26 27 different things to different people. Thus, instead of unraveling what American grit truly is, my 28 29 discussion below focuses on what makes US TV characters’ tenacity appear more ‘authentic’ to 30 31 32 Chinese youths. 33 34 A big fan of Desperate Housewives , Zhao Nan sees perseverance in pursuing one’s dreams as 35 36 37 a basic moral of the comedy-drama. I ask whether she thinks such grit is a uniquely ‘American 38 39 thing’, to which she replies: 40 41 42 We have that too, but I think there are differences between the two cultures in that regard. 43 44 45 Chinese people tend to make an effort silently. We are diligent and content with our lot and 46 47 devote ourselves quietly; we work hard but don’t feel comfortable asking for any return 48 49 50 directly, you know, that kind of sacrifice. But Americans are different. (Zhao Nan, female, 51 52 22-year-old) 53 54 55 Peng Yu, commenting on the same show but speaking more reflexively about herself, makes a 56 57 58 59 60 19 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 20 of 31

1 2 3 similar point: 4 5 6 7 I’m not a fan of how my parents live their lives. My parents are very traditional: they dated, 8 9 got married, had me, raised me, sent me to college, just like that; they don’t have much time 10 11 12 for themselves; I don’t want to live like that… When I watch Desperate Housewives , I notice 13 14 that although those housewives are busy around the house, they still have a clear sense of 15 16 self… They are constantly pursuing their self-identity… Take Lynette as an example. She 17 18 19 used to be a ‘mad woman’MCS in advertising, for as capableReview as her husband. Then she got married 20 21 and had kids and was forced to return home because one of them has to take care of the kids. 22 23 24 But she still calls the shots and wears the pants at home! (Peng Yu, female, 21-year-old) 25 26 27 Both students compare two types of fortitude, which they perceive to be typical in China and 28 29 in the US, respectively. On the one hand is Chinese culture’s emphasis on diligence, endurance, 30 31 32 and self-sacrifice; on the other hand is American culture’s stress on resolve, strength, and 33 34 outspokenness driven by self-interest. To both students, working hard per se is not what makes 35 36 37 American grit more estimable. Rather, the crucial difference lies in what drives and sustains the 38 39 effort. While Chinese perseverance seems to emphasize, at least in part, suppressing the self’s 40 41 true feelings and desires, American tenacity appears to be driven by the pursuit of one’s own 42 43 44 dreams and visions. And the allure of the latter, again, must be understood within the socio- 45 46 political context environing these youths’ encounter with global symbolic materials. 47 48 As discussed earlier, the post-80s youths have been experiencing China’s neoliberal transition 49 50 51 through reckoning with a renewed prominence of education and professional achievement that 52 53 demands self-reliance and self-direction. This new focus on the self can be as disconcerting as it 54 55 is empowering, for it often clashes with China’s entrenched collectivist culture that delimits the 56 57 58 59 60 20 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 21 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 propriety of individual behavior in everyday life. Indeed, many students are acutely aware that 4 5 6 the leeway allowing Americans their supposedly authentic lives is simply not as great in China. 7 8 As Zhao Nan laments: 9 10 11 12 You have to think about how society would judge you if you go for whatever you want at all 13 14 cost… [But] Gabby ( Desperate Housewives ), when her family went bankrupt and her husband 15 16 went blind, she didn’t really care how other people think of her… She managed to live her life 17 18 19 as usual… But ChineseMCS people would for care much Review more about what others think about them. 20 21 We are concerned about ‘face’… This is exactly the case in our university. If you want 22 23 24 something desperately and pursue it with a ‘whatever it takes’ attitude, other students would 25 26 say you’re too eager, too utilitarian, too ambitious… I don’t think that’s the case in America, 27 28 where it [pursuing what you want] is considered normal, even glorious. (Zhao Nan, female, 29 30 31 22-year-old) 32 33 34 Zhao Nan’s embrace of Gabby Solis is in line with the favorable reception of a number of US 35 36 37 TV figures among my respondents – Lynette Scavo ( Desperate Housewives ), the Machiavellian 38 39 mom of five who navigates her family through thin and thick; the four heroines on Sex and the 40 41 City who radiate self-confidence and unabashedly embrace their sexuality; and the happy-go- 42 43 44 lucky Rachel ( Friends ) who jilts her groom at the altar in the spirit of staying true to her heart. 45 46 While these multidimensional characters can just as easily be seen as epitomizing commitment 47 48 and self-sacrifice, it is revealing that my respondents view them as primarily personifying 49 50 51 autonomy and self-determination. Such interpretations may be conditioned by the respondents’ 52 53 sensitivity to the distinctions between Chinese and American cultures with respect to the 54 55 freedom each grants individuals. The following quote spells this perception out: 56 57 58 59 60 21 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 22 of 31

1 2 3 4 5 I think the biggest difference is how much the notion of ‘self’ is emphasized in the two 6 7 cultures. The Chinese stress the concept of family, or some other group or collective… You 8 9 are a social being in every single aspect of your life. Like it or not, you need to live in this 10 11 12 environment. But in the US...you just feel each individual has so many choices, very diverse 13 14 choices. And whatever he chooses, he doesn’t have to worry much about other people’s 15 16 judgments. He can ask and answer himself more truthfully: ‘Deep in my heart what exactly do 17 18 19 I need and want?’ (SunMCS Yang, male, for 22-year-old) Review 20 21 22 Another respondent echoes this view: 23 24 25 26 Maybe that’s just TV, but…when I look at my own life, from going to primary school, to 27 28 choosing a major in college, to getting a job and getting married in the future, I feel there are 29 30 31 all kinds of constraints… You have to consider what other people would say; you have to 32 33 consider your family’s opinions… Those forces are with you every step of the way 34 35 throughout your life... In comparison, Americans are freer, more casual and autonomous. 36 37 38 Whether in terms of personal choice or self-expression in everyday life, they can take it easy 39 40 and make choices on their own volition. (Liu Yun, female, 22-year-old) 41 42 43 44 Such romanticizing of the American way of life would likely raise the eyebrows of detractors 45 46 of an unchecked individualism. But in a society where the notion of self is increasingly 47 48 accentuated in official discourse yet largely elided in mainstream media representations and 49 50 51 repressed in everyday social life, the image of an ostensibly independent and ultimately 52 53 autonomous and free self appeals to young people partly because it serves as a tangible role 54 55 model that couples hard work with self-advocacy. The latter’s emphasis on free will, choice, and 56 57 58 59 60 22 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 23 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 enterprise by and for the individual self, denied in the Maoist definition of proper Chineseness 4 5 6 (Hoffman, 2010), now helps China’s aspiring youths form a new subjectivity called upon in the 7 8 nation’s plunge into neoliberal modernity. 9 10 11 12 13 Discussion and conclusion 14 15 16 This article examined the ways elite Chinese youths engage American television fiction as a 17 18 19 symbolic tool for their MCSreflexive identity for work. I Reviewfound that these youths are passionate about US 20 21 TV largely because of an ideal of personal authenticity that they manage to tease out from it. 22 23 24 This ‘authentic’ self embodies three central attributes: spontaneity , nonconformity , and self- 25 26 realization . Underlying and uniting these three components is the predominant theme of 27 28 advocating for the self. Seeing individuals in China as too burdened by social mores and external 29 30 31 pressures, my respondents find on US TV role models who are truthful about their feelings and 32 33 opinions, who disregard constraining expectations and obligations, and who spare no effort to 34 35 pursue their own dreams and desires. 36 37 38 Globalization has let the genie of modernity out of the bottle in China, embroiling the country 39 40 in extensive social changes. A key aspect of this great transformation is the rise of the individual 41 42 in political, economic, and private life. Scholars have documented the rising Chinese individuals 43 44 45 exercising agency in claiming and defending their rights against the constraints of encompassing 46 47 social categories such as the family and state (Hansen and Svarverud, 2014; Rofel, 2007; Yan, 48 49 50 2009; Zhang and Ong, 2008). However, fewer attempts have been made to explore and specify 51 52 the quickly changing and ambiguity-laden Chinese perceptions of the individual self. This is an 53 54 urgent endeavor under cultural globalization, as indigenous tradition and exogenous practice 55 56 57 jostle for supremacy in delineating the ethics of the self. 58 59 60 23 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 24 of 31

1 2 3 This study addressed the lacuna by examining how exposure to foreign media might help a 4 5 6 particular Chinese group grapple with conflicting notions of the self. Even as elite youths 7 8 directly benefit from globalization and China’s neoliberal reform, they feel unsettled and 9 10 11 decentered by these grand processes. As they struggle to find their footing in a society where 12 13 individualism is on the rise but collectivism still holds sway in everyday life, young people 14 15 desire to cultivate an unconstrained self that expresses itself freely and truthfully and that is able 16 17 18 to reach its full potential in pursuing a meaningful life. This is precisely where American 19 MCS for Review 20 television offers its cultural services: it provides a window into a set of lives that appear less 21 22 controlled and less burdened by test-taking, rankings, social etiquette, and government oversight. 23 24 25 As a result, a largely idealized, somewhat stereotypical, and certainly media-influenced 26 27 impression of America as a free land of individualism has come to define some elite Chinese 28 29 youths’ collective imagination of the Western world. The envisioning may not be ‘real’ in many 30 31 32 senses, but to them it might feel more ‘authentic’ when other traditional and indigenous sources 33 34 of meaning and purpose have lost most of their enchanting and binding power in China. The 35 36 37 quest for authenticity, in other words, is really about searching for alternative meanings. This 38 39 renders the Chinese consumption of US TV exceptionally reflexive and strategic – it is much 40 41 more than seeking entertainment or escape; it is an endeavor of researching one’s own identity 42 43 44 and life, of finding one’s own voice and roots. 45 46 Despite their ambiguity about what it means to be modern and Chinese, and their reservations 47 48 about the wholesale adoption of American ways, the general celebration of US TV among elite 49 50 51 Chinese youths clearly shows that certain established values and norms, duties and 52 53 responsibilities, roles and expectations, and rules and regulations in contemporary urban China 54 55 are up for negotiation. With their multiple cultural allegiances and eagerness to be interpreters 56 57 58 59 60 24 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Page 25 of 31 Media, Culture & Society

1 2 3 across cultures, these youths are poised to be the pillars of the Chinese society; their values, 4 5 6 opinions, experiences, and orientations will be crucial in shaping urban China for years to come. 7 8 As they grapple with something apparently small, such as the next episode of an American 9 10 11 television show, these youths are certainly also grappling with something big: they are not only 12 13 interrogating the next stages of their own lives but, at least in part, anticipating the direction of 14 15 the next episodes of Chinese history. 16 17 18 19 MCS for Review 20 Notes 21 22 23 24 1. This is not to say that all Chinese TV dramas are of low production values or simply ‘bad’. 25 26 For discussions of several Chinese shows that have managed to strike a chord in different 27 28 periods and among different audiences, see, for instance, Lull’s (1991) discussion of New 29 30 31 Star (aired in 1986), Rofel’s (2007) discussion of Yearnings (aired in 1991), Hung’s (2011) 32 33 discussion of Woju (Dwelling Narrowness , aired in 2009), and Meng’s (2015) discussion 34 35 of Sent Down Youth (aired in 2012). 36 37 38 2. For example, researchers have studied the global receptions of such popular programs as 39 40 Dallas (Ang, 1985; Liebes and Katz, 1990) and The Cosby Show (Havens, 2000). 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 25 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs Media, Culture & Society Page 26 of 31

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1 2 3 Inventing the ‘authentic’ self: 4 American television and Chinese audiences in global Beijing 5 6 7 Abstract 8 9 This article examines the ways educated urban Chinese youths engage American television 10 fiction as part of their identity work. Drawing on theories of modern reflexive identity, and 11 based on 29 interviews with US TV fans among university students in Beijing, I found these 12 youths are drawn to this television primarily because they perceive the American way of life 13 portrayed on it as more ‘authentic’. This perception of authenticity must be examined within 14 the socio-cultural milieu these students inhabit. Specifically, torn between China’s ingrained 15 collectivist culture and its recent neoliberal emphasis on the individual self, my respondents 16 glean from US TV messages about how to live a spontaneous, nonconforming, and fulfilled 17 life while remaining properly Chinese. By inspecting the ways these youths employ foreign 18 19 symbolic materials MCSto interrogate their for own identit Reviewy and life, this article demonstrates how 20 transnational media consumption informs lived experiences for a historically unique and 21 important Chinese demographic. 22 23 24 25 Keywords : authenticity, China, cross-cultural media consumption, identity, modernity, 26 reflexivity, television, youth 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mcs