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Iran's Evolving Military Forces
CSIS_______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775-3270 To download further data: CSIS.ORG To contact author: [email protected] Iran's Evolving Military Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy July 2004 Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. Cordesman: Iran's Military forces 7/15/2004 Page ii Table of Contents I. IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE: THE “FOUR CORNERED” BALANCING ACT..........1 The Dynamics of the Gulf Military Balance ..........................................................................................................1 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE NORTH GULF ........................................................................................................................2 II. IRAN’S ERRATIC MILITARY MODERNIZATION.......................................................................................9 THE IRANIAN ARMY ...................................................................................................................................................9 THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARDS CORPS (PASDARAN).................................................................................14 THE QUDS (QODS) FORCES ......................................................................................................................................15 THE BASIJ AND OTHER PARAMILITARY FORCES ......................................................................................................15 THE IRANIAN -
Hezbollah's Syrian Quagmire
Hezbollah’s Syrian Quagmire BY MATTHEW LEVITT ezbollah – Lebanon’s Party of God – is many things. It is one of the dominant political parties in Lebanon, as well as a social and religious movement catering first and fore- Hmost (though not exclusively) to Lebanon’s Shi’a community. Hezbollah is also Lebanon’s largest militia, the only one to maintain its weapons and rebrand its armed elements as an “Islamic resistance” in response to the terms of the Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon’s civil war and called for all militias to disarm.1 While the various wings of the group are intended to complement one another, the reality is often messier. In part, that has to do with compartmen- talization of the group’s covert activities. But it is also a factor of the group’s multiple identities – Lebanese, pan-Shi’a, pro-Iranian – and the group’s multiple and sometimes competing goals tied to these different identities. Hezbollah insists that it is Lebanese first, but in fact, it is an organization that always acts out of its self-interests above its purported Lebanese interests. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Hezbollah also has an “expansive global network” that “is sending money and operatives to carry out terrorist attacks around the world.”2 Over the past few years, a series of events has exposed some of Hezbollah’s covert and militant enterprises in the region and around the world, challenging the group’s standing at home and abroad. Hezbollah operatives have been indicted for the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) in The Hague,3 arrested on charges of plotting attacks in Nigeria,4 and convicted on similar charges in Thailand and Cyprus.5 Hezbollah’s criminal enterprises, including drug running and money laundering from South America to Africa to the Middle East, have been targeted by law enforcement and regulatory agen- cies. -
Iran Under Khatami
IRAN UNDER KHATAMI A Political, Economic, and Military Assessment Patrick Clawson Michael Eisenstadt Eliyahu Kanovsky David Menashri A Washington Institute Monograph THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, re- cording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 1998 by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 1998 in the United States of America by the Washing- ton Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Iran under Khatami: a political, economic, and military assess- ment / Patrick L. Clawson ... [et al.]. p. cm. ISBN 0-944029-27-2 (pbk.) 1. Iran—Politics and government—1997- 2. Khatami, Muhammad. 3. Iran—Economic conditions—1997- 4. Iran—Foreign relations—1997- 5. Iran—Military policy. I. Clawson, Patrick, 1951- . DS318.9.I73 1998 955.05'43—dc21 98-39718 CIP Cover design by Monica Neal Hertzman. Cover image AFP Photo/ Jamshid Bairami/Corbis. CONTENTS Contributors v Preface vii 1 The Khatami Paradox Patrick Clawson 1 2 Whither Iranian Politics? The Khatami Factor David Menashri 13 3 Iran's Sick Economy Prospects for Change under Khatami Eliyahu Kanovsky 53 4 The Military Dimension Michael Eisenstadt 71 5 Opportunities and Challenges for U.S. Policy Patrick Clawson and Michael Eisenstadt 99 CONTRIBUTORS Patrick Clawson is director for research at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy and senior editor of the Middle East Quarterly. -
The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: a Graphic Analysis
Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy The Gulf Military Balance in 2019: A Graphic Analysis Anthony H. Cordesman and Abdullah Toukan With the Assistance of Max Molot Working Paper: Please send comments to [email protected] REVISED December 9, 2019 Photo: ARASH KHAMOUSHI/AFP/ Getty Images Introduction 2 The military balance in the Gulf region has become steadily more complex with time. Conventional forces have been been reshaped by massive arms transfers, and changes in major weapons, technology, and virtually every aspect of joint warfare, command and control, sensors, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems. Missile warfare is changing radically as diverse mixes of ballistic and cruise missiles, UAVs and UCAVs, and missiles are deployed. Precision-guided, conventionally armed missiles are becoming a key aspect of regional forces, and so are missile defenses. The threat of nuclear pro0liferation remains, and at least one state – Iran - is a declared chemical weapons power while the Assad regime in Syria has made repeated use of chemical weapons At the same time, asymmetric forces, “proxy” forces, and various forms of military advisory and support missions are playing a growing role in local conflicts and gray area operations. So are local militia and security forces – often divided within a given Gulf state by sect and ethnicity. Terrorist and extremist forces continue pose serious threats, as do political tensions and upheavals, and the weaknesses and failures of some regional governments to meet the needs of their people. The most serious sources of Gulf conflicts are now the tensions between Iran and the Arab Gulf states, and the role played by terrorists and extremists, but civil war and insurgencies remain an additional threat - as does the links between Iran, Syria, and the Hezbollah. -
The Iranian Missile Challenge
The Iranian Missile Challenge By Anthony H. Cordesman Working Draft: June 4, 2019 Please provide comments to [email protected] SHAIGAN/AFP/Getty Images The Iranian Missile Challenge Anthony H. Cordesman There is no doubt that Iran and North Korea present serious security challenges to the U.S. and its strategic partners, and that their missile forces already present a major threat within their respective regions. It is, however, important to put this challenge in context. Both nations have reason to see the U.S. and America's strategic partners as threats, and reasons that go far beyond any strategic ambitions. Iran is only half this story, but its missile developments show all too clearly why both countries lack the ability to modernize their air forces, which has made them extremely dependent on missiles for both deterrence and war fighting. They also show that the missile threat goes far beyond the delivery of nuclear weapons, and is already becoming far more lethal and effective at a regional level. This analysis examines Iran's view of the threat, the problems in military modernization that have led to its focus on missile forces, the limits to its air capabilities, the developments in its missile forces, and the war fighting capabilities provided by its current missile forces, its ability to develop conventionally armed precision-strike forces, and its options for deploying nuclear-armed missiles. IRAN'S PERCEPTIONS OF THE THREAT ...................................................................................................... 2 IRAN'S INFERIORITY IN ARMS IMPORTS ................................................................................................... 3 THE AIR BALANCE OVERWHELMINGLY FAVORS THE OTHER SIDES ........................................................... 4 IRAN (AND NORTH KOREA'S) DEPENDENCE ON MISSILES ........................................................................ -
The Iran Backed Houthi Rebels Took Over the Yemeni Capital in September 2014 After Ousting President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi
1 The Houthi "September offensive" against Saudi Arabia Shaul Shay (Senior research fellow at the International Institute for Counterterrorism (ICT) at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya and former deputy head of Israel’s National Security Council) Copyright: Research Institute for European and American Studies (www.rieas.gr) Publication date: 19 September 2020 Note: The article reflects the opinion of the author and not necessarily the views of the Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS) The Iran backed Houthi rebels took over the Yemeni capital in September 2014 after ousting President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi. The Saudi lead coalition intervened in March 2015 to restore Hadi to power, sparking a war which has killed more than 100,000 people, displaced millions and still far from being over. The Houthi rebels claimed on September 10, 2020, they had launched an attack on an "important target" in Riyadh with ballistic missiles and drones. Spokesman for the Houthi military claimed that a Zulfikar ballistic missile and three Samad-3 drones were used to target a key site in the Saudi capital. "The attacks are a response to the enemy's permanent escalation and its continuing blockade against our country," he said on Twitter. He vowed to launch further attacks on the kingdom if Riyadh "continues its aggression" against Yemen. Saudi Arabia did not confirm the attacks.1 Earlier on the same day (September 10, 2020), the Arab Coalition intercepted and destroyed an explosive-laden drone launched from Yemen by the Houthi militia toward Najran in Saudi Arabia. 2 The attack on Riyadh followed five drone and missile attacks towards Saudi Arabia during the last week (6 – 11 September 2020). -
July 2021 Birmingham City University | Award Ceremonies 2021 Birmingham City University | Award Ceremonies 2021
GRADUATION CELEBRATIONS July 2021 Birmingham City University | Award Ceremonies 2021 Birmingham City University | Award Ceremonies 2021 WELCOME TO YOUR AWARD CEREMONIES My people. The sorting hat has spoken. Chuffed to little meatballs in honour of your magnificence in completing your academic studies to date. You are officially a super-certified genius. The portfolio of specialised skills attained at BCU are sure to equip you for success, world domination and beyond. I couldn’t be prouder. I congratulate you from my toes to the top of my pointy head. Know this, and know it well: you rock. Sir Lenny Henry Chancellor of the University Welcome to our Virtual Graduation Ceremonies. While we have to wait a little longer to welcome you to our in person ceremonies, this is a day for celebration for our graduates, and for your families, friends and supporters. As Vice-Chancellor of the University I take particular pleasure in these ceremonies which mark the great achievements of our graduates, and celebrate the power of education to help to transform lives. As our graduates become alumni of the University, we look forward to continuing to work together. You are part of our community and we take great pride in what you have achieved. On behalf of all of the staff of the University, I wish all our graduates every success in their chosen careers. Professor Philip Plowden Vice-Chancellor CONTENTS CELEBRATE ON SOCIAL MEDIA Order of proceedings 4 Graduands 8 We’re so proud of every student graduating and we’d love /birminghamcityuniversity to see your photos and posts celebrating this fantastic Graduand presentation order 5 Alumni and careers 42 day. -
Nss Fights Covid-19 "Stay Informed Stay Safe"
Office of the Programme Coordinator National Service Scheme (NSS) Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sports, Government of India University of Kashmir (NAAC ACCREDITED GRADE “A +") Not Me But You NSS FIGHTS COVID-19 "STAY INFORMED STAY SAFE" LIST OF NSS VOLUNTEERS S. NO. VOLUNTEER INSTITUTION DISTRICT MOB. NO. 1 Muneera Ali University of Kashmir Srinagar 6005580083 2 Mariya Chishti University of Kashmir Srinagar 7006155919 3 Khushboo Akhoon University of Kashmir Srinagar 7006863318 4 Seerat Ul Ayoub University of Kashmir Srinagar 9541652933 5 Syed Rukhsana University of Kashmir Srinagar 9622844594 6 Bisma Yousuf Wani University of Kashmir Srinagar 7006594616 7 Ienan Niyaz University of Kashmir Srinagar 9541699866 8 Eshan University of Kashmir Srinagar 9622643282 9 Badil Showkat University of Kashmir Srinagar 7006909119 10 Noffal Majeed University of Kashmir Srinagar 9906521083 11 Amer Ahmad Bhat University of Kashmir Srinagar 7889746683 12 Arif Ahmed Bhat University of Kashmir Srinagar 7006304986 13 Saiqa Nazir University of Kashmir Srinagar 6005301900 14 Nowsheeba Latief University of Kashmir Srinagar 9541624070 15 Insha Aziz University of Kashmir Srinagar 6005128198 16 Shaziya Murtaza University of Kashmir Srinagar 8082287499 17 Aksa Bashir University of Kashmir Srinagar 8803423468 18 Urba Javaid University of Kashmir Srinagar 8493071148 19 Umair University of Kashmir Srinagar 7006297317 20 Arzaana Lateef University of Kashmir Srinagar 7006054551 21 Rizwana Rehman University of Kashmir Srinagar 9149644414 22 Irshad Hussain Wani University -
Iran's Ballistic Missile Program, Sanctions, and the IRGC
Testing the Limits: Iran’s Ballistic Missile Program, Sanctions, and the IRGC Michael Eisenstadt Kahn Fellow and Director, Military and Security Studies Program, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Testimony submitted to the House Foreign Affairs Committee March 29, 2017 Iran has the largest missile force in the Middle East, consisting of thousands of short- and medi- um-range ballistic missiles, and possibly land-attack cruise missiles.1 Although its missiles are conventionally armed, many could deliver a nuclear weapon if Iran were to ever acquire such a capability. While the nuclear accord with Iran—the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which was given international legal force by UN Security Council Resolution 2231— will likely defer such an eventuality, it did not impose new constraints on Iran’s missile program. On the contrary, UNSCR 2231 loosened them—and included provisions for their lifting in eight years, if not sooner.2 At current production rates, Iran’s missile force could more than double in size by the time the major limits imposed by the nuclear deal are lifted at the fifteen year mark—in 2030. By then, Iran’s growing missile and cyber capabilities could pose major challenges to regional missile de- fenses, military and critical infrastructure targets, and civilian population centers. This could make preventive action by Israel or the United States, in the event of an attempted Iranian nuclear breakout, much more costly. Finally, an Iranian nuclear missile force would be highly destabilizing. Short missile flight times between Iran and Israel, the lack of reliable crisis communication channels, and the impossibility of knowing whether incoming Iranian missiles are conventional or nuclear could someday spur Israel—and any additional regional nuclear states that might emerge in the interim—to adopt a launch-on-warning posture, undermining the prospects for a stable nuclear deterrent balance in the region. -
The Role of Missiles in Iran's Military Strategy
RESEARCH NOTES The Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ No. 39 ■ November 2016 The Role of Missiles in Iran’s Military Strategy MICHAEL EISENSTADT REUTERS/Fars News (IRAN) ran has the largest missile force in the Middle East, consisting of more than a thousand short- and medium-range ballistic missiles, and possibly land-attack cruise missiles. Although its mis- Isiles are conventionally armed, many could deliver a nuclear weapon if Iran were to acquire such a capability. While the recent nuclear accord with Iran—the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—will likely defer such an eventuality, it did not impose new constraints on Iran’s missile program. On the contrary, it loosened them—and included provisions for their lifting in eight years, if not sooner.1 Iran’s missile force could double or triple in size adopt a launch-on-warning posture, undermining the by the time the major limits imposed by the nuclear prospects for a stable nuclear deterrent balance in the deal are lifted, fifteen years from now. By then, Iran’s region. growing missile and cyber capabilities will pose major challenges to regional missile defenses, military and DETERRENCE, WARFIGHTING, critical infrastructure targets, and civilian population PROPAGANDA centers. This would make preventive action by Israel or the United States, in the event of an attempted Iranian The Iran-Iraq War (1980–88) convinced Tehran that a nuclear breakout, much more costly. strong, capable missile force is critical to the country’s 2 Finally, an Iranian nuclear missile force would be security. Missiles played an important role throughout highly destabilizing. -
Shiite Foreign Militias in Syria
Shiite Foreign Militias in Syria Iran's role in the Syrian conflict and the ISIS fight By Aaron Hesse- Research Fellow August 2015 Introduction: This paper seeks to identify and elucidate the role that Iran-backed Shiite foreign fighters play in Syria and to compare how often they target the Islamic State in Iraq and Sham (ISIS) and the Syrian opposition. Shiite foreign fighters inside Syria present a major problem for the Syrian opposition forces due to their generally superior morale and fighting abilities. They also pose a long-term threat to American and Western interests due to their role in expanding the Syrian conflict and increasing its sectarian content. Many of these militias arose in Syria for the stated purpose of protecting Shiite religious shrines.i When ISIS burst onto the scene in summer 2014, the goal of fighting ISIS brutality was added on as a second ostensible purpose of the militias. However, contrary to the prevailing narrative that is based mainly on Iraq, the Iran-backed Shiite militias have been of extremely limited value in the ISIS fight in Syria. This paper will attempt to show that these groups work and perform military duties on behalf of the government of Bashar al-Assad and their benefactors in Iran almost exclusively to target the Syrian rebels. The Iran-backed militias have no real interest in fighting ISIS in Syria. This makes Assad, as well as Iran, unreliable partners in the fight to destroy ISIS. Metrics: This paper will focus on the outsized role that Iran-backed Shiite foreign fighters are playing in Syria. -
You Can Read Iran Case File In
IRAN CASE FILE July 2018 CONTENTS Executive Summary ...........................................................................4 Internal Affair ....................................................................................8 Political File .......................................................................................8 Military File .....................................................................................13 Security File .....................................................................................15 Economic File ..................................................................................16 Ideological File ................................................................................21 Arab Affair .......................................................................................28 RASANAH_IIIS First: Iran and Iraqi protests in Southern provinces ........................29 +966112166696 Second: Iran’s incursion in Syria amid regional [email protected] and international movements ........................................................33 Third: The area of influence and control .........................................37 International Affair .........................................................................42 US-Iran Relations: Mutual Threats and Intense Pressures ..............42 The Iranian movements in the face of US pressures ........................45 Russia-Iran Relations: Ali Akbar Velayati’s visit to Moscow: Aims and repercussions ...................................................................................47