SUARAM HRR 2017 Overview
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Malaysia 2019 Human Rights Report
MALAYSIA 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Malaysia is a federal constitutional monarchy. It has a parliamentary system of government selected through regular, multiparty elections and is headed by a prime minister. The king is the head of state, serves a largely ceremonial role, and has a five-year term. Sultan Muhammad V resigned as king on January 6 after serving two years; Sultan Abdullah succeeded him that month. The kingship rotates among the sultans of the nine states with hereditary rulers. In 2018 parliamentary elections, the opposition Pakatan Harapan coalition defeated the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, resulting in the first transfer of power between coalitions since independence in 1957. Before and during the campaign, then opposition politicians and civil society organizations alleged electoral irregularities and systemic disadvantages for opposition groups due to lack of media access and malapportioned districts favoring the then ruling coalition. The Royal Malaysian Police maintain internal security and report to the Ministry of Home Affairs. State-level Islamic religious enforcement officers have authority to enforce some criminal aspects of sharia. Civilian authorities at times did not maintain effective control over security forces. Significant human rights issues included: reports of unlawful or arbitrary killings by the government or its agents; reports of torture; arbitrary detention; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary or unlawful interference with privacy; reports of problems with -
Sektor Pelancongan Anggar Rugi RM105 Juta, Sektor Perniagaan
Warisan to Anifah: It’s BN which has exacted revenge Free Malaysia Today July 17, 2017 Warisan refutes Anifah Aman's claim that the opposition will take revenge on BN supporters and says BN has reneged on many of its election promises. BEAUFORT: Warisan has accused the BN government of exacting revenge by severely limiting funds for development and reneging on promises it made in the last election in opposition-held areas. “If anyone is inflicting revenge, it is BN because those who supported the opposition in the last general election have been experiencing it since then,” said Johair Matlani, deputy chief coordinator of Warisan in Beaufort, in a statement today. She was responding to a statement by Foreign Minister Anifah Aman who on Saturday warned that if the opposition came to power, BN supporters would suffer their wrath. “Look at Penampang for example, what happened to the hospital and secondary school that was promised? It has been over four years since the last election and nothing has been done. “Those promises have remained empty. So who is inflicting revenge now?” she pointed out. At a Hari Raya event on Saturday, Anifah told villagers in Kabang, Papar, to chase away the opposition whenever they came to campaign. In a democracy, it is constitutionally wrong to prevent anyone from campaigning in any area, Johair reminded. “So, if that is what Anifah says, then in opposition-held areas, we can also chase away the BN campaigners,” she said. Further, a Warisan government will not go on a witch hunt when in power but Johair warned that those who had corruptly benefited from government projects at the expense of the people will be brought to justice. -
THERE's "INVISIBLE HANDS" in DY PRESIDENT's CONTEST, SAYS JOHARI (Bernama 14/08/1998)
14 AUG 1998 PBB-Contest THERE'S "INVISIBLE HANDS" IN DY PRESIDENT'S CONTEST, SAYS JOHARI KUCHING, Aug 14 (Bernama) -- State Industrial Development Minister Datuk Abang Johari Tun Openg said today there are "invisible hands" involved in the the three-cornered contest for the deputy presidency of the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) at the party polls on Aug 28. Abang Johari is challenging two other PBB leaders, incumbent deputy president Datuk Abang Abu Bakar Mustapha and state minister Datuk Adenan Satem in the first such contest for the post in 12 years. "I am contesting not only against my good friend Datuk Adenan Satem but also invisible hands who are financially strong but dare not come out to contest for the post" he told reporters here. Both Abang Johari and Adenan are party vice presidents. Adenan, the Agriculture and Food Industries minister, received 32 nominations for the post, Abang Johari 14 nominations while Abang Abu Bakar managed to obtain only one nomination. Abang Johari appeared emotional at the news conference when he talked of the tactics used by the "financially strong invisible hands" to influence the outcome of the contest for the party's No. 2 post. Before the start of the news conference, Abang Johari asked: " Where's Borneo Post....it's no point if only the Sarawak Tribune and Utusan Sarawak are present". The Borneo Post is regarded here as the more "independent" of Sarawak newspapers and is popular for publishing dissenting views from members of the ruling parties and as well as the opposition. Abang Johari spoke of tactics being used by the "invisible hands" to influence the outcome of the polls, including by spreading word that because Adenan had received a nomination from the Asajaya division headed by party president and Chief Minister Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud, he (Adenan) had Taib's backing. -
SUHAKAM Laporan Tahunan 2019
LAPORAN TAHUNAN 2019SURUHANJAYA HAK ASASI MANUSIA Malaysia LAPORAN TAHUNAN 2019SURUHANJAYA HAK ASASI MANUSIA Malaysia CETAKAN PERTAMA, 2020 Hak cipta terpelihara Suruhanjaya Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia (SUHAKAM) Kesemua atau mana-mana bahagian laporan ini boleh disalin dengan syarat pengakuan sumber dibuat atau kebenaran diperolehi daripada SUHAKAM. SUHAKAM menyangkal sebarang tanggungjawab, waranti dan liabiliti sama ada secara nyata atau tidak terhadap sebarang salinan penerbitan yang dibuat tanpa kebenaran SUHAKAM. Adalah perlu memaklumkan penggunaan. Diterbitkan di Malaysia oleh SURUHANJAYA HAK ASASI MANUSIA MALAYSIA (SUHAKAM) Tingkat 11, Menara TH Perdana 1001 Jalan Sultan Ismail 50250 Kuala Lumpur E-mel: [email protected] URL : http://www.suhakam.org.my Dicetak di Malaysia oleh Mihas Grafik Sdn Bhd No. 9, Jalan SR 4/19 Taman Serdang Raya 43300 Seri Kembangan Selangor Darul Ehsan Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Data Pengkatalogan Dalam Penerbitan ISSN: 2672 - 748X ANGGOTA SURUHANJAYA 2019 Dari kiri: Prof. Dato’ Noor Aziah Mohd. Awal (Pesuruhjaya Kanak-kanak), Dato’ Seri Mohd Hishamudin Md Yunus, Datuk Godfrey Gregory Joitol, Encik Jerald Joseph, Tan Sri Othman Hashim (Pengerusi), Dato’ Mah Weng Kwai, Datuk Lok Yim Pheng, Dr. Madeline Berma dan Prof. Madya Dr. Nik Salida Suhaila bt. Nik Saleh iv LAPORAN TAHUNAN 2019 KANDUNGAN PERUTUSAN PENGERUSI viii RUMUSAN EKSEKUTIF xvi BAB 1 MENERUSKAN MANDAT HAK ASASI MANUSIA 1.1 PENDIDIKAN DAN PROMOSI 2 1.2 KUASA MENASIHAT BERHUBUNG ASPEK 34 PERUNDANGAN DAN DASAR 1.3 ADUAN DAN PEMANTAUAN -
Trends in Southeast Asia
ISSN 0219-3213 2016 no. 9 Trends in Southeast Asia THE EXTENSIVE SALAFIZATION OF MALAYSIAN ISLAM AHMAD FAUZI ABDUL HAMID TRS9/16s ISBN 978-981-4762-51-9 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 789814 762519 Trends in Southeast Asia 16-1461 01 Trends_2016-09.indd 1 29/6/16 4:52 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) was established in 1968. It is an autonomous regional research centre for scholars and specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute’s research is structured under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS) and Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and through country- based programmes. It also houses the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), Singapore’s APEC Study Centre, as well as the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and its Archaeology Unit. 16-1461 01 Trends_2016-09.indd 2 29/6/16 4:52 PM 2016 no. 9 Trends in Southeast Asia THE EXTENSIVE SALAFIZATION OF MALAYSIAN ISLAM AHMAD FAUZI ABDUL HAMID 16-1461 01 Trends_2016-09.indd 3 29/6/16 4:52 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2016 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission. The author is wholly responsible for the views expressed in this book which do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher. -
Eyes on Father and Son Malaysiakini.Com May 23, 2008 Former
Parliament round-up: All eyes on father and son Malaysiakini.com May 23, 2008 Former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad managed to set the tone for much of the conversations that went on this week both in and outside of the Dewan Rakyat. MCPX Many people were caught off-guard when he announced on Monday that he was quitting Umno and called for other Umno MPs to do likewise to pressure Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to step down. Slowly, however, Umno MPs eventually pulled together to pledge their loyalty to their beleaguered party president Abdullah. Several of the party’s supreme council members also lashed out at Mahathir. mukhriz pemuda umno 050906 explainThereafter, all eyes turned towards Mahathir’s son and Jerlun MP Mukhriz, who was not at the meeting Abdullah had with the Umno MPs, which was held in Parliament. Later that same day, Mukhriz said he was staying put in the party but insisted that Abdullah should go. Mukhriz went on to hog the headlines several times this week when even his boss, Umno Youth chief Hishammuddin Hussein ticked him off for being ‘disloyal’ to the party. On Wednesday in the Dewan, Mukhriz questioned the government’s morality in allowing Halliburton, a key corporate supporter of the US military campaign in Iraq, to set up its factory in Johor. The next day, Mukhriz was again on the offensive when he accused fellow Umno member and de facto law minister Zaid Ibrahim of working for Pakatan Rakyat opposition. That should earn him Malaysiakini’s ‘MP of the Week’. Other issues that were hotly debated in Parliament included Tourism Minister Azalina Othman Said’s decision to cancel tourism events in Pakatan-led states. -
Racialdiscriminationreport We
TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 1 Executive Summary...................................................................................................................................................... 3 Definition of Racial Discrimination......................................................................................................................... 4 Racial Discrimination in Malaysia Today................................................................................................................. 5 Efforts to Promote National Unity in Malaysia in 2018................................................................................... 6 Incidences of Racial Discrimination in Malaysia in 2018 1. Racial Politics and Race-based Party Politics........................................................................................ 16 2. Groups, Agencies and Individuals that use Provocative Racial and Religious Sentiments.. 21 3. Racism in the Education Sector................................................................................................................. 24 4. Racial Discrimination in Other Sectors................................................................................................... 25 5. Racism in social media among Malaysians........................................................................................... 26 6. Xenophobic -
The Kimanis By-Election: a Much-Needed Sweet (Manis) Victory for Warisan
ISSUE: 2020 No. 3 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |16 January 2020 The Kimanis By-election: A Much-needed Sweet (Manis) Victory for Warisan Lee Poh Onn and Kevin Zhang*1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • On 18 January 2020, a by-election will be held for the parliamentary seat of Kimanis in Sabah. The Federal Court has upheld the Election Court's ruling that Anifah Aman's victory in the 14th General Elections (GE14) was nullified by election discrepancies. • This by-election is seen as a referendum on the Warisan state government’s performance over the past 18 months since replacing the Barisan Nasional (BN) after GE14, and the outcome would have some impact on Sabah Chief Minister Shafie Apdal’s standing. Warisan-PH and BN had won an equal number of state seats, but Warisan formed the state government only after the defection of some BN state assemblymen. At the Federal level, the Pakatan Harapan government sorely needs a victory in Kimanis to reverse the trend of by-election defeats it has suffered over the past year. • Warisan began the election contest on a stronger footing but it is shaping up to be a close fight. Both candidates, Warisan’s Karim Bujang and UMNO’s Mohamad Alamin, have strong political experience in Kimanis. • Bread and butter issues matter greatly to Kimanis residents who mostly suffer from low incomes and poor infrastructure. Warisan is on the defensive against the BN’s claims that the state government has failed to bring economic uplift to the area. -
View the Table of Contents for This Issue: Https
http://englishkyoto-seas.org/ View the table of contents for this issue: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2018/12/vol-7-no-3-of-southeast-asian-studies/ Subscriptions: http://englishkyoto-seas.org/mailing-list/ For permissions, please send an e-mail to: [email protected] SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES Vol. 7, No. 3 December 2018 CONTENTS Divides and Dissent: Malaysian Politics 60 Years after Merdeka Guest Editor: KHOO Boo Teik KHOO Boo Teik Preface ....................................................................................................(269) KHOO Boo Teik Introduction: A Moment to Mull, a Call to Critique ............................(271) ABDUL RAHMAN Ethnicity and Class: Divides and Dissent Embong in Malaysian Studies .........................................................................(281) Jeff TAN Rents, Accumulation, and Conflict in Malaysia ...................................(309) FAISAL S. Hazis Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Sabah and Sarawak in Malaysia ....................................(341) AHMAD FAUZI Shifting Trends of Islamism and Islamist Practices Abdul Hamid in Malaysia, 1957–2017 .....................................................................(363) Azmi SHAROM Law and the Judiciary: Divides and Dissent in Malaysia ....................(391) MAZNAH Mohamad Getting More Women into Politics under One-Party Dominance: Collaboration, Clientelism, and Coalition Building in the Determination of Women’s Representation in Malaysia .........................................................................................(415) -
Frame Contention in Different Types of Media Ownership - a Comparison Between the Star Online and Sinar Online’S Media Coverage on 2017 Budget
Journal of Media and Information Warfare Vol. 9, 139-178, June 2017 Frame Contention in Different Types of Media Ownership - A Comparison between The Star Online and Sinar Online’s Media Coverage on 2017 Budget Mohammad Noorhusni Mohd Zaini1 Abd Rasid Abd Rahman2 Centre for Media and Information Warfare Studies Faculty of Communication and Media Studies Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) 40450 Shah Alam, Selangor, Malaysia [email protected] [email protected] Received Date: 20/2/2017 Accepted Date:30/5/2017 Published Date: 27/6/2017 ABSTRACT This study intends to examine the difference of media coverage between The Star, owned by ruling party and Sinar Harian, a privately-owned news provider on the 2017 Budget. Media ownership is understood to be affecting objectivity in media coverage, given its influence on the sources to be used, as well as how issues are portrayed. This content analysis study used a census sample of the first 14 days after its tabling. To differentiate the coverage between these two mainstream news provider, the researcher studied the sources used by both news providers, frames utilized in the coverage of the budget using Semetko and Valkenberg’s (2000) generic news frame, as well as the news slants that are apparent in both news providers’ reporting of the budget as basis for comparison. Results of ISSN 1985-563X © 2017 Centre for Media and Information Warfare Studies, Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, UiTM 139 Journal of Media and Information Warfare the study show that while both news providers mostly used the ruling government representative as their sources and the responsibility frame in their coverage, a sheer difference can be seen in the news slants as The Star’s coverage of the budget are more positive, as compared to Sinar Online which can be considered more balanced. -
2016: Challenging Year Ahead for Najib
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 013 – 21 January 2016 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical issues and contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced electronically or in print with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email: [email protected] for feedback to the Editor RSIS Commentary, Yang Razali Kassim. 2016: Challenging Year Ahead for Najib By Saleena Saleem and Mohamed Nawab Mohamed Osman Synopsis Najib’s viability as PM in 2016 will be dependent on his ability to manage the current economic problems and overcome political challenges. Commentary 2016 will prove to be an important year for Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak both in the economic and political realms. While his critics had dismissed the PM’s chance for surviving the challenges that he faced in 2015, Najib has shown his resilience through the adept employment of a carrot and stick approach. It will not be surprising if he emerges at the end of the year with a more consolidated position. For UMNO members, the PM’s performance this year will be crucial for the party. While the PM has shown his ability to unite UMNO, he remains largely unpopular with the Malaysian public. The Merdeka Centre’s survey in October 2015 showed that only 23% of Malaysians are happy with the government’s performance. -
Using Transnational Advocacy Networks to Challenge Restrictions on Religion: Christian Minorities in Malaysia and India
Using Transnational Advocacy Networks to Challenge Restrictions on Religion: Christian Minorities in Malaysia and India A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science of the College of Arts and Sciences by Kristina M. Teater M.A. Wright State University B.A. Milligan College July 2019 Committee Chair: Laura Dudley Jenkins, Ph.D. ii Abstract State-imposed restrictions on religious freedom challenge the rights of minorities. While some minorities live in authoritarian regimes, others live in countries with religious rights institutionalized in national constitutions and international human rights treaties. Despite these guarantees, minorities face restrictions on religion through laws and regulations that restrict what religion they choose and limit how they practice their faith. Thus minorities that in theory are supposed to have religious freedom also encounter religious freedom restrictions in practice. Faced with blockages that restrict their religious rights, minorities at times turn to transnational advocacy networks (TANs). Through my analysis of Christian minorities in Malaysia and India, I discover what some of these blockages are and how minorities and their transnational partners have negotiated with the state in recent legal challenges to Christians’ rights. I focus on the agency and strategies of minorities by listening to their opinions, arguments, and reasoning, as articulated through interviews, legal documents, and an original survey. In doing so, this study differs from recent scholarship that traces the structure and organization of TANs. I find that how Christian minorities use transnational advocacy networks is dependent on the political opportunities that are available to them domestically.