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THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES in cooperation with the ASIA SOCIETY HONG KONG CENTER and the FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG FULL TRANSCRIPT THE U.S.-ASIA DYNAMIC IN THE 21ST CENTURY: CHALLENGES AHEAD Tuesday, October 18, 2011 JW Marriott Hong Kong Hong Kong Proceedings prepared from an audio recording by: ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 PARTICIPANTS: Welcome Remarks: EDITH NGAN CHAN Executive Director Asia Society, Hong Kong Center JOHN BURNS Dean of Social Sciences University of Hong Kong STROBE TALBOTT President The Brookings Institution Opening Remarks: RONNIE C. CHAN Co-Chair, Asia Society Chairman, Hang Lung Properties Opening Address: DONALD TSANG Chief Executive Hong Kong Special Administrative Region PANEL I: ASIA’S CHANGING BEDFELLOWS: DE-COUPLING FROM THE U.S. AND COUPLING WITH CHINA? Moderator: ALEX FRANGOS Reporter, Asia Economies & Markets The Wall Street Journal Panelists: DONG TAO Chief Regional Economist, Asia Ex-Japan Credit Suisse BARRY BOSWORTH Senior Fellow, Economic Studies, Global Economy and Development The Brookings Institution NIGEL CHALK Mission Chief for China and Senior Advisor, Asia Pacific Department International Monetary Fund ERIC FISHWICK Head of Economic Research CLSA Ltd. LUNCHEON PANEL: CHINA’S FUTURE TRAJECTORY AND IMPLICATIONS Opening Remarks and Moderator: RONNIE C. CHAN Co-Chair, Asia Society Chairman, Hang Lung Properties Panelists: STROBE TALBOTT President The Brookings Institution VICTOR FUNG Chairman Li & Fung FRED HU Founder and Chairman, Primavera Capital Group Former Chairman, Greater China, Goldman Sachs WANG FENG Director, Brookings-Tsinghua Center Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy, Global Economy and Development The Brookings Institution PANEL II: THE EMERGING INTRA-ASIA DYNAMIC: WHERE TO FROM HERE? Moderator: MARIKO SANCHANTA Senior Editor, Asia The Wall Street Journal Panelists: C. -
The Leftist Case for War in Iraq •fi William Shawcross, Allies
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 6 2003 Article 6 Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard Abstract Shawcross is superbly equipped to assess the impact of rogue States and terrorist organizations on global security. He is also well placed to comment on the risks of preemptive invasion for existing alliances and the future prospects for the international rule of law. An analysis of the ways in which the international community has “confronted evil,” Shawcross’ brief polemic argues that U.S. President George Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair were right to go to war without UN clearance, and that the hypocrisy of Jacques Chirac was largely responsible for the collapse of international consensus over the war. His curious identification with Bush and his neoconservative allies as the most qualified to implement this humanitarian agenda, however, fails to recognize essential differences between the leftist case for war and the hard-line justification for regime change in Iraq. BOOK REVIEW VENGEANCE AND EMPIRE: THE LEFTIST CASE FOR WAR IN IRAQ WILLIAM SHAWCROSS, ALLIES: THE U.S., BRITAIN, EUROPE, AND THE WAR IN IRAQ* Hal Blanchard** INTRODUCTION In early 2002, as the war in Afghanistan came to an end and a new interim government took power in Kabul,1 Vice President Richard Cheney was discussing with President George W. -
DIRECTING the Disorder the CFR Is the Deep State Powerhouse Undoing and Remaking Our World
DEEP STATE DIRECTING THE Disorder The CFR is the Deep State powerhouse undoing and remaking our world. 2 by William F. Jasper The nationalist vs. globalist conflict is not merely an he whole world has gone insane ideological struggle between shadowy, unidentifiable and the lunatics are in charge of T the asylum. At least it looks that forces; it is a struggle with organized globalists who have way to any rational person surveying the very real, identifiable, powerful organizations and networks escalating revolutions that have engulfed the planet in the year 2020. The revolu- operating incessantly to undermine and subvert our tions to which we refer are the COVID- constitutional Republic and our Christian-style civilization. 19 revolution and the Black Lives Matter revolution, which, combined, are wreak- ing unprecedented havoc and destruction — political, social, economic, moral, and spiritual — worldwide. As we will show, these two seemingly unrelated upheavals are very closely tied together, and are but the latest and most profound manifesta- tions of a global revolutionary transfor- mation that has been under way for many years. Both of these revolutions are being stoked and orchestrated by elitist forces that intend to unmake the United States of America and extinguish liberty as we know it everywhere. In his famous “Lectures on the French Revolution,” delivered at Cambridge University between 1895 and 1899, the distinguished British historian and states- man John Emerich Dalberg, more com- monly known as Lord Acton, noted: “The appalling thing in the French Revolution is not the tumult, but the design. Through all the fire and smoke we perceive the evidence of calculating organization. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
Personality and Foreign Policy: Tony Blair's Iraq Decisions
Foreign Policy Analysis (2006) 2, 289–306 Personality and Foreign Policy: Tony Blair’s Iraq Decisions STEPHEN BENEDICT DYSON Wabash College The British choice in Iraq has been characterized as ‘‘Tony Blair’s War,’’ with many believing that the personality and leadership style of the prime minister played a crucial part in determining British participa- tion. Is this the case? To investigate, I employ at-a-distance measures to recover Blair’s personality from his responses to foreign policy questions in the House of Commons. I find that he has a high belief in his ability to control events, a low conceptual complexity, and a high need for power. Using newly available evidence on British decision making, I show how Blair’s personality and leadership style did indeed shape both the proc- ess and outcome of British foreign policy toward Iraq. The research reemphasizes the importance of individual level factors in theories of foreign policy, as well as offering a comprehensive explanation of a critical episode. Reflecting upon the decision to attack Iraq, a senior British cabinet minister com- mented that ‘‘had anyone else been leader, we would not have fought alongside Bush’’ (Stephens 2004:234). Is this a valid claim? To put it differently, would an- other occupant of the post of British prime minister, presented with the same set of circumstances, have acted as Tony Blair did? While it has been suggested that whoever is prime minister, the ‘‘special relationship’’ determines that Britain will follow the U.S. lead in all circumstances, there is a good deal of prima facie evidence suggesting that Blair’s distinctive individual characteristics are a crucial factor in explaining the Iraq choices. -
George W. Bush, Idealist
George W. Bush, Idealist MICHAEL J. MAZARR* As I write this, the war to liberate the Iraqi people from the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein is under way. It is a war to prevent Hussein’s Iraq from be- coming a veritable factory of weapons of mass terror and destruction, and a war to deprive the world’s terrorist organizations of a friend and sponsor. It is many things to many people: justified, callous, unilateral, long-overdue, hopeful, perilous. But one thing it is not is representative of a world view conditioned by classical realism. There are many ways to understand the complexion of George W. Bush’s foreign policy and the group that runs it. One of them is through the lens of traditional frameworks for thinking about international relations. It is easy to forget, now, that the early conventional wisdom held that President Bush and his foreign policy team in fact embraced realism as their guiding philosophy. Virtually every Bush foreign policy appointee uttered the term at some point during the administration’s first year. ‘I am a realist,’ said Bush’s National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice. ‘Power matters.’1 An interviewer returned from a conversation with Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to divulge that ‘he has no code words or doctrine to describe his outlook, other than what he termed “old-fashioned” realism.’2 Candidate Bush himself, in his first major foreign policy speech (delivered in 1999), said that ‘a President must be a clear-eyed realist.’3 In practice, however, the Bush administration’s assumptions, doctrines and policies stem generally from a very different world view from that proposed by classical realism. -
Annual Report
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL REPORT July 1,1996-June 30,1997 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 861-1789 Tel. (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www. foreignrela tions. org e-mail publicaffairs@email. cfr. org OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, 1997-98 Officers Directors Charlayne Hunter-Gault Peter G. Peterson Term Expiring 1998 Frank Savage* Chairman of the Board Peggy Dulany Laura D'Andrea Tyson Maurice R. Greenberg Robert F Erburu Leslie H. Gelb Vice Chairman Karen Elliott House ex officio Leslie H. Gelb Joshua Lederberg President Vincent A. Mai Honorary Officers Michael P Peters Garrick Utley and Directors Emeriti Senior Vice President Term Expiring 1999 Douglas Dillon and Chief Operating Officer Carla A. Hills Caryl R Haskins Alton Frye Robert D. Hormats Grayson Kirk Senior Vice President William J. McDonough Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Paula J. Dobriansky Theodore C. Sorensen James A. Perkins Vice President, Washington Program George Soros David Rockefeller Gary C. Hufbauer Paul A. Volcker Honorary Chairman Vice President, Director of Studies Robert A. Scalapino Term Expiring 2000 David Kellogg Cyrus R. Vance Jessica R Einhorn Vice President, Communications Glenn E. Watts and Corporate Affairs Louis V Gerstner, Jr. Abraham F. Lowenthal Hanna Holborn Gray Vice President and Maurice R. Greenberg Deputy National Director George J. Mitchell Janice L. Murray Warren B. Rudman Vice President and Treasurer Term Expiring 2001 Karen M. Sughrue Lee Cullum Vice President, Programs Mario L. Baeza and Media Projects Thomas R. -
On American Exceptionalism
FOREWORD On American Exceptionalism Harold Hongju Koh* IN TRO DU CTION .................................................................................................... 1480 I. UNPACKING "AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM ................................................. 1480 II. THE OVERLOOKED FACE OF AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM ........................... 1487 III. RESPONDING TO AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM: THE BUSH DOCTRINE A FTER SEPTEM BER 11 ......................................................................................... 1495 A . F our R esp onses ................................................................................ 1495 B. The Emerging Bush Doctrine........................................................... 1497 C. Addressing Exceptionalism Through TransnationalLegal Process.......................................................................... 1501 1. The globaljustice system .................................................................. 1503 2. 9/11 detainees................................................................................... 1509 3. Use offorce in Iraq........................................................................... 1515 C ON C LU SIO N ....................................................................................................... 1526 * © 2003 Harold Hongju Koh, Gerard C. and Bernice Latrobe Smith Professor of International Law, Yale Law School; Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, 1998-2001. This Article derives from the keynote speech for the Stanford -
Commission for Countering Extremism
COMMISSION FOR COUNTERING EXTREMISM 1 CAGE is an independent advocacy organisation working to empower communities impacted by the War on Terror policies worldwide. The organisation highlights and campaigns against such policies in hope to achieve a world free from oppression and injustice. © Copyright 2019 CAGE Advocacy UK Ltd. All rights reserved.Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes. CAGE Advocacy UK Ltd, Premier Business Centre, 47-49 Park Royal Road, London, NW10 7LQ +44 (0) 207 377 6700 [email protected] www.cage.ngo 2 3 Contents 4 Introduction 7 Precursors to the CCE 10 Counter Extremism, PREVENT and the approach of the CCE 13 The battle over ideology 15 Deinitions of Extremism 19 The ‘plague on both houses’: Counter-extremism, Muslims and the far-right 23 The hate crime agenda 25 The Islamophobia bias in the CCE 27 The CCE’s Expert Group 29. Fiyaz Mughal 32. Sir Mark Rowley 35. Emman El-Badawy 37. Sasha Havlicek 39. Jamie Bartlett 42. Dame Louise Casey 45. Sunder Katwala 47. Nick Lowles 49. Pragna Patel 51. Peter Tatchell 53. Professor Chetan Bhatt 54. Azeem Ibrahim 57. David Anderson 59. Hilary Pilkington 62. Katie Morris 63 Conclusions 3 INTRODUCTION In this report we will address some of policies to defeat extremism and promote the theoretical underpinnings of the pluralistic values’1. Commission for Countering Extremism (CCE)’s study on and approach to In January 2018 , Sara Khan, formerly CEO of ‘extremism’, as well as take a closer look at the counter-extremism organisation Inspire the biographies of the individuals making up was selected as the Lead Commissioner for the CCE Expert Group. -
May 28 - 30, 2014
UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY COLLOQUIUM May 28 - 30, 2014 WASHINGTON, D.C. THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE ON U.S. - CHINA RELATIONS In cooperation with 美中关系全国委员会 美国外交政策学术论坛 Discover how American UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY foreign policy is formulated from experts in the field COLLOQUIUM Discuss foreign policy events A three-day conference designed to help and issues with leading Chinese graduate students understand policymakers, academics, journalists, and business and the complex forces that influence & NGO leaders shape American foreign policy Develop new friendships with fellow PRC students studying May 28 - 30, 2014 WASHINGTON, D.C. at institutions across the United States Chinese Ambassador to the United States Zhang Yesui chats with 2012 Foreign Policy Colloquium (FPC) participants during our opening reception. 1 美国外交政策学术论坛 UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY Day 1 Opening night program & keynote address COLLOQUIUM Networking reception with fellow FPC participants, speakers, and special guests Day 2 Introduction & overview of the program Ideals & interests in U.S. foreign policy Making of U.S. foreign policy Marketplace of ideas Role of the media in U.S. foreign policy Off-site visits & briefings Day 3 Discussion with a senior U.S. government official Questions of liberty & security U.S. foreign policy round-up Site visit reports The future of U.S.-China relations The above reflects programs from previous sessions of the FPC. Our 2014 schedule will be confirmed by late April and may include different sessions. A sampling of past speakers Our speakers hail from diverse backgrounds and include current and former Administration officials and members of Congress, as well as representatives from academia, the military, think tanks, media, business, and lobbying groups, among others. -
Government for a Digital Economy 77
EDITED BY NICHOLAS BURNS AND JONATHON PRICE CONTRIBUTORS INCLUDE: Graham Allision; Zoë Baird; Robert D. Blackwill; Nicholas Burns; James Cartwright; John Dowdy; Peter Feaver; Niall Ferguson; Stephen Hadley; Jennifer M. Harris; Christopher Kirchhoff; Jane Holl Lute; Joseph S. Nye; Thomas Pritzker; Kirk Rieckhoff; John Sawers; Julianne Smith; James Steinberg; Douglas Stuart; Dov Zakheim; Leah Joy Zell Copyright © 2016 by The Aspen Institute The Aspen Institute One Dupont Circle, N.W. Suite 700 Washington, DC 20036 Published in the United States of America in 2016 by The Aspen Institute All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0-89843-650-8 Wye Publication Number: 16/013 Cover design by: Steve Johnson Interior layout by: Sogand Sepassi aspen strategy group CHAIR EMERITUS MEMBERS Brent Scowcroft Madeleine K. Albright President Chair The Scowcroft Group, Inc. Albright Stonebridge Group Graham Allison CO-CHAIR Director Belfer Center for Science and Joseph S. Nye, Jr. International Affairs University Distinguished Service Professor John F. Kennedy School of Government John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Harvard University Zoë Baird CEO and President DIRECTOR Markle Foundation Nicholas Burns Stephen Biegun Goodman Family Professor of Diplomacy Vice President and International Relations Ford Motor Company John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Robert D. Blackwill Henry A. Kissinger Senior Fellow for U.S. Foreign Policy DEPUTY DIRECTOR Council on Foreign Relations Jonathon Price Kurt Campbell Deputy Director Chairman and CEO Aspen Strategy Group The Asia Group, LLC James E. Cartwright Harold Brown Chair in Defense Policy Studies ASPEN INSTITUTE PRESIDENT Center for Strategic and International Studies Walter Isaacson Eliot Cohen President and CEO Robert E. -
Civilian Bombing Casualties and the Cambodian Precedent 米国アフガニスタン 問題の根源——爆撃による民間人死傷とカンボディアの先例
Volume 8 | Issue 26 | Number 4 | Article ID 3380 | Jun 28, 2010 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Roots of U.S. Troubles in Afghanistan: Civilian Bombing Casualties and the Cambodian Precedent 米国アフガニスタン 問題の根源——爆撃による民間人死傷とカンボディアの先例 Taylor Owen, Ben Kiernan Roots of U.S. Troubles in Afghanistan: Civilian Bombing Casualties and the Cambodian Precedent Ben Kiernan and Taylor Owen The U.S. war in Afghanistan is “going badly,” according to the New York Times. Nine years after American forces invaded to oust the repressive Taliban regime and its Al-Qaeda ally, “the deteriorating situation demands a serious assessment now of the military and civilian strategies.”1 Aerial bombardment, a U.S. Bombing Khanaqa village outside centrepiece of the U.S. military effort in Kabul in 2001 (AP photo) Afghanistan, has had a devastating impact on civilians there. Along with Taliban and Al- But the bombing continued and spread to Iraq Qaeda insurgents and suicide bombers, who in 2003, with the United States determined to have recently escalated their slaughter of the use “the force necessary to prevail, plus some,” Afghan population, U.S. and NATO aircraft and asserting that no promises would be made have for years inflicted a horrific toll on 2 to avoid “collateral damage.” Afghan and Iraqi innocent villagers. civilian casualties, in other words, were predictable if not inevitable. The show of When U.S. bombs hit a civilian warehouse in strength aside, didn’t the U.S. underestimate Afghanistan in late 2001, U.S. Secretary of the strategic cost of collateral damage? If Defense Donald Rumsfeld responded: “We’re “shock and awe” appeared to work at least in not running out of targets, Afghanistan is.” 2001 against the Taliban regular army, the There was laughter in the press gallery.