Commission for Countering Extremism
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The Leftist Case for War in Iraq •fi William Shawcross, Allies
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 6 2003 Article 6 Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard Abstract Shawcross is superbly equipped to assess the impact of rogue States and terrorist organizations on global security. He is also well placed to comment on the risks of preemptive invasion for existing alliances and the future prospects for the international rule of law. An analysis of the ways in which the international community has “confronted evil,” Shawcross’ brief polemic argues that U.S. President George Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair were right to go to war without UN clearance, and that the hypocrisy of Jacques Chirac was largely responsible for the collapse of international consensus over the war. His curious identification with Bush and his neoconservative allies as the most qualified to implement this humanitarian agenda, however, fails to recognize essential differences between the leftist case for war and the hard-line justification for regime change in Iraq. BOOK REVIEW VENGEANCE AND EMPIRE: THE LEFTIST CASE FOR WAR IN IRAQ WILLIAM SHAWCROSS, ALLIES: THE U.S., BRITAIN, EUROPE, AND THE WAR IN IRAQ* Hal Blanchard** INTRODUCTION In early 2002, as the war in Afghanistan came to an end and a new interim government took power in Kabul,1 Vice President Richard Cheney was discussing with President George W. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
Personality and Foreign Policy: Tony Blair's Iraq Decisions
Foreign Policy Analysis (2006) 2, 289–306 Personality and Foreign Policy: Tony Blair’s Iraq Decisions STEPHEN BENEDICT DYSON Wabash College The British choice in Iraq has been characterized as ‘‘Tony Blair’s War,’’ with many believing that the personality and leadership style of the prime minister played a crucial part in determining British participa- tion. Is this the case? To investigate, I employ at-a-distance measures to recover Blair’s personality from his responses to foreign policy questions in the House of Commons. I find that he has a high belief in his ability to control events, a low conceptual complexity, and a high need for power. Using newly available evidence on British decision making, I show how Blair’s personality and leadership style did indeed shape both the proc- ess and outcome of British foreign policy toward Iraq. The research reemphasizes the importance of individual level factors in theories of foreign policy, as well as offering a comprehensive explanation of a critical episode. Reflecting upon the decision to attack Iraq, a senior British cabinet minister com- mented that ‘‘had anyone else been leader, we would not have fought alongside Bush’’ (Stephens 2004:234). Is this a valid claim? To put it differently, would an- other occupant of the post of British prime minister, presented with the same set of circumstances, have acted as Tony Blair did? While it has been suggested that whoever is prime minister, the ‘‘special relationship’’ determines that Britain will follow the U.S. lead in all circumstances, there is a good deal of prima facie evidence suggesting that Blair’s distinctive individual characteristics are a crucial factor in explaining the Iraq choices. -
Conveyor Belt’ Theory
Counter-Productive Counter-Terrorism. How is the dysfunctional discourse of Prevent failing to restrain radicalisation? By: Lauren Powell1 Abstract This paper explores why the Prevent strand of the UK Government’s counter-terrorism strategy, CONTEST, is failing to achieve success in reducing radicalisation of young Muslims. By refusing to engage with extremists, and denying ‘extreme’ ideas a platform for expression, this paper will explain how the importance of cultural-linguistic epistemologies, and their role in extremism, has been overlooked. Rather than striving to understand how socio-political factors influence one’s reading of religious doctrines or interpretation of ideology, Prevent understands ideology to be the core radicalising agent, used by influential figures who can exploit the grievances of the vulnerable. The problematic repercussions of this will be addressed throughout, highlighting the various, and extensive, criticisms that Prevent has faced from academics, practitioners and commentators – primarily that it is counter-productive. The importance of the post-9/11 neoconservative paradigm in underpinning Prevent will be explained, but a Neo-Weberian approach, as a better lens through which to understand radicalisation, will be proposed, to ultimately trump the simplistic, yet currently dominant, ‘Conveyor Belt’ theory. Based on this, recommendations are made for an improved Prevent, rooted in the notion that radicalisation, extremism, or terrorism cannot be prevented, without knowing the motives, the views, and the assumptions of the radicals, the extremists, and those vulnerable to engaging with them. Keywords: Prevent; Deradicalisation; Extremism; Counter-Terrorism; Neo-Weberian Approach 1 2016 Graduate of Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies (PoLIS), University of Bath, UK. -
Civilian Bombing Casualties and the Cambodian Precedent 米国アフガニスタン 問題の根源——爆撃による民間人死傷とカンボディアの先例
Volume 8 | Issue 26 | Number 4 | Article ID 3380 | Jun 28, 2010 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Roots of U.S. Troubles in Afghanistan: Civilian Bombing Casualties and the Cambodian Precedent 米国アフガニスタン 問題の根源——爆撃による民間人死傷とカンボディアの先例 Taylor Owen, Ben Kiernan Roots of U.S. Troubles in Afghanistan: Civilian Bombing Casualties and the Cambodian Precedent Ben Kiernan and Taylor Owen The U.S. war in Afghanistan is “going badly,” according to the New York Times. Nine years after American forces invaded to oust the repressive Taliban regime and its Al-Qaeda ally, “the deteriorating situation demands a serious assessment now of the military and civilian strategies.”1 Aerial bombardment, a U.S. Bombing Khanaqa village outside centrepiece of the U.S. military effort in Kabul in 2001 (AP photo) Afghanistan, has had a devastating impact on civilians there. Along with Taliban and Al- But the bombing continued and spread to Iraq Qaeda insurgents and suicide bombers, who in 2003, with the United States determined to have recently escalated their slaughter of the use “the force necessary to prevail, plus some,” Afghan population, U.S. and NATO aircraft and asserting that no promises would be made have for years inflicted a horrific toll on 2 to avoid “collateral damage.” Afghan and Iraqi innocent villagers. civilian casualties, in other words, were predictable if not inevitable. The show of When U.S. bombs hit a civilian warehouse in strength aside, didn’t the U.S. underestimate Afghanistan in late 2001, U.S. Secretary of the strategic cost of collateral damage? If Defense Donald Rumsfeld responded: “We’re “shock and awe” appeared to work at least in not running out of targets, Afghanistan is.” 2001 against the Taliban regular army, the There was laughter in the press gallery. -
Interview with Max Hill, QC, Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation for the United Kingdom by Sam Mullins1
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 12, Issue 2 Policy Brief Interview with Max Hill, QC, Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation for the United Kingdom by Sam Mullins1 Abstract The following text is a transcript of an interview between the author and the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation (IRTL) for the United Kingdom, Max Hill, QC, which took place on March 9, 2018 in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany. Topics discussed included the role of the IRTL, prosecution of terrorism in the UK, returning foreign fighters, terrorism prevention and investigation measures (TPIMs), deportation of terrorism suspects, the involvement of children in terrorism, hate-preachers, and the British government’s efforts to counter non-violent extremism. The transcript has been edited for brevity. Keywords: terrorism, counter-terrorism, prosecution, security, human rights, civil liberties, United Kingdom. Introduction Security versus civil liberties. How to safeguard the population from the actions of terrorists, while at the same time preserving fundamental rights such as freedom of speech, movement and association? This is the age-old debate that lies at the heart of counter-terrorism (CT) in liberal democracies. The precise balance varies from country to country and across time but in the aftermath of attacks it is particularly likely to tip in favour of security, sometimes at the expense of certain liberties. The UK is no stranger to terrorism, but - similar to many other countries around the world - it has been on a heightened state of alert since 2014 when ISIS declared its caliphate, and last year the UK was rocked by a string of successful attacks, resulting in 36 fatalities [1]. -
Bilahari Kausikan: Ignorance of History and Precarious Support for Pessimist Realism
Vol 2, Issue 18, 07 November 2020 Bilahari Kausikan: Ignorance of History and Precarious Support for Pessimist Realism Un Kheang, PhD* In a webinar organized by ISEAS Yusof Ishak against the armed forces of United States and its Institute the former Singaporean top diplomat, Mr. South Vietnamese allies spilled over into Cambodia. Bilahari Kausikan, suggested that, if necessary, Against Cambodia’s firm proclamation of neutrality, ASEAN may have to expel Cambodia and Laos these forces repeatedly violated Cambodia’s from the regional association for their role as sovereignty. Second, as a way to deter “the domino China’s proxies. Mr. Bilahari went on to claim that effect,” the governments of the United States and close connection between Laos, Cambodia and South Vietnam sought alternative leadership to China has not only undermined ASEAN’s unity but Sihanouk in Cambodia. To achieve this objective, could potentially bring Laos and Cambodia to their the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency supported the darkest periods of the 1970s. There have been right in Cambodia to launch a coup d’état against many reactions to assertions made by Mr. Bilahari Prince Sihanouk.1 The U.S. warplanes then intensified during that webinar. It suffices to opine on two their bombings of Cambodia, dropping approximately points: his ignorance of historical facts and precarious 539,129 tons of ordinance, three times more support for pessimist realism. explosives than those that were dropped on Japan during World War II.2 From then on, Cambodia’s Let’s first examine Mr. Bilahari’s statement that, “To history experienced downward spiral, hitting year state things bluntly, I see Cambodia and Laos zero under the Khmer Rouge. -
Killing Hope U.S
Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10. -
Afghanistan's Flawed Constitutional Process
AFGHANISTAN’S FLAWED CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS 12 June 2003 ICG Asia Report N°56 Kabul/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................i I. INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1 II. AFGHANISTAN’S MANY CONSTITUTIONS ............................................................2 A. THE PUSH FOR MODERNITY: THE 1923 CONSTITUTION...................................................... 3 B. THE PARTIAL REVOLUTION: THE 1964 CONSTITUTION...................................................... 4 III. SUBSTANTIVE TRIGGERS FOR CONFLICT IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEBATE.........................................................................................................................................6 A. RELATIONS BETWEEN CENTRE AND PROVINCES................................................................ 6 B. THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEBATE................................................ 8 IV. THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS.........11 A. THE BONN PROCESS .......................................................................................................11 B. BACKGROUND LAW OF CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE..........................................................12 V. THE CONSTITUTION-MAKING PROCESS ............................................................13 A. THE DRAFTING COMMISSION............................................................................................13 -
White Paper (Pdf)
Women of Mass Destruction Combating Radicalization on the Web Duenya Hassan Brief No. 7.5 The Project on International Peace and Security P I P S Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations The College of William and Mary Project on International Peace and Security © 2015 All rights reserved. Please direct inquiries to: Project on International Peace and Security (PIPS) Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations The College of William and Mary 427 Scotland Street Williamsburg, Virginia 23185 tele. 757.221.1441 fax. 757.221.4650 [email protected] Electronic copies of this report are available at www.wm.edu/pips The Project on International Peace and Security Launched in 2008, the Project on International Peace and Security (PIPS) is an undergraduate think tank based at the College of William and Mary. PIPS represents an innovative approach to undergraduate education that highlights the value of applied liberal arts training to producing the next generation of foreign policy analysts, leaders, and engaged citizens. PIPS is premised on two core beliefs: (1) rigorous policy-relevant research is a core component of a student’s education; and (2) when guided by faculty and members of the foreign policy community, undergraduates can make meaningful contributions to policy debates; their creativity and energy are untapped resources. To this end, PIPS each year selects six research fellows and six research interns. Research fellows identify emerging international security challenges and develop original policy papers. Research interns support the work of the fellows and learn the craft of conducting policy research and writing briefs. -
Human Trafficking and ISIS's Recruitment of Women from the West
INFORMATION2ACTION A publication of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace & Security A New Frontier: Human Trafficking and ISIS’s Recruitment of Women from the West By Ashley Binetti Hillary Rodham Clinton Law Fellow Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace Human trafficking is an effective tool that serves several purposes for terrorist and Security organizations. It facilitates the recruitment and retention of male foreign fighters and provides a reward mechanism for successful combatants.1 It also generates revenue and 2 contributes to psychologically crushing “the enemy,” by “decimat[ing] communities.” Trafficking, as a tactic of warfare, “intimidates populations and reduces resistance just as 3 enslavement and rape of women.” While it is well-understood that ISIS’s kidnapping and enslavement of Yazidi women and other female prisoners constitutes human 4 trafficking , less attention has been paid to the prospect that some of ISIS’s female recruits from the West, who average 18 years of age5, may also be considered victims of entrapment and trafficking because of the techniques used to lure these young women and how they are exploited upon arrival in ISIS-held territory.6 If some recruits fit international or national definitions of trafficked persons, it affects the way that the justice system categorizes their recruiters—who would be criminally liable for human trafficking—and also influences how the law interprets the actions of the trafficked young women when they sit as criminal defendants. Furthermore, if Women from the West joining ISIS are victims of human trafficking, this impacts how the international community should design its counter-terrorism policies and research agenda. -
Operation Exporting Freedom: the Quest for Democratization Via United States Military Operations
Operation Exporting Freedom: The Quest for Democratization via United States Military Operations by John A. Tures The wave of the future is not the conquest of the world by a single dogmatic creed, but the liberation of the diverse energies of free nations and free men. —President John F. Kennedy, University of California at Berkeley Address, March 23, 1962 INTRODUCTION1 Since September 11, 2001, the United States has launched military operations against Afghanistan and Iraq. The names of these operations, Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom, imply that at least part of the mission will be devoted to promoting democracy in these countries. Proponents of exporting freedom extol the virtues of such policies, pointing to success stories in Germany and Japan after World War II, as well as more recent cases, such as Panama after 1989. Critics assail America’s track record of using military force to promote democratization, citing failures in Somalia and Haiti, as well as incomplete efforts such as Bosnia. The question before us is whether Afghanistan and Iraq will look more like the former group, or begin to resemble the latter group. The answer is critical for the future of American foreign policy. Other “Axis of Evil” states are awaiting confrontation with the United States. People in Central Asia, the Middle East, East Asia, and Africa could find themselves along the battle lines in the “War on Terrorism.” Furthermore, Americans, who are being asked to sacrifice the things they hold dear, are anxious about the outcome. If the United States can effectively promote democratization, others might support the spread of freedom.