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Home , Archipelago, Eura, Hitis, Inga, Jakobstad, Kalanti

The Finnish Archipelago from AD 500 to 1550 – a Zone of Interaction

Tapani Tuovinen tapani.tuovinen@.fi, tapani.tuovinen@.fi

Abstract

New archaeological, historical, paleoecological and onomastic evidence indicates Iron Age settle- ment on the archipelago coast of , a which traditionally has been perceived as deso- lated during the Iron Age. This view, which has pertained to large parts of the archipelago coast, can be traced back to the early period of field archaeology, when an initial conception of the archipelago as an unsettled and insignificant took form. Over time, the idea has been rendered possible by the unbalance between the archaeological evidence and the written sources, the predominant trend of archaeology towards the mainland (the terrestrical paradigm), and the history culture of wilderness. Wilderness was an important platform for the nationalistic constructions of early Finnishness. The thesis about the Iron Age archipelago as an untouched no-man’s land was a history politically convenient tacit agreement between the Finnish- and the Swedish-minded scholars. It can be seen as a part of the post-war demand for a common view of history. A geographical model of the present-day archaeological, historical and palaeoecological evi- dence of the archipelago coast is suggested.

Keywords: , Iron Age, Middle Ages, archipelago, settlement studies, nationalism, history, culture, wilderness, borderlands.

1. The coastal Uusimaa revisited er the country had inhabitants at all during the Bronze Age (Aspelin 1875: 58). This drastic The early Finnish settlement archaeologists of- interpretation developed into a long-term re- ten treated the question of whether the country search tradition that contains the idea of easily was settled at all during the prehistory: were perishable human communities and abandoned people in some sense active there, or was the . According to a pertinent description by country in an entirely natural state? In 1875, Karin Viklund, the ”prehistoric time was regard- J.R. Aspelin gathered all known Bronze Age ed (...) as consisting of empty waiting-rooms which metal artefacts found in Finland into his disser- were suddenly filled with people, just as suddenly to tation Elements of Finno-Ugric Archaeology. be empty, giving room for new people to come in, The museum collections only held about ten ar- often having a new culture and a new language” tefacts. Aspelin thought it was uncertain wheth- (Viklund 2002: 122).

Maritime Landscape in Change THE FINNISH ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, ISKOS 19, 2011 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

After the number of finds and datings that term archipelago coast (Granö et al. 1999; Fri- have accumulated for more than a hundred sén et al. 2005). years, it is doubtful that anyone could seriously In this specific mosaic of land and water, suggest that any of the prehistoric periods would one can expect that people adopt a subsistence have comprised of a lack of settlement in the strategy that made use of the special character- area of Finland. But one can still encounter the istics of the . Through ethnographies we “waiting-rooms”, though in a different shape, are familiar with the economic system, where in texts dealing with settlement prehistory on islanders made use of the archipelago accord- a regional level, often within a or ing to seasons in cultivation, animal husband- other administrative unit. Even in the present ry, fishing, seal , fowling and foraging situation of field archaeology, we are in many (Ahlbäck 1955; Storå 1985; cf. Núñez 1995). situations faced with a paucity of finds, but the This adaptation is generally known as multiple distribution map has now been zoomed much subsistence strategies (Fi. monitoimitalous, Sw. closer than during Aspelin’s era. The problem is mångsyssleri, Tuomi-Nikula 1982: 44; Storå that as the points on any archaeological distri- 1982). So far, very little archaeological research bution map have been more densely distributed has been done on the long-term development of than before, the empty “waiting-rooms” are multiple subsistence strategies. However, the now searched for in smaller gaps between the excavations in Gunnarsängen, Hanko, during points and shorter time spans between the finds. the 21st century have now brought out evidence This approach ultimately leads to an increas- on the relationships between agriculture, fish- ing number of “waiting-rooms” that are emp- ing and hunting during the late Iron Age and tied and filled more and more frequently until early medieval period ( et al. 2010; see the point of absurdity finally will be reached. also Núñez 1995). The simplistic traditional approach seems to be Likewise, one could expect archaeological based on assumptions that can be found in the evidence on a roughly similar Iron Age set- history of research. These assumptions have to tlement and exploitation of natural resources be highlighted and discussed. In order to more throughout the Finnish archipelago coast, deeply understand the preconditions, events, since is has a roughly uniform nature. Due to contacts and circumstances associated with set- the scantiness of archaeological finds from the tlement, the focus of research has to be directed Iron Age, Uusimaa was for a lengthy period of to the regional and local level, that goes into time regarded as unsettled. With reference to the field-archaeological evidence of the settle- medieval written sources, it has been thought, ment, pollen stratigraphy, local communities, that Iron Age Uusimaa would have been en- networks, and spatial patterns. This has been tirely or almost entirely unsettled between the one of the aims of the project Western Uusimaa coast of the of Finland and the inland lake during the late Iron Age and Medieval Period of Häme. This zone was exploited by (500–1550 AD). Tavastians, people from Finland Proper and Characteristic of the maritime living condi- Estonians for long-distance utilization (see ar- tions of the early dwellers along the coast and ticle by Georg Haggrén in this volume). This archipelago of Western Uusimaa were the same continued until and even after the colonisation stratified brackish water, strong seasonal alter- of Uusimaa by people from began in nation and features of the ecology (Autio the 12th century. It has been suggested, that the et al. 1993) as elsewhere in the Northern part people exploiting the wilderness would not of the Baltic rim. Particular to the Southern settle down because they would have to cross and South-Western of Finland is shal- the ice-marginal features of Salpausselkä and low fragmented coastal topography. The ar- travel tediously by boat along the rivers as they chipelagos give the coastal Finland, Åland and made their way from their homes to the coast Sweden a special character, and this evokes the of Uusimaa in the south. So instead their trade

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was directed towards the west to the coasts of Miettinen, T. 1998: 91–110), reminiscent of the Finland Proper and Lower , both of cairns in Åboland. which are regions that served as goods agents In 1995 Torsten Edgren wrote that, due to of commodities (Masonen 1989). several indications, “the old cherished myth of Uusimaa would thus have been settled an unsettled archipelago” should be rejected rather late. It was thought that the coast would (Edgren 1995b: 62). The new evidence in the have been dependent on the interior. Accord- 21st century makes it paramount to continue ing to this view, the coast was a hinterland, along this line of thought, re-evaluating the set- which was not affected by initiatives, popula- tlement (pre)history of the archipelago coast of tion pressure or economic enterprises from the Uusimaa and questioning established views. interior. Uusimaa would thus have dramatically In the following, it is examined how the 450 differed from Finland Proper and Åland, where kilometres long archipelago coast of Uusimaa, the preconditions of settlement and possibilities Åboland and Åland – using the vocabulary of of success were tied to the geography and his- natural geography it would be called the archi- tory of the coast. But why would the settlement pelago coast of Uusimaa and the Archipelago dynamics of Uusimaa before the Swedish set- – could be viewed from a coastal archaeol- tlers have been so different? And why would ogy perspective. the competence and strategies of the Swedish settlers have been so much more advanced that before them the resources of the sea and land 2. Footprints of the early settle- could not be exploited in full scale? ment Nonetheless, preliminary and significant in- dications of an Iron Age settlement on the coast of Uusimaa have been discovered. Archaeo- Cemeteries and settlement logical evidence points towards an exchange of goods with the interior as well as across the Gulf of Finland and the . Not Valter Lang has presented a concise definition later than during the Viking Age the Tavastians of settlement archaeology. According to him, were involved in trade with the coast of Uusi- settlement archaeology is “a study of the estab- maa (Edgren 1985; Lavento 2005; Haggrén lishment and development of human settlement 2008a). Among the place-names a stratum old- (usually) in a long-term perspective and in its er than the medieval period is evident (Kepsu whole versatility, among others: the dimen- 2005). Furthermore, pollen analyses indicate sions, variability and geographic distribution of clearance, cultivation and grazing not later than settlement units, the choice of settlement areas, the middle of the Iron Age (Sarmaja-Korjonen the mutual influence between man and envi- 1992; Vuorela 1993; Miettinen, T. 1998: 95; ronment, the creation and re-creation of cul- Alenius et al. 2004; Alenius et al. 2006; see tural landscape, the land colonization (so called also Alenius’ contribution to this volume). The landnám) and land-use systems, the social number of archaeological sites has increased structure, proprietorship rights and territoriality through archaeological surveys. In 2006, there of society – and all these in their mutual rela- were 233 sites in the database of the National tions and interaction” (Lang 1996: 604). Set- Board of Antiquities associated with human ac- tlement is thus a network of material culture, tivity in Uusimaa during the Iron Age, which al- socioeconomics, landscape and nature, chang- ready corresponds to a fifth of prehistoric sites ing through time. Since a network of this kind in the database (Seppälä 2006: 35). A consid- can be approached, in addition to archaeology, erable part of the burial cairns along the coast through history, onomastics and paleoecology, of Uusimaa and can be dated to the definition will apply to all research concern- the Iron Age, and the burial sites were typically ing early settlement. located by the sea (Haggrén & Jansson 2004;

12 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

Settlement studies in Finland have focused ties situated in the cultural landscape. The tra- a great deal on the landnám and the distribution dition of burial cairns – which in large parts of of settlement. Since as yet a sparse number of the Finnish coast continued from the Bronze dwelling sites and remains of houses from the Age to the Iron Age (Edgren 1984; Tuovinen Iron Age and the medieval period are known, 2002; Keskitalo 1979) – included burial monu- and their datings are approximate, cemeteries ments that were erected on elevated places, have been used as the main evidence of settle- separate from dwelling sites. In some cases, the ment, due to their considerable number (eg., prevailing principle of choosing the places for Seger 1982; Vuorinen 2000a). It is assumed, burials did not prevent the burial site from be- that where the natural conditions allowed sub- ing close to houses, but these cases mainly ap- sistence during the Iron Age and where ceme- ply to Bronze Age sites (Salo 1970; Strandberg teries are known to appear, a contemporaneous 2002). The maps that Birgitta Roeck Hansen settlement has existed as well. Here Unto Salo presents from Önningeby, Åland, illus- uses the term cemeterial settlement (Salo 1995; trate how burial cairns from the Early Iron Age Salo 1999). were located further apart compared to the Late There are, however, some problems related Iron Age cemeteries, located close to the pro- to the use of cemeteries as evidence of settle- gressive central toft area of the (Roeck ment. Hansen 1991: 116–119). (1) Cemeteries and dwelling sites have an The burial cairns were followed by later obvious spatial interrelationship, but which var- types of Iron Age cemeteries and graves, fre- ies from region to region and discovering that quently located near dwelling sites in the depends on the situation of the field research. coastal agrarian region (eg., Vuorinen 2000b; (2) Different types of graves and cemeteries Schauman-Lönnqvist 1989: 78). The dwelling are linked to dwelling sites in different ways. sites seem to be located on moraine hills, often (3) Through a selection mechanism, archae- nearby easily ploughed and quickly drying fine ological surveys may make the interrelation- sediments, which were suitable for cultivation ship biased and run into a circular reasoning, (Orrman 1987; Luoto 1988; Saloranta 2000; if dwelling sites are only or mainly searched Kuusela & Tiilikkala 2008). Thus, the commu- for where graves are known to exist (Tuovinen nity structure, suggested by Pihlman, arose in 2000). the agricultural regions of the Late Iron Age: (4) In Finland, Sweden, and Estonia there the cemetery, the fields, and the farmstead are indications that not all individuals would constituted an economic primary unit1, which have been buried in cemeteries. Cemeteries signified the area and expression of early land were mainly for individuals in social key posi- ownership (Pihlman 2004). During the medi- tions, such as landowners (Pihlman 2004; Mägi eval period, the community structure dissolved 2002; Göthberg 2000). Thus, a part of the in- as the church centered the burials into conse- ternments remained absent or, in any case, ar- crated graveyards, although behind the uni- chaeologically invisible. The invisible graves form ecclesiastical facade one can distinguish were probably located somewhere else than the the remains of beliefs and practices of older visible ones. Thus, even in Finland cemeter- folk religion. The medieval hamlet cemeteries ies and graves hardly reflect an unbiased pat- of Köklax and Finno, , can be regarded tern of settled regions and the distribution of as examples of such remains (Haggrén 2005a; settlement. Instead, as Sirkku Pihlman (2003) Haggrén 2008a). suggests, they rather pinpoint some social and The spatial relationships between the cem- ritual core areas of local communities. eteries and dwelling sites or farmsteads were These problems obviously go back to the complex and indirect, and they changed during fact, that we know so little about the traditions, the long-term development of the cultural land- beliefs, and cultural meanings pertinent to the growth of local communities and their activi- 1 For the concept of primary unit, see Blomkvist 2007.

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scape of the coast. The distribution of cemeter- to the landscape, the natural resources and the ies and graves does not give a comprehensive territory (Lang 2000: 21–23; Lang 2006: 294). picture of settlement and, more importantly, the If we consider settlement to be an interaction lack of graves does not a priori prove a lack between material culture, landscape and social of settlement (Huurre 1995: 141; Mägi 2002: life as well as economy, the complexity of set- 171–172). For instance, in Dalby (Värmland in tlement obviously cannot be resolved by using Sweden), no Iron Age graves have been discov- the traditional approach alone. A multidiscipli- ered, but instead archaeological surveys have nary approach is needed to tackle the evidence brought home plenty of evidence on elk hunt- from different viewpoints. Regional case stud- ing, bloomery iron production, agriculture and ies are required in order to get closer to the lo- animal husbandry beginning from ca 500 AD cal communities of the archipelago coast and to (Svensson 1998). Kari Pitkänen has probably the work and subsistence of the people there. right when he points out that future research will supposedly reveal that the settled area of the late Iron Age Finland was larger than pre- The terrestrical paradigm viously thought by archaeologists (Pitkänen 2007: 47). The overall impression one can gather from In Finland and Estonia, the idea of a linear the local communities of the Late Iron Age in relationship between cemeteries and settlement Southern Finland mediated by the literature, can be derived from a positivistic orientation, sources of livelihood other than agriculture and the central actor of which was A.M. Tallgren the exchange of goods remain virtually unde- (1885–1945). Lang describes Tallgren’s idea tected. They are mainly reduced to fallbacks or using a kind of reaction equation: secondary occupations of minor importance. The freemen were the presumed primary ac- Economy + natural conditions → distri- tors of prehistory and the attention of archae- bution of settlement = distribution of an- ology has been directed towards finds that can tiquities (sites) be associated with agriculture. The overall con- ception of the Iron Age has been rather static th It was thought, that the conditions of sourc- throughout the 20 century: the livelihood of es of livelihood and the ecological settings de- the local communities was based on agricul- termined the distribution of settlement, which ture, cooperation between primary units and in turn is reflected on the distribution of archae- the exploitation of the natural resources from ological finds. the wilderness; the communities had local pa- triarchs or aristocrats as rulers, which organ- Using a new reaction equation: ised the long-distance exchange of goods and wielded advanced weapons. The cooperation of Culture ↔ (economy ↔ natural condi- the communities took place within the compass tions) → distribution of settlement → of proto-parishes and municipal leagues (e.g., distribution of antiquities (sites), Salo 1995). What is missing to a great extent from the Lang gives an expression for a newer view overall conception is seafaring, fishing, hunting carrying the idea, that in circumstances where and foraging at the seaboard, in other words, the exploitation of natural resources was not the multiple subsistence strategies made possi- restricted by the density of population, the ble by the natural resources of the archipelago choice of the dwelling site was affected by coast. Rather little is known about the develop- many other factors than merely those related ment of the multiple subsistence strategies, but to sources of livelihood and natural resources, what is known tends to be significant. Studies such as cultural factors, the human relationship in Kökar, situated in the outer archipelago of Åland, have demonstrated the economic im-

14 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION portance of the procurement of seal blubber simple community organisations to more com- during the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age plex ones, from Palaeolithic and Mesolithic (1500 calBC – 500 calAD). Thanks to the good hunter-gatherers to Neolithic herders, and fi- conditions for transportation, it was possible to nally to Bronze Age agriculturalists (Dennell supply seal blubber within the southern Baltic 1985: 113–117). rim (Gustavsson 1987; Núñez et al. 1997). The Agriculture involved tilling the soil and long period of production suggests that there changing the local vegetation. Because of this, was a stable demand for seal blubber, so traces clearing, burning, pasturage, and cultivation of the production of seal blubber should be pos- left material traces in the ground – fossil arable sible to discover also somewhere else. So far, land, plough-marks, and traces in the pollen the archaeological remains of procurement of stratigraphy. In addition, agriculture is visible seal blubber, the charred-stone cairns, are very in the archaeological artefacts and animal fos- few in number outside the of Kökar.2 sils, while fishing, seal hunting and fowling can Although the coastal fishing has been dis- only be traced through archaeological finds and regarded, there is no reason to believe that the osteology. Due to the obtrusiveness of agricul- fish stock would not have been exploited. On ture as compared to maritime subsistence, there the contrary, the distribution of remains of the is an inherent disproportion that causes the agrarian settlement follows the coast, reaching maritime multiple subsistence economy to be no more than 10 kilometres from the sea underrepresented. To trace the maritime fishing of the Iron Age, which implies that coastal fish- and hunting is often also a question of exten- ing must have had a considerable significance sive knowledge and sophisticated equipment in (Meinander 1980: 11). Furthermore, during the field research. medieval period there were some coastal mu- Since the 1970’ s, paleoecology has been an nicipalities, for example Houtskär, where fish- increasingly important method to investigate ing was the main source of livelihood (Kuvaja the sources of livelihood. Pollen and macro- 1997). fossil analyses have revealed new vital evi- There are, of course, good reasons to raise dence on early agriculture, and thanks to these the freemen into a prominent role in the prehis- the initial stage of agriculture in Finland has toric economy. However, it has lead to a biased been dated as far back as more than 2000 BC. tradition of research, that Johan Ling calls the At the same time, the detailed and impressive terrestrical paradigm in his study concerning outcomes of pollen analysis have strengthened the Bronze Age rock art of Bohuslän the position of the terrestrical paradigm in set- in Sweden. In the traditional interpretation of tlement research. Paleoecologists and archae- rock art, scenes related to cultivation have been ologists should be aware of the impact of the emphasized, while scenes including maritime agriculture on interpretations concerning the motifs have been dismissed (Ling 2004; Ling character and structure of settlement and the 2008: 15–33). The terrestrical paradigm comes use of natural resources. from a Nordic tradition, but it is also a part of a wider paradigm. The idea of agriculture being a universal cradle for culture can be regarded 3. The written sources and the as an axiom within cultural anthropology, go- archaeological evidence ing back to the cultural evolutionism of the 19th century. In this view, mankind evolved from Scarce written source material is something that has been considered to be characteristic of the 2 Other sites of charred stone in pits are Kallio in Rauma, Pyheensilta in Mynämäki and Hannunniittu in maritime culture. The burden of taxation was (Salo 1983; Väkeväinen 1979; Laukkanen & Vuorinen weighted towards land ownership, and mari- 1987). All occurrences of charred stone are not related time means of livelihood, such as fishing and to the procurement of seal blubber. For Sweden, see trade, were harder to control than agricultural Larsson 2001.

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production (e.g., the Gotlandic tradesmen; Silt- lier sources only contain fragments of informa- berg 2007). The crown and the church had dif- tion about fishing, seal hunting and agriculture ficulties to control seafarers on the , (Henriksson 1987). More systematic data on which emerged as a field of competition be- taxation can be obtained from the beginning of tween kingdoms, trade organisations, maritime the 16th century, which allows a closer examina- peasant traders, and freebooters. The freedom tion of the settlements, wealth, and population. of the sea, as Nils Blomkvist calls it, was an Medieval sources contain both place-names exception in the medieval society where power that can be identified and names that have was centralised (Blomkvist 2007: 291–311). disappeared. Places such as , monaster- Many aspects of maritime culture in the his- ies, churches, chapels, castles and manors can toric times are in any case missing from written mostly be associated with written sources, as sources. Fishing, for example, is rarely men- well as harbours, such as Gäddtarmen in Hanko tioned in sources from Sweden and Åland (Nor- or Jungfrusund in Kimitoön (Dragsfjärd). It is man 1993: 73–75; Henriksson 1987). Christer uncertain whether some of the possible cas- Westerdahl suggests, that we should talk about tles and earthworks by the coast of Uusimaa subhistorical aspects (Westerdahl 2005a: 259). can be connected to known places (Suhonen For example, the land register of Bohuslän, 2005). The same applies to the Danish itiner- Sweden, contains very few toponyms relating ary of ca 1300, which is a list of place-names to the of the coast. A pos- and distances connecting through sible explanation is that the preserved names the archipelago of Southern Finland to Reval were given and used by freemen, and it was (Tallinn) (Zilliacus 1994; Breide 2006). In ad- predominantly the agricultural names that were dition, we have names that do not point to any entered into the land register. There is a gap known locations. Kyrkosunds skär, which has among the place-names, making the people liv- been mentioned as a guild in 1378, may refer ing on the coast invisible, unlike the archaeo- to two different places (Eriksson 1989; Edgren logical record, where they can among others be 1999; Edgren 2005). Moreover, in an agree- verified throughtomtningar (stone enclosures). ment in 1395, Wartholm is mentioned as a cas- However, in Bohuslän there are traces of an tle in Uusimaa, but its location is not revealed. old stratum of toponyms, in which the element There are good reasons to assume it was equal of water is significant. These names represent to Borgbacken in Borgå (Gardberg 1994), al- a prehistoric way to structure the landscape though Högholmen in Kimitoön (), a forti- (Lönn 1999: 133–152). The place-names in the fied isle not known in sources, has also been Finnish archipelago, collected through exten- suggested (Nikula 1987). sive fieldwork (Zilliacus 1989), indicate how Although places related to the use of natu- densely and elaborately the cultural landscape ral resources often stay invisible, fishing in the was scattered with toponyms (e.g. : An- crown’s fishing waters in the outer archipelago dersson 2008: 39–51). was so productive, that a system was estab- The archipelago coast of Southern Finland lished to impose taxes from the production. was a traffic zone, where many events related The outer were visited regularly by to administration, trade and politics took place. bailiffs that collected the taxes. The tax records Medieval and 16th century sources mention from the 16th and 17th century fishery of Mör- many places and events that were situated on skär, Åland, give an account on, among others the archipelago coast. For example, on Åland the where the fishermen lived. It is pos- there are approximately 200 preserved late Me- sible to identify some archaeological remains dieval documents, most of which are related of fishing activities on the islets (Gustavsson to the royal and ecclesiastical administration, 1994; Tuovinen 2001). On the skerries at the visitations made by regents and bishops, mili- edge of the open sea there are plenty of remains tary operations, trade and judicial issues. Ear- from living and working during different time

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periods, but they mostly remain undated and graves that were excavated in the monastery’s anonymous. However, the number of remains cemetery in Kökar, Åland. They represent the on the isles does not necessarily correlate with common people of the archipelago (Gustavsson what is known about the fishing activities that 1994). took place there (Andersson 2003: 359). Another topic is the fact that the Written sources at the time were meant to archaeological interpretations often are – and, support the use of ruling power, to influence or apparently, have always been (Jensen 1993) – dominate things and people and to have control dependent on the written sources. Interestingly, over interpretations. Archaeology may have the testimony of the written sources has affect- a different point of view altogether. We may ed even the strategies of archaeological herit- search for a strong and expressive archaeologi- age management (Svensson 2001). The sources cal attraction, such as a monument, a work of offer rescuing explanations for archaeological art, or a luxury artefact, but with some pre- occurrences, the content and significance of understanding it is also possible to produce a which are hard to understand and the fact that close reading of data and to search for weak the sources are also incomplete and partial are signals. As Barbara Bender puts it, put aside easily. Where and when the written “The material record for a preliterate period is sources are absent, the archaeological evidence inevitably coarse-grained and incomplete. Nonethe- is crucial in order to understand what one can less it is – sometimes – a more democratic record see, but where sources exist, it is not unusual than one based purely upon written sources. It is that they dominate interpretation. In Uusimaa, the material imprint of what Bourdieu calls habitus, for example, previously no archaeological re- the normal, banal, habitual but nonetheless socially mains of Iron Age settlement were known. The and culturally specific environment in which, and concept of human activities in Uusimaa was through which, people negotiate their lives. It is also mainly based on 14th century documents re- the imprint of more consciously created realms of vealing that dwellers of Häme used to fish on social knowledge and control. Of course the record the coast of Uusimaa (Kerkkonen 1966: 13). remains weighted in favour of those with power: they In Finland Proper freemen were, according to produce the more distinctive, more durable remains. non-archaeological sources, also fishing in the To some degree, the world of the less powerful has sea (Pitkänen 1985: 362–368), but probably to be reconstructed from absences in the record, for because the Iron Age has been well known ar- example the lack of permanent burials. The world of chaeologically in Finland Proper for a consid- the less powerful is also imaged in the ’discourse’ erable time, the assumed significance of fishing of the powerful: spaces are constructed to keep in Iron Age communities has remained in the ’them’ at distance, to prevent them from ’seeing’ even background. Fishing is actually often not even though their labour created those spaces” (Bender mentioned in texts concerning the Iron Age (ex- 1992: 752). ceptions: Salo 1995; Nissinaho 2007; Vuorinen So far, the most obtrusive sites and those 2009). sites that can be identified by using written The impact of the written sources on the in- sources have attracted the greatest attention in terpretation is not so much a problem than other the archaeology of the coastal Southern Finland. possible hypotheses and interpretations taking The knowledge concerning the settlement (pre) to the sidelines. In Estonia, Valter Lang and history has accumulated a great deal, but at the Marge Konsa investigated the fort of Keava same time an imbalance has seemed to evolve. that was a centre for the Harju district until First of all, those who earned their keep on the 1224, when it was destroyed by German troops. sea and on the fields and were not mentioned The archaeological studies give an entirely dif- in the written sources are also underrepresented ferent view of the of the fort’s life span than in the archaeological record. Of course there the written sources (Lang & Konsa 2004). In are exceptions, such as the 14th and 15th century Värmland, Sweden, it could be pointed out that

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the natural resources of the outlands were per- The predominant picture of the human ac- manently utilised during the Iron Age in spite tivities in coastal Uusimaa during the Iron Age of the depressed picture of a desolate and dan- has been static, naturally depending on restrict- gerous wilderness that transmits through the ed field-archaeological efforts. Those scholars, early written sources. The negative description who were inclined to take the formerly sparse of the outlands can be perceived as part of a evidence as a proof of a largely desolated Uusi- strategy that served the interests of the king and maa especially during the Late Iron Age, have the church, restricting the freemen’s right to summed up that the Vikings would have de- utilise the valuable natural resources of the out- stroyed the settlement in Uusimaa, or that the lands. Interestingly, the northern part of Värm- coast of Uusimaa would have been only utilised land is one of the regions that has the highest by fishermen from Häme (Wickholm 2005). densities of archaeological sites in Sweden, The former conclusion only encompasses the while in marketing for tourists it is described Viking Age and in the latter case, it remains as one of the last preserved wildernesses in Eu- open, why Uusimaa would have been unsettled. rope (Svensson 1998; Emanuelsson et al. 2003; New evidence on early settlement in Uusi- Svensson 2003). maa challenges the traditional view. It is no The archaeological evidence and the writ- longer sufficient to refer to scanty finds or writ- ten sources of history are associated to different ten sources. It can be anticipated that the devel- segments of the human life and environment in opment of settlement has been more complex the past and they illuminate different facets of than what was thought before and that only the the ancient reality. The difference in the points tip of the iceberg has been raised up for obser- of view is true for other possible routes to the vation. Still, much field work remains to be past as well, such as onomastics and paleoecol- done in order to understand the specific char- ogy. Paleoecology has changed our conception acter of the settlement (pre)history of Uusimaa. of early agriculture. As stated above, it has had The physical geography of coastal Uusimaa is a powerful impact on how the prehistoric socie- rather similar to Finland Proper, Åboland and ties are generally viewed. Again, the problem is Åland, but the external characteristics of the not the paleoecological evidence as such, but differ from the western regions. The the fact that settlement and cultivation were challenge for archaeology is to specify and un- two different spheres of material culture. Es- derstand those characteristics and to discover pecially in maritime environment one cannot the silent evidence that is missing from the presume that the settlement was located only written sources and which does not appear in where samples were taken and cultivation was the archaeological record without considerable confirmed. efforts. When making connections between fields of research, special emphasis should be put on archaeological and paleoecological records. 4. Understanding the scarcity of These records share a common trait: they do the finds not include given meanings in the same manner as written sources. The method is to pose ques- On the history culture of ’wilderness’ tions to the archaeological and paleoecologi- cal record and the written sources separately, starting from their own premises and source Part of the political process of the building of criticism, and then compare the outcomes the national state of Finland during the Period (Berglund 1998; Saunders 1993; Hammer et of Autonomy (1809–1917) and in the begin- al. 1993). The backgrounds, actors, events and ning of the Independence (1917–) was to create circumstances of the sources are placed in their a great tale about the origin of the Finnish peo- particular contexts. ple. Events, symbols and scenes were needed

18 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

to establish a history of the Finnish ”tribe” and national landscape imagery turned towards its identity and images of enemy. In art and aca- , the idealised ancient domicile of the demic history the national imagery was canon- , which represented the pioneer ethos of ised to be presented in schools and colleges and the slash-and-burn agriculturalists, becoming to be mediated in popular culture. It involved a materialized in sublime landscapes, such as the Finnish political tribe organisation, a local ad- Koli heights (Häyrynen 1997; Häyrynen 2000). ministration within proto-parishes and munici- The counterpoints opposite to the wilderness pal leagues, the conversion and commitment to were the hamlets and proto-parishes, from Christianity and a heroic military power in the where the wilderness was by and by laid distant past, during the Iron Age and the medi- under control with private ownership and was eval period (Fewster 2006). The Kalevala epic finally settled. The hillforts formed a kind of was the flagship which proved the presentabil- mediating structure between the settlements ity of the Finns among other civilised nations. and the wilderness. They provided the basis of Since the 1870’s, the role of academic archae- a military power of organised communities and, ology in the creation of a national conscious- for the Finnish nationalists, they still represent ness was to materialise the Kalevala-epics and a unity of tribes and a permanent state of war, to create an affiliation with artefacts, monu- keeping watch and a justified conflict (Fewster ments, museums and institutions. 1999). The main ingredients of the construction of The ideal of the wilderness has continued ancient Finnishness were adopted from the folk its existence during the post-war period, espe- culture of Karelia and the eastern cially in Iron Age research (Fewster 2006). The of Finland. Thus the historical perception of readings have both stayed the same and altered. wilderness (Fi. erämaa) was invaluable when Thanks to pollen analyses, the knowledge of Finnishness was constituted. Wilderness was early cultivation in Finland has drastically in- given a kind of most-favoured status in all creased, but, as remarked by Evert Baudou, in the conceivable platforms that defined the spite of the development of research methods, emblems for the Finns and localised important swiddening has remained an axiom, which , landscapes, events, organisations regularly supersedes cultivated fields in the and symbols. The natural domicile of the interpretation of pollen assemblages (Baudou Finnish settlers was the forest, where they were 1993: 68). Among the changed views is the no- swiddening, hunting, fishing and burning tar. tion that a formal military management was not For the artists of the Finnish Golden Age, the necessary for the troops nor was it necessary in landscape of the wilderness represented a piece the building and maintenance of the hillforts. of an ancient uncorrupted Finland disappearing The military threat against the Finns was no under industrialisation. The artists crystallised more coming from the land of the Vikings in a chronotope of a native culture with pertinent the west, such as the Finnish-minded stated images, such as virginal forests, glimmering during Finland’s language strife, but rather it lakes, smoke saunas, humble hard-working came from the east (Taavitsainen 1990). tar burners, and swiddeners (Lukkarinen & The wildernesses were regions where natu- Waenerberg 2004). This was a part of what ral resources were not fully utilised, but still Maunu Häyrynen calls the “national landscape held by landowners. The difference between imagery, a systematic ’imagined topography’ settlements and wildernesses was a continuum of Finland”. Through the history of the reaching from the organised ‘culture’ of set- Finnish national landscape imagery, from the tled regions to the ‘chaos’ of the wilderness. 18th century to the post-war period, the most Through time, areas of wilderness were claimed outstanding national landscapes represented and converted into settlements as swiddening wildernesses and distant borderlands. Towards areas and fishing waters were reclaimed or par- the end of the 19th century the focus of the celled out from the ownerships of the original

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estates and new settlements were established talism, the portrayal of the settlers of wilder- (Alifrosti 1995; Taavitsainen 1998). nesses has been parallel and related to the idea Many archaeologists of the early 20th cen- that prehistoric human populations – hunter- tury organised the places, events, communities, gatherers especially – lived in balance with na- actors, and symbols in relation to a polarity of ture. At the same time, however, it has become settled and desolate regions. However, bear- clear that the wildernesses hold archaeological ing in mind the significance that the concepts remains from several millennia, and it is impos- of being settlements, desolate or abandoned sible to extract the original untouched state of regions had for early research, remarkably few wild nature without human presence from that discussions took place concerning what was (Kirkinen 2008; Haila 1989). really meant by the concepts and what were The modern society has taken strict control their archaeological implications. Over time, of the wilderness. Wilderness politics is a valid the implicit meaning of Iron Age settlement has political concept, and the Wilderness Act was become, with some variations, a primary unit enacted in 1991 in order to ensure biodiver- with a minimum number of people, a family sity and the economy of the indigenous Sámi or a community, which sedentarily resided in community. Since a network of forest trails has a place where they cultivated manured fields, been constructed to cater to the needs of the buried their dead and celebrated seasonal ritu- forest industry, those forest areas that can only als (e.g., Salo 1995; Pihlman 2004). These are be reached by foot or by skiing are nowadays regarded as distinctive markers of sedentary rare. Thus, in the administration, wilderness is agrarian communities in mainland environ- defined as something that only exists in areas ments. In the archipelago of Åboland, the where there are no roads. Iron Age settlement is so far mainly reflected On the other hand, a wide popular con- through a detailed local knowledge passed on sciousness of the aesthetics and values of the through generations in the local community. wilderness, such as it was illustrated in painting The local knowledge is visible in the spatial and photography, has apparently endured into references of the burial sites (Tuovinen 2002). the new millennium. In 2009, the nature maga- The historical concept of the wilderness has zine Suomen Luonto made an enquiry among changed along with the general trend of mod- more than 1000 Finnish citizens, asking them ernisation. The nature conservation movement to specify the most beautiful ones among a set was founded in the early 20th century to be a part of selected photographies of 30 landscapes all of the project of the national state, to define and over the country. The result was unexpectedly highlight a kind of national natural landscape clear: the favourite pictures depict more or less in which the wilderness played an important untouched forests, rapids, lakes and heights in role (Leikola 2008; Päivärinne 2010). Until the the inland. A winter scene from the Oulanka 1970’s, they mainly adhered to the traditional river in wan the first price. Thus, ideal of untouched ‘indigenous’ nature. Later the national landscape imagery that has been on, the nature conservation movement has, in created and renewed during more than 100 line with West-European environmentalism years still plays a vital role in the present-day (Lowenthal 1999), overhauled the conceptual impression of a “real”, archaic or ancient, and basis of ideal nature and accepted the conserva- genuine Finnish landscape. Consciously or not, tion biological importance of cultural impact, this must have had an influence on the archaeo- since it has been realised that many valuable logical imagination and the development of the areas with high biodiversity have emerged un- scholar’s view of the relationship between cul- der the influence of traditional agriculture. The ture and nature in the north-eastern part of the evolutionary origin of some character- Baltic area. istic of cultural landscapes seems to go back as In present-day society, the connotations of far as the Pleistocene ( 2000: 17–28). the wilderness have on one the hand changed Under the influence of modern environmen- from historical to biological ones whereas the

20 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

meaning of wilderness depends solely on the side of the Gulf of Finland in the beginning of context. When “wilderness” is used as the op- the first millennium AD. The fundamental in- posite of human settlement, to express some- troduction of the story had thus been defined:it thing peripheral and free of human influence, was the landnám of wilderness. the concept is anachronistic. If the country The preceding period, the Bronze Age, was within the borders of present Finland would in Hackman’s opinion entirely ”Swedish”; the only have a population of a few hundred thou- artefacts and the people originated from Swe- inhabitants, such as it was during the den. He felt that the subsequent immigration of Iron Age (Jutikkala 1987), a modern individual Finns would have appeared more understand- would probably regard the whole country as able, if it could be attested, that the Bronze Age a wilderness. This has probably even affected population had left the “inhospitable country of archaeological depictions and analogies. Eva Finland” before the Finns entered the country Svensson has observed, that the academic de- (Hackman 1924: 19). At the time, very little was piction of peripheries or marginal regions in known about the economic basis of the Bronze the past is bound to the modern urban culture Age. Hackman’s thesis can thus be regarded as and the scholar’s own experience of periphery being anachronistic, which reveals the histori- (Svensson et al. 2001). cal assumption that people with different cul- tural identities were necessarily headed into competition for natural resources. The Iron Age archipelago in nationalistic The field archaeology of the Iron Age was history politics still in its infancy and the emphasis of the studies was placed to excavate cemeteries. As a result, scarce evidence was gathered about the In the 1860’s and the following decades, the subsistence economy – arable farming, animal Finnish nationalistic view of history was domi- husbandry, swiddening and long-distance nated by the professor of history, Yrjö Koski- utilisation of the wilderness. Analogies were nen. According to his doctrine, the Finns and needed to create an imagery of the subsistence the Swedes had separate and contradictory economy, and to a great deal the analogies were histories. For him, Sweden was a misrule that adopted from ethnographies of the preindustrial converted and repressed Finns, exploited them agrarian culture. The absence of finds, a find and shed their blood in battles fought in for- vacuum, was established as an archaeological eign countries. The real past of the Finns was equivalent to the ethnographical wilderness. purely indigenous, lacking any form of foreign The settlement process of the country was or minority influence and reaching as far back shaped to a history of settlers whose settlements in the prehistory as could possibly be traced. gradually extended into the untouched According to Koskinen, the first Finnish tribes wildernesses during the Iron Age and the migrated to Finland around 700 AD (Fewster medieval period (e.g., Luukko 1967) – it was 2006: 120–127). a story about a massive project to conquer the In 1905, Alfred Hackman offered an earlier northern nature. One of the important figures point of departure to the story of the Finns.3 For in the history was the depiction of a freeman him, the Pre-Roman Iron Age, a findless period struggling for his subsistence in the harsh at that time, was a sign of a total depopulation, conditions. Among them, the hardworking caused by hard climatic conditions. He con- and humble Bonden Paavo was prominent, cluded that Southern Finland would have been since he had been created by the national poet settled by Finnic immigrants from the southern in his anthology Dikter (Poems) (1830). 3 C.F. Meinander noted that the migration hypothesis In the Finnish nationalistic view of settle- was ultimately formulated by A.M. Tallgren in 1931 ment history the land was assumed as a primar- (Meinander 1983).

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ily desolate Pre-Roman wilderness, waiting for was thus established and it remained so for a the “Finns” to come. The overall direction of long time. As a matter of fact, it continued to settlement was the expansion into wilderness the end of the 20th century. In 1931, the view and the subjugation of nature. In this view, was backed up by A.M. Tallgren. His interpre- archaeological find vacuums were simply re- tation was that when Southern Finland was re- gions, which were not reached by the human settled in the beginning of the new millennium settlements. The background assumption was after the depopulated Pre-Roman Iron Age (the that the land was supposed to be desolate until Hackman doctrine), the agrarian population the contrary could be proved. However, during from the southern side of the Gulf of Finland the 20th century, this presumption, the assump- colonized the mainland regions, but they did tion of primary desolateness, has proven unsta- not extend to the archipelago. In his view, the ble, because when an area presumed “empty” is natural resources of the archipelago were insuf- being investigated, the number of archaeologi- ficient for the settlers. The archipelagos would cal finds will either stay unchanged or increase, thus have been remained devoid of dwellers but it will not decrease. Carrying out field stud- until the Swedish colonisation began in the 12th ies thus tends to undermine the assumption of century (Tuovinen 2002: 42–44). Interestingly primary desolateness. enough, what in Tallgren’s view had been fa- The first field-archaeological surveys in vourable and suitable for the seaworthy and the archipelago were carried out in the 1870’s. self-sufficient ”Swedish” Bronze Age people, The philologist Axel Olof Freudenthal – one of proved in his mind to be too barren and severe the first to study Swedish onomastics in Fin- living conditions for the agrarian Finnic settlers land – published a review of the archaeologi- of the Iron Age. cal remains in the eastern archipelago of Uusi- Tallgren thus laid the ground for an as- maa (Freudenthal 1874) in which he described sumption that has been associated with the ar- labyrinths and stone ovens found there. These chipelago for decades: harsh prehistoric natu- were remains of the historical period which ral conditions. Both public consciousness and conspicuously differed from the then known many scholars have adopted the idea – with prehistoric sites on the mainland. The work some exceptions, though. Svante Dahlström by K.A. Bomansson, A.O. Freudenthal, L.W. and C.A. Nordman, both historians with con- Fagerlund and H.A. Reinholm, a.o., lead to the siderable local knowledge in the archipelago of conclusion that the only archaeological remains Åboland, did not accept the alleged barrenness to be found in the archipelago were from the of the nature. historical period. There seemed to be no par- For the canonisation of the Finnish past and ticular expectations to find anything concerning ethnicity, the maritime archipelago has been the prehistoric archipelago. Towards the end of something other, an alien region and therefore the 19th century the mainstream of archaeology left outside of the mainstream of research, nev- was increasingly turning towards the interior er acquiring the same prominence as the inland and to an exploration of the regions. The archipelago just did not fit into the prehistory of the Finno-Ugric peoples in Kare- prehistoric archetypes of Finnishness. The Vi- lia and (Nordman 1968). The archipela- kings would have made life out there menac- go was apparently not relevant to the construc- ing (Meinander 1983: 232), since there was no tion of the past of the Finnishness. After the network of symbolically important hillforts as pioneering studies, very little efforts were made there was on the mainland. Iron Age cemeter- to find out if any archaeological remains dating ies of the classical grave and cemetery types, between the Bronze Age and the medieval pe- familiar in the coastal mainland, were not riod actually could be found in the archipelago. known, and neither were they searched for. The The initial view about the archipelago as an archipelago was a different wilderness, a for- unsettled and culturally insignificant territory est lacking Finns. And finally, a point made by

22 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

Christoffer H. Ericsson is that the mainstream initial stage and a definition and legitimation of of the interests of the researchers and cultural a shared right of domicile. Two migration histo- heritage authorities was directed to quite differ- ries were established. According to the prevail- ent directions than towards the coasts (Ericsson ing academic view, the “Finns” migrated into a 1976: 31). wilderness from present-day Estonia for some The theses declared by Koskinen and other 2000 years ago and the “Swedes” migrated to Finnish nationalists caused a counter reaction a desolated coast from present-day Sweden for from scholars with a Swedish-minded orienta- almost 1000 years ago. The focal point of the tion. The literature professor Carl Gustav Est- interpretation was the archipelago coast and the lander regarded these theses as an attempt by question, whether the settlers met any native Finnish nationalists to project the confrontation “Finns” when they inhabited the archipelago into the past, which the nationalists themselves and started to utilise the natural resources of provoked between the Finnish and the Swedish the region. The thesis about a desolate archipel- wings. Scholars on the Swedish-speaking side ago was suitable for the demand for a common maintained a holistic perspective on the history view of history, as a part of a peaceful solution that was common for both language groups. to the language strife. The archipelago was not They emphasised the folklore, the dialects and included in the sphere of interest of the Finnish- the toponyms, which in their view proved that minded, and for them the archipelago was in the present-day Swedish-speaking population any event a periphery because of the “harsh” descended from a prehistoric Germanic popula- natural conditions. Any conceivable settlement tion that resided in Finland. This was acknowl- was unimportant to the terrestrical paradigm. edged even among the Pan-Swedish national- For the scholars on the Swedish-speaking side ists in Sweden (Petersson 2007: 131–143). The the archipelago offered a non-controversial no- datings that were proposed for such a Germanic man’s land, where migration would supposedly population varied from the Stone Age to the not have headed into competition or conflict. Iron Age. However, by the beginning of the The abstraction of the archipelago as an origi- independence of the state of Finland 1917, it nally peripheral and isolated region was also was realised that for the sake of a bilingual na- welcomed by the political coalition movement tional state it was necessary to strive towards (Sw. samlingsrörelsen, Andersson 2006) that a common interpretation of history. During the strived to unite the Finnish Swedes under com- 1930’s, the scholars on the Swedish-speaking mon political and geographical concepts and side put aside the idea about an ancient Ger- symbols. manic population. During the polemic about the Among the views and abstractions concern- origin of the linguistic groups, the archaeolo- ing the prehistoric and early historical actors, gists were more careful than the linguists. Most Åland takes a special position due to a great archaeologists accepted Hackman’s immigra- extent to the political history of the isles after tion theory, the “Finnishness” of the Iron Age the 1808–1809. For scholars of the population and the medieval origin of the Finn- early 20th century, the early history of Åland ish Swedes. In 1955, when the ’language peace’ was a wealthy and dynamic period. However, had prevailed for a lengthy period of time, Olav after the World War II, the approaches regard- Ahlbäck summarised the views proposed thus ing Åland have changed (Sjöstrand 1998). On far in history, in archaeology and in philology. the one side, the isles have been regarded as an He concluded that, except for Åland, the Swed- Iron Age periphery of Central Sweden, by its ish migration took place after the Viking Age very nature a marginal backyard, where cultur- (Engman 1999; Fewster 2000; Huldén 2002; al and social influences from the centres were Baudou 2002; Tarkiainen 2008: 49–63). degraded into more or less primitive versions. Chapter one in the common view of history “It often appears as if the group of isles even dur- was now written. It included a description of the ing the prehistory would have been surrounded by

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dominant nations of the same magnitude and sig- really were desolate throughout the Iron Age nificance as today”– this is how Ilse Tarsala puts or only a part of it. Why would these regions the anachronistic aspect of the centre/periphery make an exception from the present-day schol- view (Tarsala 1998: 114). An alternative ideal- arly consensus of continuity of the population? ised view, promoted by Matts Dreijer (1979), So many Stone Age and Bronze Age sites are elevated Åland to a centre of early Christian- known in the archipelago that even the scep- ity and the place of the of Birka. This tic would probably accept them as representing position was also dependent on the mainland settlement. But what kind of catastrophe would since it indispensably denied the significance have struck the islanders after the Bronze Age? of either of the mainlands. These perspectives Why would, for example, the South-Western ar- looking at Åland from above have mostly been chipelago have been depopulated and remained unable to grasp the whole range of the “native” empty for at least a 1000 years, although there archaeological material gathered through exca- are no traces of any kind of prehistoric eco- vations (Tarsala 1998). catastrophe? As far as the archipelago of Åboland is con- cerned, I have examined how the interpreta- Was the archipelago somehow different? tions concerning the archipelago have deviated from the consensus about continuity of settle- By the 1960’s new archaeological finds from ment. The hypothesis about a desolate Iron Age the Pre-Roman period challenged the concept archipelago, raised in 1931, still surfaces in of a desolated country. By 1980 the idea of the literature, although its basis was rejected long migratory origin of the Finns was rejected and ago. Some views of the archipelago are based replaced by the view that the region of present- on incomplete knowledge of the archaeologi- day Finland was continuously populated from cal record and on over-interpretation (Tuovinen the Stone Age to modern times. As a hiatus in 2002: 42–45). In addition, Hackman’s assump- the settlement history no more was plausible, tion that people of different cultural identities the search for the ‘roots’ of Finns could be ex- would of necessity have headed into competi- tended into the Stone Age. This ”heralded a na- tion for natural resources, still seems still to tionalist dream fulfilled; accordingly, the Finns be vital. It was presumed that the archipelago had always lived in Finland”, as put by Derek must have been desolate by the time of the mi- Fewster (Fewster 2006: 400). gration, because Finnish-speaking natives and Since the assumption of primary desolate- Swedish-speaking settlers would never have ness is no more meaningful, more complex ab- been able to share the natural resources peace- stractions and exceptions to rules have been in- fully – in other words, a modification of the the- troduced to advocate find vacuums. A primarily sis of two separate and contradictory histories desolate region cannot be assumed anymore, so by Yrjö Koskinen. Support for the assumption it must be explained, how and why any region has been searched from two cases in court re- was desolated and how the particular region cords, concerning disagreements in the use of could have remained “empty” during a particu- natural resources. In 1303, Swedish settlers in lar period. Eljas Orrman states: “The desolate- Närpes, , came into conflict with ness or depopulation of the coastal regions of our their Finnish-speaking neighbours after having country and of Åland at the end of the Iron Age is in reclaimed the neighbour’s forest. In 1347, some many respects a puzzling phenomenon that has been inhabitants in the parishes of Sibbo and Hel- tried to explain in many ways, but a comprehensive singe () in Uusimaa were allowed to use and fully satisfactory explanation or complex of fishing waters that were previously utilised by explanations has not yet been proposed” (Orrman people from Häme (Kerkkonen 1966: 99–101). 1999: 380). These cases demonstrate that collisions of in- Since the desolateness is hard to grasp, one terests between people of different languages must ask, if the archipelago coast and Åland did occur in some places. However, collisions

24 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

of interests occurred even among people speak- paleoecological studies on the coast of South- ing the same language. In Åboland, for exam- ern Ostrobothnia have revealed a clear picture ple, during the 16th and 17th centuries some of continuous agriculture and settlement dur- neighbouring hamlets litigated on the utilisa- ing the Iron Age (Baudou et al. 1991; Wallin & tion of grasslands and fishing waters. Recorded Segerström 1994; Viklund & Gullberg 2002). cases are known from Utö, Jurmo, Björkö and On Åland, the development and the geographi- Kittuis (Andersson 2008: 196; Öhman 1993: cal of the grave types, the structure 14; Ehrensvärd & Zilliacus 1997: 38; Ahlbäck of the settlement, and the pollen analyses in- 1952). However, these disputes between people dicate a continuing settlement throughout the speaking the same language did not prevent life Iron Age rather than a formerly alleged hiatus from continuing, nor was the villagers’ liveli- around 1000–1150 AD (Edgren 1983; Edgren hood threatened. The cases in the court records 1984; Roeck Hansen 1991; Sarmaja-Korjonen in fact do not support the idea that the cultural et al. 1991; Núñez 1993; Núñez 1995; Vasari identity would be in the core of conceivable et al. 1996: 285–290; cf. Hellberg 1987). In the problems in the use of natural resources. archipelago of Åboland, new Iron Age evidence It seems that alternatives to the supposed includes a number of burial cairns with Iron no-man’s land have been difficult to perceive, Age characteristics, the market place at Kyrk- probably due to the incompatibility assump- sundet, and pollen analytical indications of tion. The question of the encounters between cultivation (Tuovinen 2002; Tuovinen 2005a; the natives and the settlers may have been re- Edgren 1995a; Vuorela & Hicks 1995). Among garded as politically incorrect, since one might the Finnish place-names that have been loaned associate it with the language strife that was into Swedish there are old names of such char- settled for more than a half a century ago. So, acter, that they can only have come into exist- it has been tempting to hold on to the idea that ence in a community of freemen being engaged the Swedish settlers arrived into a desolated re- in animal husbandry and cultivation (Pitkänen gion, took the natural resources into their pos- 1985: 352–355). The state-of-art of the settle- session without being entangled in competition ment research in Uusimaa is examined in the with anyone, and earned their right of domicile other articles included in this volume. in a politically correct way. This abstraction The assumption that people of different cul- has surfaced, often implicitly, during the past tural identities of necessity headed into compe- century, occasionally even during the last few tition for natural resources, either universally years. or more specifically on the Finnish archipela- Two fundamental and closely related ques- go coast around 650–850 years ago is anach- tions remain. First of all, what can be said, on ronistic since it is based on concepts such as the basis of evidence, about the alleged desolate “nationality”, “Finnish”, “Swedish” which did archipelago coast? Secondly, what can be said not exist in the Iron Age or the Middle Ages. about the alleged confrontation that would have The assumption carries with it experiences of been a necessary consequence of the encounter social development that took place during the of people of different cultural identities, includ- 20th century which are questionable if moved ing different languages? to entirely different ancient local communities. Above it was examined, how the archi- Obviously, things do not become more under- pelagos were left outside of the mainstream of standable, if it is assumed that the natives and research and of the number of archaeological the settlers would not have been able to share finds remained scarce. Since the 1980’s, some the natural resources peacefully – in as much as fieldwork has been done in the archipelagos, al- it was necessary to share resources. though on a very small scale when compared The evidence does not as such suggest a to the mainland coast. These studies question competition for natural resources. The carrying the Iron Age desolateness. Excavations and capacity of the nature in the archipelago coast

25 TAPANI TUOVINEN

did not prevent a settlement expansion by the unexpectedly, discover in archaeology, but it time of the Swedish migration. Rather, the lim- was also an indispensable historical construc- its of the production of the land, forest and sea tion to the parties compared to the rough-and- were not visible until the late medieval period, tumble nature of the alternative nationalistic and even then only in the more densely popu- views of the prehistory in a symbolically im- lated regions (Alifrosti 2000). The studies by portant region. The circular reasoning inherent Teija Alenius, including paleoecological analy- to the alleged desolateness goes back to the pe- ses of the lakes Petarträsk in , and Storträsk riod of the first archaeological field studies that in , reveal that land-use continued lead to the conclusion that there were no early without major interruptions over the colonisa- settlement of interest in the archipelago. Due to tion period, also indicating that there was no the absence of interest, very few field-archae- shortage of natural resources. ological efforts were made, and this strength- Some parts of the interaction between peo- ened the depiction of desolateness. The circle is ple living during the migration may have been being gradually broken by a new development preserved in the toponyms. In 1985, Ritva Liisa in the archaeology of the coastal environment. Pitkänen demonstrated that a considerable part The research history of the archipelago coast of the known 1008 Finnish place-names that is an illustrative example of the significance of were loaned into Swedish in the archipelago of pre-understanding in field archaeology (Åker- Åboland during the medieval period were orig- lund 1999). inally given during the Iron Age. Finnish names While the mainstream of research in Finland were still given to natural places as late as in is directed towards the past of the mainland and the 16th and 17th centuries. The Finnish names agriculture, the past of the Swedish archipelago include, in addition to names of natural places, has not been left outside of the mainstream in names related to fishing and animal husbandry, the same manner. In Sweden, nationalism has names of hamlets, farmsteads, outbuildings, been anchored to the archipelago culture and its smithies, mills, harbours or havens, borders, significances in emphasising national identity means of communicating, persons and, among and unity, as well as to Viking romanticism and others, names related to Fi. hiisi (places marked the royal navy (Cederlund 1998). The archipel- off within inhabited areas; see Anttonen 1996: ago has not appeared to be alien or desolate. In- 116–123). The place-names illustrate a stable stead, as David Loeffler points out, prehistoric community of freemen and a traditional name has for a century been stamped as a landscape, parts of which the settlers later ab- stagnant periphery, which had its effects on the sorbed and adapted to their own language. The political imbalance between the Northern and borrowing of names into Swedish has, accord- the Southern Sweden (Loeffler 2005). ing to Pitkänen, required a permanent, peaceful and organised co-operation, common interests, and agreements between people with differ- Yet more on assumptions ent mother tongues. An additional prerequisite must have been a bilingualism of a certain de- Intuitively it seems natural to conclude that gree. Short-term, sporadic or hostile contacts if no archaeological traces were found from a could not have resulted in Finnish names being certain area representing a certain period, there borrowed into Swedish (Pitkänen 1985: 352– were no human beings there to leave traces; 357; Zilliacus 1994; Pitkänen 2007). or at least there could not have been many of To summarize, the evidence supports nei- them; or at least not for a long time. However, ther a desolated archipelago coast nor an as- keeping the principle of Occam’s razor in mind sumption of an unavoidable competition for re- – the explanation of any phenomenon should sources. A desolated archipelago is actually not make as few assumptions as possible – some only something that we really might, although implications can be derived.

26 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

The demographic long-term trend. The of Antiquities in Finland reveal that due to the population of Finland has multiplied in the incomplete status of archaeological surveys, course of many millennia. According to Eino a preliminary overview of the archaeological Jutikkala, the population of Finland in the heritage can only be presented for a part of the Stone Age was 2500–10 000 people, and by the country (Komiteanmietintö 1993). The archae- Famine Years of 1695–1697 the population had ological survey of the country is still non-uni- risen up to a half a million. The growth of the form and there are probably many cases where population was not monotonous, but the trend an archaeological distribution is ostensibly de- of the development must have been ascend- limited by the borders of the parish where the ant in the long run (Jutikkala 1987). This must survey was made. have given rise to a slowly expanding and a At one point archaeological survey differs denser settlement, including the reclamation of from the inventory of, for example, forest re- new natural resources. The settlement continu- sources and buildings of architectural and cul- ity inherent to this trend has made it feasible tural historic value. The archaeological sites are to build culture-historical bridges over dozens, more or less infrequent and hidden. In sampling even hundreds of generations when discuss- theory it can be shown that discovering rare ing continuities in material culture and archaic sites in field work requires a large sample size, cultural practices, categories, and phenomena, especially if the population representing the such as beliefs, rituals, and institutions perti- phenomenon has a clustered spatial distribution nent to the cultural traditions of wildernesses (Nance 1983: 312–318), which is not unusual. (Sarmela 1984), the linguistic footprints of Theoretically, nothing can be said about rare early iron industries (Salo 1993), boat construc- remains of settlement based on a small sam- tions (Itkonen 1941), the history of agricultural ple, not to mention an unrepresentative sample. tools (e.g., Vilkuna 1971), and old etymologies There is every reason to try to avoid overes- (Häkkinen 1999). The disappearance of settle- timating the significance of something that ment, its desolation, is thus a specific develop- seems to be missing. Among the interesting as- ment in prehistory, a phenomenon deviating pects of archaeology is the fact that it is often from the overall expansive trend. We cannot easier to show the human presence and activity a priori assume desolateness without a case- in place and time, than to do the reversed thing, specific empiric explanation. to substantiate an absence. The method and practice of field archae- ology. It is a well-known fact that the field- archaeological efforts that have been made The regional factor: a matter of scale through decades are not evenly distributed. Due to several factors, some areas have been Whether an area is actually findless or only ap- surveyed more or better than others and some pears to be so is connected to the size of the types of sites have been excavated more than area. If we randomly select one are of ploughed others. Trying to make as few assumptions as field and collect surface artefacts there, the possible implies that observed regional differ- outcome will probably be zero, or anyway a ences in quantities, such as frequencies, den- small number. The more we enlarge the area to sities or spatial patterns of sites, must be ap- be exploration, the greater number of artefacts proached with source-criticism. It cannot be is probably gathered. The find frequency is a assumed in the first place that the differences function of the size of the area, the distribution would be a result from actual variation origi- and density of the artefacts, the number of field nating from the past. Rather, the first check to collecting efforts made, the physical characters be made is the field-archaeological status that of the artefacts and the soil, the skills of the is central to what can be initially known about field archaeologists and so on. Find frequencies any area. Reports made by the National Board and their relationships should be examined in a

27 TAPANI TUOVINEN

scale that is meaningful from the point of view 1994)4. Investigations at Pörnullbacken, Vörå, of the problem to be studied. Applied to settle- revealed indications of continuous cultivation ment studies, a sufficient regional scope and re- of manured fields 0–1000 AD. Following this, gional representativeness are crucial necessities a restructuring of settlements and arable lands for settlement studies and measures of the odds took place (Viklund & Gullberg 2002). These of the occurrence of remains of settlement. studies demonstrate how difficult or near The studies on the development of the enough impossible it may be to distinguish a coastal settlement in Southern Ostrobothnia movement of settlement from an abandonment during the Iron Age may serve as an example of settlement without extensive regional of the significance of the regional factor. For a studies. long time the only prevailing concept was that The Iron Age settlement on Åland went the Iron-Age settlement which is represented through a restructuring during the Late Iron by cemeteries and graves with abundant finds Age and the medieval period. Even here the until the 7th and the 8th centuries, began to change is best understood on a regional rather vanish from this area in the 9th century, and than local level. The change involved a shift Ostrobothnia was finally abandoned (e.g., from dispersed single farmsteads to agglomer- Meinander 1977). Sporadic finds have been ated hamlets. The co-operation between free- reported from this area from the Late Iron Age, men increased when two-course rotation came but according to the traditional opinion they do into use and the boundaries and toponyms not indicate a continuity of settlement; instead, changed. All settlements were not restructured they have been interpreted as being left there similarily, rather there were considerable local by hunters and “wilderness men” who came variations. The background factors for the de- from the province of Satakunta further south velopment include the shore displacement and and exploited the region for long-distance the emerging power of the kingdom and its in- utilization. The present settlement of the region terests of tax collection, markets and harbours would not have started until the beginning of (Roeck Hansen 1991). the medieval period with the migration from Sweden and from the inland. The concept was challenged by a research team from the 5. The Finnish archipelago coast: University of Umeå that started excavations and a borderland approach pollen analyses in 1986. Attention was paid not only to central settlement regions with abundant When heading out of the mainland coast to- finds but also to regions exposed by rapid shore wards the open sea the big along the displacement with very few, if any, registered route gradually give way to smaller islands finds from the Iron Age. It turned out that the and finally rocky islets. The open stretches of conditions of cultivation and cattle breeding in begin to dominate the landscape until the the region changed in the Late Iron Age due to last skerries and reefs have passed by and the the shore displacement which had a great effect Baltic Sea opens. The archipelago coast can be in the flat and even landscape of Ostrobothnia. characterised as a geomorphological transition The settlements moved gradually towards zone between the mainland and the maritime the shore, where there were coastal meadows spheres. The landscape turns to more maritime and vegetation suitable for fodder (Baudou et when one sails through the archipelago. The al. 1991; Baudou 1991; Wallin & Segerström

4 Some criticism has been raised against the Umeå rese- arch team (see Orrman 1993; Orrman 1994; Orrman 2002; Baudou 1993; Engelmark et al. 1993; Viklund 2002; Viklund & Gullberg 2002). The criticism does not affect the value of the studies as an illustrative met- hodological example.

28 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

Fig. 1. The continuum of Borderlands boundary dynamics ac- cording to Parker (2006). Border Frontier NATURE OF BOUNDARIES

TYPES OF BOUNDARIES Static Restrictive Porous Fluid

Geographic

Political

Demographic

Cultural

Economic

archipelago coast was also a transport zone, parisons. The borderlands are defined as are- along which goods and cultural capital were as between political or cultural entities. They shipped. The coast constituted a borderland include parallel and sometimes overlapping where dwellers of the interior and people from boundaries that are defined as ”unspecific di- coasts within the Baltic rim met. The archipel- vides or separators that indicate limits of vari- ago coast can be thought of as a forum where ous kinds”. The boundaries in turn can be di- individuals, communities and cultural identi- vided into borders, referring to ”linear dividing ties were in contact and goods were exchanged. lines fixed in a particular space” and frontiers, Centres were often established in such zones denoting ”loosely defined areas or transition of interaction; the medieval town of Turku ap- zones that lie between political or administra- pears to be such a centre, arisen on borderland tive entities or between one such entity and a (Pihlman 2003). hinterland” (Parker 2006: 81). The physical geography of the archipelago coast (Granö & Roto 1989; Frisén et al. 2005) provides a frame that helps to structure the evi- Geographical boundaries dence concerning early settlement and to char- acterise socio-economic, cultural and historical There are geographical frontiers parallel to the zones, corridors and boundaries. The study by coastline of the archipelago coast of Finland. Christer Westerdahl (1990) on cultural bound- The structure of the frontiers is determined by aries on the coast of Västerbotten, Sweden, the bedrock. The gradual topographical transi- makes use of such an approach. In the present tion from the mainland coast to the open sea study, the model of continuum of boundary dy- was first described in 1900 by Ernst Häyrén in namics by Bradley J. Parker (Parker 2006) is a study dealing with phytogeographical zones. being applied mutatis mutandis to examine the Later the zones have been specified on the basis possible geographical, political, demographic, of the change of the relation of land and wa- cultural and economic boundaries within the ter areas in a zonal succession or toposequence archipelago coast of Southern Finland. from the mainland coast to the open sea. The The model includes a terminology to iden- toposequence can be divided into four zones, tify and describe different types of boundaries (1) the zone bordering on the open sea and to some extent, enable cross-cultural com- (, reefs, small skerries), (2) the outer ar-

29 TAPANI TUOVINEN

chipelago zone, where the land area is less than generates significant wave heights up to more 10 per cent of the total area (skerries), (3) the than three meters in the outer parts of the Archi- inner archipelago zone, where the proportions pelago Sea (Kahma et al. 1997). The breakwa- of land and sea are approximately equal, and ter effect and the safe places for dwelling, pas- (4) the edge of the mainland composed of the tures, routes, landings sites and havens that the large islands in front of the mainland and the topography offered, were certainly significant mainland coast (Granö et al. 1999: 27–38). for the islanders. The protection against heavy Sometimes a fifth zone is added, the middle ar- sea reduced the dependence on the predict- chipelago zone between the outer and the inner ability of storms and annual weather variations archipelagos. that was peculiar to early maritime communi- The coastal topography of the Baltic ties in Northern (Perdikaris & McGov- Sea is particularly fragmented on the coasts ern 2008: 189–190). The distances were short, of southern and South-Western Finland, which helped the transportation of cargo, live- Åland and the eastern coast of Sweden. The stock and people as well as fishing, cultivation, fragmentariness is a result of the top surface of animal husbandry, hunting, fowling and forag- the deep-worn basement in southern Finland, ing. The routes opened out to fishing waters and the subcambric peneplain descending in gentle seal reefs and made areas suitable for cultiva- undulation towards the Baltic Sea and forming tion, grazing and gathering of winter fodder the archipelago off the coast. There are 73000 accessible, contrary to the mainland where the isles off the coast in a zone of 10–30 km in navigability of the rivers hampered communi- breadth. The archipelagos of Åboland and cations and not until the Late Iron Age did land Åland together constitute a zone which is more traffic start to develop (Masonen 1989). than 150 km in width, which is actually the The sea routes contributed to communica- most extensive archipelago in the world (Granö tions pertinent to the subsistence as well as et al. 1999: 11–15). to connections to the contact field of goods The relief of the peneplain reflects zones of exchange within the Baltic rim. Seafarers ap- the minerals, the folding tectonic, the lengthy proaching the coast were in need of local weathering and , the shear zones of the knowledge of the difficult archipelagic waters, bedrock, the fracture valleys, the displacements dotted with underwater shoals. Before the state and depressions, and the wearing and accumu- pilotage was organised – the pilotage decree lating effect of the Fennoscandian ice sheet was passed 1696 – pilotage was the business (Fogelberg 1986; Fogelberg & Seppälä 1986). of the islanders. Although pilots on the Finn- These factors are prone to shape the fragmented ish waters were first mentioned in the medieval and small-scale mosaic landscape in which the period, it is quite evident that pilotage had been outlines of the – , , , organised earlier than what is related in writ- isles – follow the general directions of the bed- ten sources. Contacts with seafarers might also rock and the fissure systems. The complex nat- have lead to commerce or signing on ships. ural variety of sea, shores, rocks, and And, as noted by Stig Blomkvist, in maritime different patterns of natural resources available circumstance rulers and inhabitants of the coast for man contributed to a high degree of geodi- might encounter each other in quite a different versity in the maritime landscape. and egalitarian way contrary to the medieval For the early islanders, the structure and society as a whole, characterised by a strictly scale of the natural landscape had two impor- divided social space (Blomkvist 2007: 292). tant consequences: a good protection against For the dwellers of the archipelago coast, the heavy sea, and good communications along the contact field was open for the exchange of sea routes. The shallow coastal waters have a goods and long-distance utilisation of natural magnifying effect on the steepness of the waves resources on its own keel as well. It has been rolling from the Baltic Sea, which sometimes substantiated that long-distance communica-

30 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

tions between the Åland isles and the southern from the 13th century (Mökkönen 2006). Five coast of the Baltic Sea existed already during known wrecks have been dated to the medieval the Bronze Age (Gustavsson 1997). Later on period (Wessman 2007), and more wrecks are long-distance activities of the islanders were reported in medieval sources (Gallén 1989: 19– shipping, the so-called peasant sailing and the 21). An insight into the navigational circum- fisher’s long-distance voyages along the coast. stances is given by the Dutch seafarer Lucas While the topographic structure of the ar- Janszoon Waghenaer. He published the first sea chipelago was a benefit for the islanders, the charts of the coast of the Gulf of Finland and situation was different for cargo ships headed the in 1584–1585 and 1592. towards the mainland coast. The voyage over In a cartouche he mentions that the waters of the open sea did not require exact determina- the Finssche Scheeren (Finnish Skerries) were tion of position (Breide 2006: 195–196). But shoaly and rambling, very peculiar to the sea- when making land, there emerged a navigation men who were used to open coasts problem that needed to be to be solved. The sea- (Johnson & Nurminen 2007: 252–255). Navi- men had to find the starting point of the route gation in the archipelago is still a challenge for towards the coast among the reefs and shoals present-day seafarers. of the skerry zone and find their way through As the thermal economy of the Baltic Sea the archipelago without running aground. This is an essential regulator of the coastal climate, required a good visibility and an infallible lo- the zonal structure of the relation between land cal knowledge. The risks and consequences of and water comprises a frontier over which the bottom contact depended – in addition to the climate changes from maritime to mainland- weather – on the manoeuvrability and weight like. Åland, Åboland and Finland Proper are of the vessel, which in turn to a great degree nowadays the only regions in Finland belong- depended on whether the vessel was driven by ing to the hemiboreal climatic zone (Solantie sails, oars or both of them. 1990). The archipelago is characterized by mild Regardless of the type of vessel, the prob- winters, springs with scanty precipitation, and lems of navigation could not be ignored in early summers. The average sum of effective route planning. Therefore it seems natural temperature is the highest in the country and the that the Danish itinerary (Gallén 1993; Breide mean duration of the vegetational period is the 2006) remarks that during favourable winds, longest in the country. Adding that frosts disap- the voyage from Arholma on the eastern coast pear earlier in the spring than on the mainland of Sweden to Hanko in Finland could be sailed and that the annual variation of frosts is small directly across the open sea without having to (Solantie 1987), the archipelago coast obvious- turn off to the troublesome route through the ly appears as a potentially favourable region for archipelago. In fact, the route over the open sea cultivation and animal husbandry. As the physi- appears as the primary alternative of voyage if cal cause of the favourable climate is the capa- the conditions were favourable. bility of the sea water to store warmth, we can Of course, the risk of bottom contacts without a doubt assume, like Orrman (1991a: caused shipwrecks. It was one of the reasons 201), that the climatic gradient between the ar- why the medieval burghers of Turku developed chipelago and the mainland was nevertheless strategies in order to manage the risks of busi- very much the same as today, although exact ness (Kallioinen 2000). Remains of shipwrecks numerical values can not be given. can be found in the bottoms of the Gulf of Fin- There was also another aspect, which pro- land and the Archipelago Sea. There are good moted cultivation on the archipelago coast as reasons to presume that shipwrecks did occur compared to the interior. The coastal clay lay- during the Iron Age, although the evidence is ers were deposited during the Litorina stage of lacking after the wreck in Lapuri, the Baltic Sea. The light Litorina clay was more (Uusimaa) was re-dated and found to originate suitable for the early medieval tilling tools than

31 TAPANI TUOVINEN

the heavy Yoldia and Ancylus sediments of (3) The transport potential generated by the interior. The difference between the soils sheltered inner routes, havens, landing sites and caused the spread of cultivation to the heavier overseas contacts. soils to be delayed (Orrman 1991b). The potential of the archipelago coast was The geographical borderland of the archipelago affected by the glacio-isostatic land uplift, re- coast is characterised by three potentials. sulting in shore displacement. The shore dis- (1) The resource potential of the maritime placement was a partial factor of the fluctuation landscape. The potential is archaeologically of the salinity of the Baltic Sea, participating in visible through, for example, the stability of the cooling period after the climatic optimum the multiple subsistence strategy of Åland. The of the Holocene (Emeis et al. 2003; Tuovinen same basis of economy was continued for more et al. 2008; Solantie 2005). The present-day than 4000 years, until around 400 AD, when apparent shore displacement along the southern the indications of cultivation began to increase coast is 1.5–4.5 mm per year. The movement (Núñez 1995; Núñez 1991). is smallest in Eastern Uusimaa and greatest (2) The agrarian potential enabled the culti- along the coast of Ostrobothnia (Kakkuri 1997; vation to begin around 4000 years ago, initially Vestøl 2006). In the course of the last 3000 mainly as swiddens and towards the Late Iron years, the surface of the land has risen about 10 Age increasingly as cultivation of manured meters in western Uusimaa and 15–20 meters fields (Vuorela 1998). in the Archipelago Sea and Åland (Miettinen et al. 2007; Eronen et al. 2001).

Fig. 2. In the outer archipelago there are thousands of treeless skerries exposed by shore displacement. One can imagine the landscape to be like this in the Iron Age – especially if the ships, telecommunication towers and wind farms on the horizon are excluded. Trunsö Kalkskär, . Photo by the author 1985.

32 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

Due to shore displacement, new reefs, sker- the grave goods, containing artefacts imported ries and islets have risen out of the sea on the from the west as well as from the east. The pas- edge of the open sea, while the islands close tures enlarged as the shores moved, but at the to the coast have grown fast into the mainland same time the straits and became shal- or remained separated by narrow straits. Land lower. The latter has been regarded as one of uplift has not resulted in the disappearance of the most important structural changes in the the archipelago which has slid very gradually settlement history of Åland and, among others, further out towards the Baltic Sea. At the same a cause for changes in land ownership (Roeck time the difference remains between the outer Hansen 1991; Núñez 1993; Núñez 1995). In archipelago, dominated by stretches of open , Finland Proper, the farmsteads were sea, and the inner archipelago, characterized also located near the sea shore. The change in by large coalescent islands. In Southern Ostro- communications caused by shore displacement bothnia, the flat topography together with rapid in Masku seems to not have as much signifi- land uplift has through millennia evoked a rapid cance as on Åland, but the pastures, meadows outwards movement of the shoreline. From the and fields, exposed by shore displacement, defi- Stone Age to the Late Iron Age the settlement nitely had a positive effect (Nissinaho 2007; cf. was concentrated on the coast. As the shore- Viklund & Gullberg 2002; Vuorinen 2009). In line retreated, the settlements gradually fol- the archipelago of western Uusimaa, the farm- lowed (Miettinen 1989; Miettinen, M. 1998). steads on the isle of Ors, Ingå, were relocated The result of the shore displacement is that the as the shore had moved too far. This underlines further away from the coast an archaeological the economic importance of fishing waters and site is found, the older it usually is – and vice grazing islands (Alenius et al. 2004). versa, the further out in the archipelago a site is located, the later it is. This tendency, which may have and actually has local deviations, has Political boundaries been called the stochastic time gradient, reach- ing from the present day edge of the mainland The research project Western Uusimaa dur- through the inner zone to the present day outer ing the late Iron Age and Medieval Period archipelago zone (Tuovinen 2002: 201). The 500–1550 AD starts from the middle of the first gradient can be distinguished in many shore millennium AD. In southern Finland it was a displacement environments, such as among the period of the final advance of the freeman so- burial cairns of Northern Ostrobothnia (Ok- ciety, economically based on manured fields konen 2003) and the Bronze Age rock art in and animal husbandry. The project reaches in Bohuslän, Sweden (Ling 2008: 107–158). In the other end to the social transition period and Åboland, the time gradient is marked by the the reinforcement of the state during the reign burial cairns of the outer archipelago, which of Gustav Vasa. For local communities, a most are all of Iron Age character (Tuovinen 2002). important change during the period 500–1550 The local effects of shore displacement on AD was the economic, political and cultural the landscape are crucial. Here and there the development approximately between 1100 and inner archipelago of the Iron Age has turned 1400 AD that is called the Europeanization into mainland and the have disappeared. of the Baltic rim region (Blomkvist & Lind- For example, the Iron Age agrarian settlement ström 2007). In Finland, the Europeanization of Åland was concentrated near the shores, and involved the emergence of hamlets and towns, due to the great many straits and fjords that split the organisation of permanent taxation, the in- up Mainland Åland, the sea was everywhere in troduction of technical innovations in seafar- the vicinity of settlement. The Ålanders had ing, agriculture, architecture, and handicrafts inherent maritime communications and shel- etc., the organisation and monopolisation of the tered harbours, which seems to be reflected in trade within the Baltic Sea, the reinforcement

33 TAPANI TUOVINEN

of the power of the church and the king, and The economic basis of the power of the the assimilation and spread of a new religion monarchy was an internal exploitation of the and new knowledge, beliefs, ideas and sym- surplus of the agrarian production (Lindkvist bols (Orrman 1987; Orrman 1991b; Blomkvist 2006b). The agrarian population retained their 2007; Gaimster 2005). The period of European- relatively free position, although they had to ization included even the migration from Cen- support the king and the church by paying taxes tral Sweden into Finland that is comparable to and charges. On Åland, the monarchy was more migrations in and Central Europe powerful than on the mainland, superseding the (Lindkvist 2002). early medieval local elite, which might be a During the 13th century the political and parallel phenomenon to an earlier superseding economic centre of the valley of Lake Mälaren of the upper class in Central Sweden (Larsson emerged. The military resources of Svealand 1997). Archaeological finds indicate that the were now concentrated, enabling the monarchy monetisation of Åland took place as early as in to use military power to back up commercial in- the beginning of the 13th century, which implies terests on the coasts of the Gulf of Finland and the emergence and reinforcement of new insti- to integrate Finland into the kingdoms of Swe- tutions (Sjöstrand 1994: 544–557; Klackenberg den. The campaigns of the Swedish monarchs 1992: 158–176). against Novgorod in the 11th and 12th centuries One might ask whether the archipelago were at least partly legitimised by explaining coast indeed was a political borderland other- them to be crusades, the goal of which was to wise than as a porous frontier in terms of the save the pagan Finns and unify them with the Parker model. The towns, monasteries and Catholic church and, at the same time, to push most of the castles were situated on the coast away the infidel population of the east (Lind- as well as the bridgehead of the monarchy and kvist 1996; Christiansen 1980: 109–117). the church, the aristocracy, the education, the However, the monarchy that was estab- professional specialisation and organisation, lished in Finland and started to change the soci- and the wealth. The innovations proceeded to ety, was in the European perspective weak and the inland, which is indicated by archaeologi- dependent on the loyalty of the elite. According cal finds of coins, the spread of which can be to Thomas Wallerström, the ruler used inter- followed due to the fact that coins can be dated ventions to the local culture and economy as a rather accurately. The monetisation took place political instrument in order to assert his power first on Åland, then in Finland Proper and Uusi- and provide him support on the local level. The maa, and finally in the inland (Haggrén 2008b). monetisation was an intervention by the mon- The time range of several generations in the archy into the local cultures, evoking a sepa- dispersion was certainly not insignificant. rate economic system to evolve and enabling It is mainly from a European point of view the local economies to be incorporated to wider that the country which later became Finland economic networks. The legal code interfered may be called a borderland. From the point in traditional local norms concerning criminal- of view of the Catholic Church, Finland was ity, and the establishment of castles and towns located in the north-eastern borderland. The was the final intervention which increased the towns of Finland were not subordinated under collection of taxes and connected the local the Hanseatic League and the Teutonic Order economies to extensive economic networks. By to the same extent as Tallinn, for example. Per- creating and promoting markets the monarchy haps this saved the freemen from serfdom and ensured that it was in the sphere of interest for let them keep the small production units and those, who were dependent on the markets, to some degree of freedom (Kallioinen 2001). act locally in favour of the ruler (Wallerström In written sources not much is revealed 2001). The strategy thus affected social struc- about the freemen’s and fishermen’s experi- tures which were most developed in the coastal ence about the centralisation and stratification regions. of the society and the increasing control. Lit-

34 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

tle is known about how people adapted to the land was carried back to the departure areas. new power and how its impact could possibly Written sources, such as the council records be ignored or avoided. The studies by Aino Nis- from Stockholm reveal that some individuals sinaho in Masku, Finland Proper, indicate that originating from Swedish-speaking parishes in the freemen adopted different coping strate- Finland were living there, but written records gies as a response to the growing pressure from have survived only from the 15th century on- the monarchy and the church. The hamlet of wards (Orrman 1991a: 198, 262–264). Kankainen, where the regional power holder For the most part, the explanations for the Klas Lydekason established a manor in the migration have been searched among the in- beginning of the 15th century, shifted to a new ternal social conditions of Central Sweden, production system possessed by a landowner the settlement expansion of the early medieval whose wealth and power was based on official period, the emergence of the upper class, the duty and work done by tenants on the farm. The emancipation of tenants and the emergence of a other hamlets remained more egalitarian, striv- taxation system. The traditional view is that the ing on the one hand to adapt to the new power, migration was designed and controlled by the and on the other hand trying to avoid it (Nissin- crown. On the other hand it has been pointed aho 2007). The medieval coastal settlement of out, that in the early medieval society there Uusimaa has been regarded as based on free- hardly existed such an ecclesiastical or secular men, but according to new studies the nobility power which could have been able to generate and the manors played a significant role in the and control such a significant and long-lasting expansion of settlement and cultivation, propa- migration. The migration should rather be un- gation of Christianity and the construction of derstood as an unforced spontaneous action churches (Haggrén & Jansson 2004; Haggrén of the rural population. Even so, the groups or 2005b; Haggrén 2006). communities that disembarked on the Finnish coast, probably had leaders, and the personal names included in the place-names suggest that Demographic boundaries there were individuals who played an impor- tant role in the course of events (Larsson 1997: th th During the 12 and 13 centuries, peasants 177; Sjöstrand 1994; Lindkvist 2002; Lindkvist started to migrate from Central Sweden to 2006a). However, in Eastern Uusimaa there Åland, Åboland and the coasts of Uusimaa. are indications that the monarchy actively con- The coast of Ostrobothnia received people tributed to the settlement (Tarkiainen 2008: that, judging from place-names, came from the 135–136). Doubtless the settlers acted for the northern provinces of Sweden (Harling-Kranck most part independently and spontaneously, but 1990: 353–355). at the same time they prepared the way for the Possible reasons for the migration may be centralised power to be firmly established in the divided on the one hand into negative factors eastern part of the forthcoming domain.5 Their that compelled people to consider emigrating independence as such does not rule out the pos- and on the other hand to the advantages or at- sibility that there would have been different tractions which the new settlement area could factors involved in the settlement process in be expected to offer (Orrman 1991a: 198). The different parts of the coast (Rosendahl 2008b). favourable natural conditions of the archipel- ago coast were certainly suitable to promote the migration. The linguistic development of Swedish spoken in Finland indicates that the 5 A completely reversed point has been made by Mauno settlers continued to keep a contact to Sweden Jokipii. He outlines three military bases, the power of (Ahlbäck 1956: 5–17), so we can assume that which would have been used to protect the Swedish settlers. The suggested bases are the hillfort of Vanha- more or less correct information about the po- linna in , the castle of Hämeen linna and the town tentials of subsistence and success in the new of Viborg (Viipuri) (Jokipii 2003: 324–326).

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The migration to the Finnish coast was par- inces of Finland. Although the size of the popu- allel with a migration from Sweden to the coast lation was not an exact function of the number and the islands of Estonia, even this was prob- of farmsteads, there was certainly a correlation ably an unforced migration of a rural popula- with the number of farmsteads, enabling quan- tion. According to Felicia Markus, the Swedish titative estimates. The examination yields that settlement in Estonia can be viewed as a part or in all provinces there was an expanding trend, as the result of long-lasting contacts over the though with considerable regional differences. Baltic Sea, or at least it can be understood in The expansion was slowest in Åland, Åboland the context of such contacts. There are traits in and the mainland of Finland Proper. Here the the archaeological record that indicate overseas increase of the number of farmsteads from contacts in Sweden long before the migration, around 1350 to the 1540’s was less than 200 % such as Celtic fields, tarand graves and many (from 4900 to 8100). In Uusimaa the number of artefacts from the Middle and Late Iron Age farmsteads doubled from 2000 to 4200, and es- (Markus 2004). pecially in the eastern parts of the Uusimaa the No accurate estimates of the number of im- expansion was considerable from the middle migrants have been presented. The estimation of the 13th century to the beginning of the 14th is complicated by the fact that before and in century. In the inland of Savo and Häme the ex- unison with the migration there was a period of pansion was as much as 420 % and 567 % respec- population growth in Finland and other Nordic tively (Orrman 1996). It can be concluded that the countries (Benedictow 1996). The population coastal areas were densely settled while colo- of the Iron Age must be estimated on the basis nisation was still going on in the inland. The of the archaeological record. As relevant early statistics cover a time span to the time when the written sources have not been preserved, the migration from Sweden had ceased, except for estimates of the medieval population must be the eastern part of Uusimaa. In the latter men- carried out retrospectively using the oldest tax tioned area the rapid increase in the number records, dating back to the 1540’s. The problem of farmsteads indicates that the migration was is how to combine these two fundamentally dif- still continuing during the latter part of the 13th ferent types of evidence. When discussing this century. Judging from the statistics presented problem, Sirkku Pihlman concludes that in the by Pihlman and Orrman, the emergence and parishes of Lieto, (Turku) and in expansion of the Swedish-speaking population Finland Proper, the population doubled from must have been extensive, but it alone did not 440 individuals at the end of Iron Age to 873 account for the expansion of the settlement. individuals around the year 1300 (Pihlman In addition to the archaeological record and 2004). The assumptions included in Pihlman’s the taxation records, a relevant group of evi- estimate can be discussed (Asplund 2008: dence is provided by Swedish place-names and 314–316), but the trend of the development is place-names that have a specific Swedish form. nevertheless obvious: on the mainland coast of More than 300 000 such place-names have Finland Proper the population expanded over been recorded, though most of which have been several centuries. The population growth at the given after the medieval period. The number of end of the Iron Age surfaces also in the paleo- names of hamlets and parishes is 2800 (Hulden ecological studies made by Teija Alenius that 2002). Although the number is equivalent to indicate an expansion of cultivation approxi- only one percent of the place-names, they are mately 700–1200 AD (see Alenius’s contribu- regarded as an important evidence of medi- tion in this volume). eval settlement, since they belong to the old- The tax records of the 1540’s have been ex- est names. Lars Hulden has observed the im- amined by Eljas Orrman using a retrospective portant fact that the Swedish-speaking regions method that resulted in estimates of the number have expanded through a process, in which of farmsteads around the year 1350 in the prov- Finnish-speaking people gave up their lan-

36 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

guage for Swedish. This is true especially for dahl. Referring to the archetypal character of Ostrobothnia, but also for other parts of Swed- the dichotomy of land and sea, he finds it most ish speaking Finland (Hulden 2001: 463). The reasonable and necessary to search for signals Swedish-speaking proportion of the population in the archaeological record that might be re- was thus greater than what was brought in by lated to the two basic opposed modes of reality the migration only. (Westerdahl 2005b). The expansion of the native population One of the most illustrative examples of since the late Iron Age and the early medieval exceeding the boundary between land and sea Swedish migration together contributed to a is included in the Bronze Age and Pre-Roman frontier of dense population on the archipelago rock art in Bohuslän, Sweden. According to Jo- coast. The settlers took lands and waters on the han Ling, the maritime scenes of the rock art archipelago coast into their possession. The were related to sea voyages that were protected carrying capacity of natural resources was not by rites. The imagery of the rock art represents an obstacle to the growth of population and the the actors, contents and meanings of the rites expansion of settlement. The limits of the land, (Ling 2008: 231–242). forest and sea began to surface not until the late The polarity between land and sea might medieval period, and even then only in densely help us to understand the culture of death in the populated regions (Alifrosti 2000). The utilisa- Bronze Age and the Iron Age in the maritime tion of natural resources expanded when towns setting. The burial cairns are scattered along and population growth opened markets, result- the Finnish archipelago coast, forming a zone ing to an efficient utilisation of the fish stocks that follows the coast at the time of the burial in the outer archipelago (Storå 2003; Friberg custom. Anywhere the coast was open, such as 1983). in the Middle and Northern Ostrobothnia and in Satakunta, the cairns were erected on elevated places, not far from the seashore. Anywhere Cultural boundaries there was an archipelago off the coast, such as in Finland Proper and Åboland, most of the The distinction between the land and the sea cairns were placed on islands (Okkonen 2003; is a cultural deep structure, characteristic of Tuovinen 2005b). The burial custom was asso- maritime cultures. The cultural meanings of the ciated with a specific maritime ecology and it polarity of land and sea express themselves as represented an extended and deep-rooted cul- connotations attached to places, cultural cat- ture of death. The coastal zone of burial cairns egories, practices, terminologies, beliefs, and might well be interpreted as a liminal frontier symbols. Christer Westerdahl has captured one between the land and the sea, a space where the aspect of the opposition of land and sea into the memories of ancestors and the consciousness following rule: of an intellectual capacity greater than humans “what was visible or what could be taken or men- were present as the transition took place. The tioned in a specific way on land or from land shall passage would have crossed a landscape where not be visible or be taken or mentioned in the same the islands, landforms, textures, proportions, way onboard or on the sea” (Westerdahl 2005a). and waters separating islands were all accu- The life of the maritime human being was rately remembered and attached to meanings divided into two modes of tasks and beliefs, and connotations accumulated during bygone distinguished by magical tension. A qualified generations. The voyage was composed of se- individual could break and transgress the bor- quences of passing by ancestral burial sites on derline with the help of rites of territorial pas- islands. The passage between the islands to- sage, shifting to a liminal state. The human wards the open stretches of sea can be under- beings, animals, objects or symbols that make stood as an experience of a transition from one crossing the borderline between land and sea physical and cognitive realm to another, sup- possible, are called liminal agents by Wester- posedly something very much the same as the

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anthropological notion of the limen of fisher- to some outsiders, declaring that the land had men (van Ginkel 1987). been taken into possession, but in my view this One can approach the cognitive structure of idea is actually an ideological projection of pre- the maritime landscape from the sea, viewing sent-day proprietary right to the past. it from a seaman’s or a fisherman’s perspective The cairns represent a continuum of about (Ilves 2004). On the other hand, the views from one hundred generations. The oldest ones date the burial sites and their spatial references sug- back to the end of the Neolithic (see Henrik gest that we also have to direct our gaze from Jansson’s contribution in this volume). At least the land to the sea in order to understand the in the south-western part of the country, the special character of the burial sites. The natural burial custom endured at the very least to the places for the graves were perhaps chosen in Viking Age, both on the mainland and in the order ”to allow the deceased to see even from archipelago. Along the coast there are scattered his last place of rest his dearest field of work, indications that the tradition of burial cairns the sea” as put by Aarne Äyräpää in 1922 (Eu- continued into the medieval period (Tuovinen ropaeus 1922: 186), but the living community 2002: 276–278; Miettinen 2003: 48). During and the renewed visits of the survivors to the the Iron Age, new grave and cemetery types burial sites is another matter, which must be began to be established on the mainland of taken into consideration when contemplating Finland Proper and western Uusimaa, but still the careful choices of the natural places that some deceased were buried in cairns. In the ar- were to be used as burial sites. chipelago, the cairns were the exclusive burial However the choices of the places are inter- custom while on the mainland other types of preted, the cultural meanings of the places were burials were used alongside with cairns. This only relevant to the communities themselves, kind of parallelism can be noted in Uusikau- for people with local knowledge who were con- punki (former ), for example (Salo scious of the places where their deceased were 2003: 53–58). The differences in forms of bur- buried. This is to say that the cairns were very ial thus draw a cultural boundary between the rarely if ever discernible from the sea without archipelago and the mainland. modern optic aids. The cairns were simply The linguistic interactions between com- too small details in the landscape to be distin- munities seem to contribute to another cultural guished if the distance was even a little longer. boundary. The languages spoken on the archi- In other words, the cairns could not possibly pelago coast were in contact with each other. have meant anything to people who came from The connection to the Sami language was up- somewhere further away, and did not know the held for a long time (Lehtola 2008). The exten- landscape before (Tuovinen 2002: 248–250). sive vocabulary of prehistoric words in Finnish, Consequently, cairns cannot possibly have borrowed from Scandinavian, German and Bal- been signs of propriety or territorial landmarks tic languages, suggests that the linguistic con- directed at outsiders. Instead, they should be tacts were maintained for long periods of time, understood from the point of view of internal comprising many walks of life. The ancient cultural meanings within the local commu- field of linguistic contacts might be compared nity. They may have consolidated the identity to the field of cultural contacts as reflected by of the family as a group to confirm that they the burial cairns, indicating something com- were entitled to exploiting natural resources or mon to the Finnish coast, Åland, the east coast the identity of islanders as a group of people of Sweden, and the coastal Estonia, and con- sharing a conception of what Catherine Frie- trasting the northern regions of maritime ecol- man (2008) calls islandness (2008), defined in ogy to the southern agrarian Baltic rim. relation to people living on the mainland. Many An important context of linguistic contacts interpretations might be suggested. during the Iron Age was the exchange of goods Anyway, for present-day people it seems to which, judging from archaeological evidence, be really inviting to regard the cairns as signs was mostly aimed at provinces in Sweden

38 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

and the East Baltic (e.g., Salo 1991; Carpelan tination areas and promoted the spread of in- 1980). On Åland, some graves were furnished novations (Blomkvist 2007: 302–306). This is with artefacts originating from the Finnish the case even for the coast of Finland. German mainland (Tomtlund 2005; Kivikoski 1963), so burghers took up residence in towns, especially goods were also transported between different in Turku, and to some extent in the rural prov- parts of the archipelago coast. Some degree of inces. Ecclesiastical, Christian and commercial multilingualism must have been indispensable words were borrowed from the Lower German to the tradesmen and tradeswomen who were into the as well as terms relat- involved in the exchange. ed to handicrafts and urban life. Especially the The inhabitants of the archipelago coast south-eastern dialect of Finnish was influenced came in contact with religious influences. At by the German language, indicating the com- the early stage these surface in the form of mercial relations between Viborg (Fi. Viipuri) Christian-related ornaments in imported arte- and the Hanseatic dominated towns of Tallinn facts during the Migration period. According and Narva. Interestingly, an important group of to Unto Salo, the cemetery of Luistari in loan-words is those related to fishing, reveal- (Satakunta) represents a Christian population ing the importance of the German tradesmen in as early as during the 7th century, but it still took the fish market of the Baltic rim (Bentlin 2008). an additional 200 years for the Christian theol- The impact of Russian is reflected in place- ogy to be firmly established in South-Western names, reaching as far as Turku in the west Finland. The contacts to the Christianity in (Salo 1982: 92–96; Jokipii 1985: 64). Central Europe cannot be explained by refer- The contacts over the Gulf of Bothnia as re- ring to the exchange of goods solely, so Salo flected in material culture and language suggest puts forward the idea that men originating from that the Swedish settlers of the early medieval Finland served as fighters in troops in Central period had their predecessors in Finland. How- Europe and, having returned, acted as couriers ever, they cannot be made concrete in terms of for the new religion in their local communities time and place. Along with the medieval migra- (Salo 2005). They must have possessed ad- tion the Swedish-speaking population can be equate authority, probably based on land own- identified more specifically. The regions settled ership. In a study concerning manors in South- by them might be characterised as a frontier of Western Finland, Georg Haggrén comes to the linguistic interaction. As discussed above, the conclusion that it was wealthy landowners that borrowing of names from Finnish into Swed- promoted for Christianity and contributed to ish has, according to Ritva Liisa Pitkänen, re- the construction of churches. Their impact may quired a permanent, peaceful and organised co- have begun already during the Iron Age (Hag- operation, common interests, and agreements grén 2005b). While Salo sees Christianity as between people with different mother tongues. a spontaneous and endogenous phenomenon, Several centuries after the Swedish migration, Paula Purhonen emphasises the role of active in 1589, the Dutch seafarer Richard Slotboom missionary work and tradesmen as innovators wrote a brief account of Finland in an appendix acting for the new religion, eager to get their to the sea chart by Lucas Janszoon Waghenaer. trading partners convinced of their faith. She He noted the difference between the Swedish- refers to the possibility that Christianity be- speaking coastal zone and the inland, speaking came familiar to men who participated in Vi- an “own peculiar” language, and he added that king raids or served in foreign troops and dates “in many regions both languages are spoken, the process of Christianisation to a slightly later and therefore preachers of each language have date than Salo does (Purhonen 1998: 135–151). been engaged in these regions” (Miekkavaara The migrations pertinent to the Europeani- 2008: 66–67). zation brought new kinds of knowledge, con- Owing to the emergence of the Swedish and ceptions, experiences and expertise to the des- German-speaking populations the archipelago

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coast gained strength as a frontier where peo- pensated for by animal husbandry and diversi- ple changed goods, experiences and knowledge fied use of natural resources. The introduction and, depending on the place and the social situ- of iron was the most significant technical and ation, spoke different languages and identified economic feature of development in the Iron themselves with different groups. Not later than Age. This development was of particular im- during this phase it is conceivable that the pop- portance since it decreased the risks involved in ulation was in contacts with the multicultural agriculture by increasing the yield of fields and and pluralistic ports of trade on the Baltic rim meadows. The development made possible and (Werbart 2006). A significant indication of cul- necessitated surplus production and the crea- tural contacts is the fact that not less than 500 tion of regional markets (Zvelebil 1985). Since students from Finland were matriculated in the iron tools could be used not only in cultivation German universities in the 15th century (Gläser and animal husbandry but also in the diversi- 2007: 56; cf. Nuorteva 1997: 440). fied utilisation of natural resources and in the context of low intensity land use such as clear- ing and swiddening, it can be concluded that Economic boundaries the impact of iron affected multiple subsistence economies as well as more specialised agrarian The multiple subsistence economy of the ar- economies. chipelago coast in the historic times was based Reijo Solantie pinpoints the risk of frost and on cultivation, animal husbandry, fishing, the insecure overwintering of the crop as the hunting seal, fowling and seafaring. If one of worst problems of early agriculture. The culti- these resources failed, the loss could be com- vation of fields fertilised with animal dung was pensated for by strengthening the use of other not possible as a main source of livelihood be- resources (Ahlbäck 1955; Tuomi-Nikula 1982; fore the introduction of iron, since – according Storå 1985; Storå 2003: 85–110). The more to him – only iron tools were efficient enough specialised agrarian settlement on the mainland to reap winter fodder for cattle. The final break- formed something of a contrast to the multiple through of cultivation happened not earlier than subsistence economy, although the Iron Age during the late Roman Iron Age 200–400 AD settlement on the mainland had an obvious ori- (Solantie 2005), enabling a specialised agri- entation towards the use of maritime resources culture directed towards the cultivation of ma- (Meinander 1980; Núñez 1995; Nissinaho nured fields and stock-raising. However, in an 2007). analysis concerning the productivity of barley The development of the subsistence econo- and rye during the Little Ice Age, Jari Holopai- mies in the Baltic rim suggests that the multiple nen and Samuli Helama conclude that cultivati- subsistence economy even in Finland originates on was still an insecure subsistence even in the from the Iron Age and ultimately dates back to most productive South-Western part of Finland the Bronze Age. According to Marek Zvelebil (Holopainen & Helama 2009). the Bronze Age in the eastern part of the Baltic The small-scale topography, favourable cli- rim region was characterised by a subsistence mate, suitable soil and good communications strategy emphasising minimal risks and low of the archipelago coast obviously constituted productivity. As long as tools of iron were non- a benefit for the multiple subsistence economy. existent the yield of an agricultural household I find it a most momentous hypothesis concern- was, under the circumstances, very insecure: it ing economic boundaries that while the cultiva- was life close to the extreme limits of cultiva- tion of manured fields was introduced on the tion. The circumstances varied drastically ac- mainland coast and the intensified settlement cording to the seasons of the year but there was and community structure of the agrarian region more to it: the risk of a total crop failure oc- was emerging, the settlers of the archipelago curred once a generation or once a century due adhered to the traditional multiple subsistence to extremely cold years. The risks were com-

40 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

economy, adapted into the maritime environ- Liisa Pitkänen. She has shown that there is a ment. This resulted in a transition zone or a relationship between some place names in the frontier between the multiple subsistence econ- archipelago of Åboland and place names on the omy and the agrarian economy. The economic mainland coast. For example, the names of the contacts, such as goods exchange or long-dis- hamlets Jälist, Kivis, and Poutuis in Väståbo- tance utilisation of natural resources, crossed land (Nagu) originate from the names of three the frontier both within the archipelago coast neighbouring hamlets on the mainland coast, and overseas, reducing the risks of agricultural (Fi.) Järäinen, Kiveinen, and Puotuinen. The production. connection between the coastal zones suggests For two reasons, Finland Proper and Åland that the places in the archipelago named after will be illustrative regions for the study of eco- hamlets on the coast were in fact outland do- nomic boundaries. In both regions, the archaeo- mains (Pitkänen 1985; Pitkänen 2007). logical and historical records are large, and the So far, only few archaeological studies have mainlands are guarded by extensive archipela- yielded evidence on the economic transition gos. In Finland Proper, the economic frontier zones of the archipelago coast. An important predicted by the hypothesis seems to be evident study by Juha-Matti Vuorinen concerning the in the taxation system that was introduced in dwelling site of Mulli in Raisio sheds light on the 13th century and indirectly documented in the agrarian subsistence economy on the coast the tax records of the 1550’s. Depending on the of Finland Proper during the period 900 to 1300 form of production, the freemen paid taxes to AD. In Mulli, the pollens and macrosub- the church in butter or in rye (according to the fossils indicate a stable cultivation of manured Swedish and the Finnish law respectively). The fields. The archaeofaunal remains of this site freemen of the agrarian regions on the main- yield that the sheep/goat husbandry and the land coast paid their taxes in rye, while the tax fowling of sea and freshwater birds consti- in butter was levied from two regions, the farm- tuted important parts of the subsistence. The steads in the archipelago and the pioneer settle- most distinctive sea birds were the common ments in the upriver woodlands of the mainland eider (Somateria mollissima) and the razorbill (Orrman 1983). Three taxation zones parallel to (Alca torda). Bones of the pike (Esox lucius), the coast took form: the archipelago and a part the perch (Perca fluviatilis) and Cyprinids were of the mainland zone (large islands off the shore also identified from the site. These species ap- of the mainland) – the mainland coast – the up- pear in brackish water as well as in freshwater, river woodlands. The tax records reveal that the but since sieving was not practised during the largest sown areas were cultivated in hamlets excavation, it is not possible to assess how rep- located on the mainland, 5 to 15 kilometres resentative the fish bone sample was (Vuorinen from the coast, while the areas to be sown were 2009: 150–154, 170–176). Vuorinen’s study considerably smaller in the archipelago and the shows that the agrarian economy seems to have smallest areas were cultivated along the upper retained some components deriving from the reaches of rivers (Alifrosti 2000). The maps old multiple subsistence economy. From the composed by Suvianna Seppälä illustrate that point of view of economic boundaries, the most the geographical pattern of the medieval church interesting evidence from Mulli is the bones taxation endured into the crown taxation in the of the eider and the razorbill. Both species in- 17th century (Seppälä 2009: 110, 133). The re- dicate contacts between the mainland and the gional differences in taxation thus reflect rela- archipelago. Essentially the birds could have tive economic significances of cultivation and been captured using air-nets, although air-nets animal husbandry in different parts of the ar- were mainly used for catching long-tailed ducks chipelago coast, supporting the hypothesis of (Clangula hyemalis). However, according to a economic boundaries above. description by Rev. Samuel Ödman in 1788, Another evidence of the character of the the razorbill was so “sharp” (sharp-beaked and transition zone has been presented by Ritva strong) that a normal air-net was too weak to

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catch the bird (Storå 1968: 190). Thus, other coast was found. Although the name of the catching methods were probably employed. place is not Björkö, it is nevertheless on the An alternative would be to disembark on the shore of an island, located in Kyrksundet in cliffs or skerries where the birds bred and use the inner archipelago of Kimitoön (formerly hooks, nets or bare hands. This was probably Dragsfjärd). The site was used approximately the method used by the Neolithic hunters of from 800 AD to the 11th century. Excavations Ajvide, (Mannermaa & Storå 2006). carried out on the site have yielded artefacts In SW Finland the razorbill typically nests in signalling contacts to the interior of Finland as on treeless skerries in the outer archi- well as to Åland, Sweden and Estonia. Oriental pelago some 40–80 km from Mulli. Regardless and Central European coins are also included. of whether those who caught the seabirds came The character of the site is demonstrated by from the mainland or from the archipelago, the weights of bronze and iron, and there are trac- hunting of seabirds must have involved long- es of bronze casting as well (Edgren 1995a; distance utilisation and special skills. 1995b; 1999). The finds reveal nothing about The number of archaeological artefacts in the use of the site after the 11th century, and it coastal Finland imported from the coasts of the is unknown why and where the activities were Baltic rim is so considerable that it must impli- relocated. cate the existence of commercial networks of The idea about market places connecting some kind. It has been suggested that the coastal commercial actors on the archipelago coast to communities of the Iron Age maintained the net- the cargo traffic on the Baltic Sea and to the works and supplied products of the Baltic trade distant interior has thus gained empirical sup- from the coast to the inland (Pihlman 1987). port. It is noteworthy that the artefacts from Finds of imported artefacts on Tytärsaari, one Kyrksundet which point towards the inte- of the outer islands of the Gulf of Finland have rior have their counterparts in Häme (Edgren been interpreted as indications of settlers of the 1995a: 209). Jaakko Masonen has identified outer islands functioning as suppliers between four regions on the south-western coast that the coasts of the Gulf of Finland (Carpelan & during the late Iron Age and early medieval pe- Uino 2003). The archaeological evidence of the riod supplied products from the Baltic sphere of Baltic trade and market places should be dis- trade to Häme and exported goods from there coverable somewhere on the archipelago coast, to the coast. One of the regions determined by but the number of actual finds has been small. Masonen is the valley of the river Halikonjoki Unto Salo regards the coastal trade as a more (Masonen 1989: 130, 152–160). Interestingly, primary institution than the trade of the inland. Kyrksundet is located in the archipelago off In 1982, he traced a network of coastal market the mouth of Halikonjoki. The geography thus places by examining islands bearing the name seems to link Kyrksundet with Häme, sug- Björkö, Engl. ‘Birch Island’, which were - gesting that it was a market place and a port graphically suitable as market places. Accord- of transhipment in the cargo traffic, possibly a ing to him, the toponyms indicate marketplaces harbour where victuals were loaded. The place where the Swedish commercial Law of Björkö had obvious geographical advantages. It could regulated life. The Björkö islands were a part be approached quite safely from the open sea of the trade with Birka, places where products provided that the seamen were able to observe of the wilderness, such as furs, were supplied. the natural passage that lead them northwards, After the destruction of Birka in 795 the com- passing the isle of Örö along its western side mercial contacts with Gotland increased and and turning to the east (Fig. 3). There have been some coastal market places developed towards routes to Kyrksundet through the archipelago proto-urban settlements (Salo 1982). as well, since it is evidently equal to Örsund, Nine years after Salo’s overview, the first mentioned in the Danish itinerary (Zilliacus known Iron Age marketplace on the Finnish 1994: 71–75). Although the activities in Kyrk-

42 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

Fig. 3. The traffic regions of Finland Proper that supplied streams of goods to the interior, according to Jaakko Masonen (1989: 130). 1. Upper Satakunta – . 2. Lower Satakunta – Kalanti. 3. The valley of the river Aurajoki. 4. The valley of the river Halikonjoki (Uskelanjoki). 5. . 6. Vanajan Häme. 7. Päijät-Häme. The market place of Kyrksundet, the Danish itinerary passing Kyrksundet (according to Zilliacus 1994) and a possible route from the open sea to Kyrksundet and further to the valley of the river Halikonjoki.

sundet seem to have ceased already by 1100 seafarers used a traditional route that provided AD and the Danish itinerary was written down a more or less safe path between shoals, prob- around 1300 AD, the fact that the route passed ably assisted by local pilots. Kyrksundet does not however appear to be a The possibility that Kyrksundet was a port coincidence; it rather suggests that the Danish of transhipment where vessels were reloaded

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for further transportation towards the mainland, royal effort to concentrate the trade into towns is further supported by the fact that it was lo- suggests that the peasant sailing had started and cated at the boundary of three different types of established the required business relations long sea transport zones, namely the routes of regu- before it was finally recorded in written sources lar transportation across water (routes over the in the 1320’s. Baltic Sea), the coastal transport zones hug- By the medieval period, the Gulf of Finland ging the coast (routes within the archipelago) had evolved into being a part of the transporta- and the zones based on river valleys or other tion zone called Ostsæ by Westerdahl (1995). continuous water courses (routes towards the It was an important route between the Swedish mainland) (Westerdahl 2005a: 257). The mar- domain and the Russian commercial centres of ket place was connected to the mouth of the Novgorod and Pskov. Hanseatic products were river Halikonjoki through a narrow route be- shipped to the east and raw materials and semi- tween the island of Kimitoön and the mainland. finished products were shipped to the west. The distance between the places was around 40 Given the difficult navigational circumstances nautical miles, logged in ten hours when doing in the Finnish archipelago, the transito traffic a speed of four knots. There probably was a was probably bound to the open sea or hugging harbour or a place of discharge at the mouth of the coast of Estonia, remaining archaeologically Halikonjoki, discussed by Salo but not yet dis- almost invisible. But in towns and outside them covered (see Salo 1982: 63–74). The “harbour there are archaeological imprints of cargos of of the Tavastians”, portus tauestorum, men- ships having the port of destination on the Finn- tioned in the context of the so-called Second ish coast. Among the indications of Hanseatic Crusade to Häme in 1239 or 1249 (Tarkiainen trade the most extensively distributed is prob- 2008: 97–99), might be located here. ably the German stoneware pottery that was a It can be asked, whether the archipelago considerable novelty in households (Gaimster coast can be seen only as a destination of for- 2005). Stoneware has been found in the wrecks eign tradesmen or a set of ports for transito traf- of Egelskär, Väståboland (Nagu) and Lapuri, fic, or did the inhabitants of the Iron Age coast Virolahti (Wessman 2007; Mökkönen 2006). participate on the business trips themselves. It has been discovered in the cultural layers of Salo concludes that the skills in boatbuilding, medieval towns, in the Franciscan monastery indicated by the boat graves, show that trades- of Kökar (Gustavsson 1994) and in hamlets men with Finnish background sailed the coasts and manors along the coast, among others, in of the Baltic Sea not later than by the 7th cen- Perniö, Espoo, Snappertuna, , Hanko, tury (Salo 1982: 17). He shares Gunvor Kerk- Ekenäs, , Ingå, Pernå () and in konen’s (1959) opinion; she regarded the so- the castles of Raseborg, Junkarsborg and Hush- called peasant sailing over the Gulf of Finland olmen (Haggrén et al. 2003; Jansson 2004; as a form of exchange that must initially date Jansson et al. 2010; Haggrén 2005a; Pihlman back to the Iron Age. Another reason to date the 2005; Rosendahl 2008a; Haggrén et al. 2007; self-sufficient local seafaring to the Iron Age Pellinen 2007; Niukkanen 1998; Mökkönen is the self-sufficiency of the countryside in the 1997; Suhonen 1999). In the interior German external trade of the medieval period. In com- stoneware has been found, for example, in the parison to Central Europe, a considerably larg- manor of Laukko, (Uotila 2000). A er proportion was transported by the peasants substantial typological diversity seems to be to the ports along the Baltic Sea coasts, pass- characteristic of the imported crockery on me- ing the burghers who had been guaranteed the dieval settlement sites in Uusimaa (Haggrén monopoly on trade by the monarchy. The most & Jansson 2004) and in the medieval town of important ports of destination were Stockholm Turku (Pihlman 2002), for example in recent and Tallinn (Kaukiainen 2008: 60–66). The fact finds from the waterfront of the town. that the peasant sailing continued in spite of the

44 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

6. Outlines for a model of eco- freeman-fisherman’s taskscape was a long-term nomic zones adaptation to structural and historical factors, above all to the maritime environment. View- ing the relation of the coastal people to the sea The freemen-fishermen from a Braudelian point of view, Johan Rönnby discusses what he calls the maritime durées, “The Ålandian fisherman was a freeman and long-term structures related to the maritime a fisher in the same person”.This is how subsistence, the maritime communication, and Nils Storå characterises the freemen of the the mental presence of the sea (Rönnby 2007). 18th and 19th centuries who gathered their This perspective can be applied to examine the livelihood from all sources that the land and economic geography of the Finnish archipelago the sea could provide. The annual rotational coast. cycle comprised works needed to be done during each season of the year in fishing, Outland resources seal hunting, fowling, cultivation and animal husbandry, including preparations, transports, reparations etc. Some works were done in In Fennoscandia and the northern Atlantic Eu- the infields and fishing waters nearby while rope, different practices to utilise natural re- fishing in the outer archipelago and selling sources located in outlands outside the primary goods in the marketplaces in towns required units of settlement are known. During the warm a long voyage by boat (Storå 2003: 103–106). period of the year, the cattle were led to pas- The distinguishing features of the traditional tures located beyond the infields. The outlands multiple subsistence economy were the variety were used for pasturing, collecting winter fod- of the sources of livelihood, the broad mobility, der, cultivation, tar burning, hunting, fishing and the field of contacts. The field of work of and at places for quarrying rocks or minerals the freeman-fisher was a taskscape (Ingold and producing iron in bowl hearths. The use of 1993: 158–162) divided into concentric zones. outlands contributed to the increase of winter The nearest one included the central toft of fodder for the stock, and increased the cultivat- the hamlet, the buildings, fields, havens, hop ed area and the amount of products that could gardens and pastures, the next zone included be sold on markets. The outlands were an eco- the fishing waters, grasslands and grazing nomically important part of the agrarian sub- islands. The outermost zone ranged tens or sistence economy that emerged during the Iron hundreds of kilometres away. Particularly the Age and continued into modern times (Svens- herring-fishers had to sail long distances after son 1998; Emanuelsson et al. 2003; Widgren their catch. They came from Ostrobothnia to 1997: 17).6 Gunvor Kerkkonen regarded the Åland, and some fishermen from Åland and use of outlands in Finland as a conceivable Åboland are known to have visited regularly part of the multiple subsistence economy that the crown fisheries of Svenska Högarna and compensated for risks caused by the unreliable th th Huvudskär in Sweden in the 16 and 17 agrarian production (Kerkkonen 1966). Helmer centuries (Ramsdahl 1946; Högnäs 1989). Smeds considered that outlands were needed Storå calls this mobile long-distance utilisation because of the insufficient nutrient content and of fish stocks asherring nomadism (Storå 2003: hay production of the infields’ pastures (Smeds 239–246; Storå 1979: 141–146). 1944). The geographical, political, demographi- In Finland, little is known about the archae- cal, cultural and economic zones and frontiers ology of outlands. In principle, they should be of the archipelago coast have been reviewed above. It appears that all prerequisites for the multiple subsistence economy and mobility ex- 6 For the difference between outland and wilderness, see isted during the Iron Age. The zonality of the Svensson 1998: 14–15.

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able to be archaeologically identified in the vi- an expansion of pollen of rye follow (see Ale- cinity of farmsteads and hamlets, outside the nius’ contribution in this volume). The paleoe- most intensively utilised area. In the regions of cological evidence thus lists several indications the classical Iron Age grave and cemetery types of the use of outlands. Grazing is a most signifi- of the Finnish mainland, the outlands should be cant signal, since it suggests that the place the sought for mainly in the moraine and rocky ar- signal comes from once was located so near to eas between the river valleys and on the large a farmstead that it was possible and worth the islands off the edge of the mainland. For ex- effort to transport the cattle to the outland and ample, according to a court record from deliver dairy products to the farmstead. Other (Väståboland) in 1556 nearly all areas suitable hallmarks than the paleoecological ones have for slash-and-burn cultivation were deforested to be identified by means of archaeology, zoo- due to frequent swiddening (Säihke 1963: 26), archaeology, history and onomastics. which indicates the outland character of large A pertinent part of the outland use was the islands. On the isle of Kimitoön, large areas shielings (Sw. fäbod). By 16th century shielings were swiddened and clearance burned for fields were built as sheds for herders for the grazing and meadows as late as in the 17th and 18th cen- periods. Sheilings are known in Finland mainly turies (Sahlberg 1942: 173–181). The outlands from the eastern inland provinces of Savo and might become archaeologically visible if the Karelia, and from the coasts of Ostrobothnia structure of the Iron Age settlement turns out and Ladoga (Smeds 1944). In Ostrobothnia to be hierarchical, as suggested by Sirkku Pihl- the stock was usually transported by boat to man. The point made by her is that on the main- large islands off the coast, occasionally even to land coast of Finland Proper there were, in ad- smaller ones (Toivanen 2005). The use of sheil- dition to independent farmsteads, also more or ings continued until 1921 when forest grazing less dependent or subordinate farms, a kind of was forbidden by the new Fencing Law. At subfarmsteads that did not have their own cem- places the use of fäbodar for other purposes eteries. In the medieval period, the subfarm- continued until the 1960’s (Dahlberg 2007). steads begun to be levied individually, which From Åboland there are scattered pieces of caused the dispersed settlement units to split evidence on sheilings, but they come from a late and the subfarmsteads to become independent period (Moring 1987: 19; Gardberg 1931: 125; (Pihlman 2004: 66–67). It probably must be as- Appelgren 1931: 186–187). Toponyms includ- sumed that the subfarmsteads were located out- ing the affix -bod ‘hut’, however, suggest that side of the most productive arable lands, so the shielings have existed in more ancient times. gaining of their independence would have been On large islands the affix denotes shielings a part of the settlement process of the outlands. while on the islands in the outer archipelago it Pihlman’s idea is supported by evidence from denotes fishing huts (Zilliacus 1989: 210–214; Åland, suggesting that the settlement of the late Fortelius 1999: 330). Using the toponyms how- Iron Age was structured hierarchically (Núñez ever, it has not yet been possible to locate bod 1993). huts (Zilliacus 1994: 39–40). So far the pollen analyses that have been carried out constitute the most important evi- dence on the character of outland use. In sam- The outer archipelago ples from Åboland and Uusimaa, indications of clearing, grazing, burning, hay making, and In the taskscape of the freemen-fishermen, long-term cultivation of low intensity can be the outlands and the outer archipelago appear traced. These kinds of activities continue, de- as parallel in the sense that both regions were pending on the sample spot, from the Bronze located far from the farmsteads and the utili- Age or Pre-Roman period to about 700–1200 sation of them required that a part of the peo- AD. Then an intensification of cultivation and ple of the farmsteads moved out for a part of the year. Outlands and outer islands probably

46 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

shared some similar beliefs, cultural categories fishermen’s huts have been erected (Hausen and practices. 1880: 166–167)). He adds that in the terrain On the small islands in the skerry zone at there were foundations of something that he the edge of the open sea, there are plenty of without a doubt regarded as the remains of “an- remains related to fishing and living, probably cient” fishermen’s huts. The fact that Gyllenius mainly deriving from the last 100 or 200 years, mentions the huts in Finnish (Mayor, Fi. maja) but among the remains there are older ones, as well as in Swedish (Bodar, Sw. bod) implies including medieval ones. Judging from the that the fishermen’s community was bilingual. evidence concerning prehistoric seal hunting The huts were simple log-built construc- (Gustavsson 1997; Núñez et al. 1997) it may tions, often erected on the bare rock (e.g., be concluded that the skerry zone was an in- Törnroos 1980: 97–105). In addition to the termediate resting place for seal hunters head- still existing huts there are decaying remains ing to the ice of the open sea. The skerry zone of older constructions. The tomtningar, rest was even more important for fishing and seal places lacking floor constructions, are better hunting that took place during the ice-free sea- preserved as they usually have at least two dry- son. However, very little is still known about walls of stones (Norman 1993; Norman 1995: the coastal fishing in the Iron Age and the me- 44; Tuovinen 2001: 29–32). The function, fre- dieval period. Partly because of the excavation quency, geographical distribution, context and techniques that were used, partly due to tapho- age range of the tomtningar are inadequately nomic reasons, fish bones tend to be underrep- known in Finland. It is quite possible that they resented in the archaeo-osteological materials. were in use during the Iron Age. In and As a result, the importance of fish in the sup- Korsnäs, Ostrobothnia, tomtningar have been ply of foodstuff to the town of Turku has so far radiocarbon dated to the Pre-Roman period been impossible to estimate (Tourunen 2008: (Holmblad 2009). As far as the tomtningar of 123–124). the southern coast are concerned, the shore dis- However, on the basis of written sources one placement, the context of occurrence and the can put together a picture of the fishing in the oral history imply that most of them were built outer archipelago as a major factor in the sup- during a long time span from the medieval pe- ply of foodstuff to towns. One of the important riod until the fishing boats were equipped with fisheries for Stockholm was Kökar (Åland), a engines (ca 1925–1930) and the traditional fish- densely populated group of islands, the econ- ing disappeared. Especially many tomtningar omy of which was based on fishing and seal have been found in 2007 by Henrik Jansson in hunting. In the 16th century Kökar alone was re- the archaeological survey of the Eastern Gulf of sponsible for more than a fourth of the products Finland National Park (pers.comm.). They are of fishing and hunting that were shipped from less frequent in the archipelagos of Åboland Åland to Stockholm (Friberg 1983: 179–181). and Åland. The tomtningar are mostly concen- On the small skerries of the fishery of Mörskär, trated to the outer archipelago, except for those a crowd of people assembled annually to fish located on large islands in elevated places far herring and cod. There still remains tomtningar, from the shore. The latter belong to some other, a field labyrinth, a beaching place for boats and probably older context. a haven (Gustavsson 1994; Tuovinen 2001). It The number of known tomtningar along is known that the fishermen constructed small the Finnish southern archipelago coast is in the huts for staying overnight. In his diary of the hundreds while the Swedish east coast has no 16th of August 1651, the Swedish student Petrus fewer than 1250 tomtningar. The difference Magnus Gyllenius mentions the huts of the in the frequencies can be assigned to the fact isles of Mörskär. In Utö, there was ”Eneskäär, that archaeological surveys of the Finnish ar- på huilket ganska månghe fiskiare Mayor och chipelagos were initiated not until the 1980’s, Bodar bygde ähre” (Enskär, where quite many mainly with scarce economic resources. But

47 TAPANI TUOVINEN

maybe there is also a structural factor, related The idea of the archipelago coast as a (pre) to the late urbanisation of Finland. In Sweden, historical-geographical zone is not new. In most fishermen came from other parishes along 1984, Helena Edgren examined the relation- the coast and many of them were burghers from ship of the Iron Age burial cairns on Åland to towns. The fishing, controlled by the monarchy the topography, the sea, the arable land and the and the tax-exempt farms (Sw. frälse) was im- other types of burials. She concluded that there portant for the supply of foodstuff to Stockholm were three types of burial cairns differing from and other towns in Central Sweden (Norman each other in the degree of maritimity of the 1993). The Finnish archipelagos were visited places chosen as burial sites. The groups of the by Swedish burghers buying fish and fishing graves can be associated with communities, in the waters owned by the crown. Beginning the economies of which were based on fishing, from the 17th century, the fish buyers used well multiple subsistence strategies and agriculture, boats to transport fresh fish to Stockholm (Storå respectively (Edgren 1983; Edgren 1984). An- 2003: 54–64). The fish stocks were also exploit- other example is the analysis of the medieval ed by freemen-fishermen, burghers from the settlement process in Finland Proper by Kari towns, fishermen employed by the demesnes, Alifrosti, making a comparison between the and Estonians (Rinne 1963: 89–96). Fishing geographical zones of the archipelago coast along the Finnish coast was thus tied to the (Alifrosti 2000). market, but it seems to have to a higher degree Below I will present an outline of an eco- passed the towns than in Sweden. One possible nomic model covering the southern archipelago explanation is the fact that there were only six coast.7 The frontiers of subsistence economy towns in Finland in the medieval period. Their and the streams of goods are placed in the clas- demand for food supplies was still quite small sical geographical model of the archipelago (Kallioinen 1995). The great number of tomt- coast, and the zonal succession of physical ningar in the archipelago of eastern Uusimaa landscapes (Granö et al. 1999: 27–38). The aim might imply the demands for food supplies of is to paint a generalised picture of the local sub- Viborg and Tallinn and the traditional econom- sistence economies in the zones reaching from ic contacts over the Gulf of Finland. In addi- the open sea to the upper reaches of rivers. The tion, the shore displacement is slow in eastern most important components are illustrated in Uusimaa, so not many new islands suitable for Figures 4 and 5. fishermen rose out of the sea. It can be assumed The fishing zonecomprises the geographi- that the islands in the outer archipelago were cal skerry zone: the open sea, the outermost is- used over a long period of time, resulting in a lands and skerries, and the extensive stretches high frequency of tomtningar. of open sea. It is by nature a margin that, due to the land uplift, has slid gradually further out towards the Baltic Sea. The result is that the The economic zones of the archipelago prehistoric fishing zones are now located some- coast where inner in the archipelago. Depending on the ice conditions, it must be assumed that the fishing and the seal hunting were seasonal. Re- The specific economic and social resources of mains of working and living on the islands, such the archipelago coast enabled conditions for as tomtningar, stone ovens, beaching places for the utilisation of natural resources, population boats (Sw. uppdräkt or båtlänning), net-drying growth, intensification of agriculture, urbanisa- constructions, field labyrinths, inscriptions on tion, specialisation and cultural pluralism. The rocks, and remains of huts, can be found. discussion above aims to compile the evidence of Iron Age and medieval settlement, making the archipelago coast distinctive as a transition 7 After this text was submitted for printing, Peter Norman introduced a model of archipelago settlement in Swe- zone composed of geographical, political, de- den that is partly based on similar ideas as my model mographic, cultural and economic frontiers. (Norman 2009).

48 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

The zone of multiple subsistence strate- of the agrarian zone are the classical Iron Age gies refers to the region extending from the grave and cemetery types (tarand graves, cem- outer archipelago to the inner archipelago. The eteries of the Kärsämäki type, level ground cre- still preliminary and insufficient present-day mation cemeteries, mounds, inhumation cem- evidence implies that the subsistence economy eteries, etc.), the burial cairns, the cup-marked of the archipelago was based on cultivation and stones, the fossil fields and the hillforts. Most animal husbandry in combination with the uti- of the known Iron Age dwelling sites are lo- lisation of natural resources, such as fishing, cated in the agrarian zone. The agrarian zone seal hunting, and fowling. Fishing especially expanded through the settlement expansion of required long seasonal voyages to the skerry the early medieval period. zone. Animal husbandry was probably more The outlands were located at varying dis- important than the cultivation of land. The ar- tances from the farmsteads, on moraine areas, chaeological signature of the zone is the burial mires and elevated clayey areas that had not yet cairns of Iron Age character, often placed on is- been cleared up for permanent cultivation. Ar- lands in places with an open view towards the eas of low intensity were formed on the large sea. islands in front of the mainland, in the forests The agrarian zone refers to the large is- between the settled river valleys, and by the up- lands in front of the mainland and the mainland per reaches of rivers. The outlands were perti- coast. By 500 AD the settlement of this zone nent both to the agrarian zone and to the zone comprised of single farmsteads, with varying in of multiple subsistence strategies, since they the degree of dispersal. The intensification of completed the agricultural production. Yet not agriculture had shifted the subsistence economy much is known about the archaeological signa- towards the cultivation of fields, fertilised with tures of the outlands, but pollen analyses pro- animal dung, and animal husbandry. The farm- vide increasing evidence about them. steads were typically located by the bottoms of The long-distance utilisation refers to mo- sea bays and along rivers, not distant from the bile activities of subsistence economy of self- sea shore, which enabled access to the outlands sufficient households and local communities at the upper reaches of rivers. It also indicates within and between the geographical zones of barter trade taking place with the islanders and/ the archipelago coast. The utilisation involved or long-distance utilisation of the resources of seasonal use of the fishing zone and the out- the archipelago. The archaeological signatures lands as well as the transportation, equipments

The Baltic Sea

The fishing zone Markets - rocky skerries at the edge of the open sea Long - - seasonal fishing and seal hunting

distanceutilisation

The zone of multiple subsistence strategies - the outer and the inner archipelago - combined agro-pastoral farming, fishing, seal hunting, bird fowling

The agrarian zone - the edge of the mainland

- husbandry Fig. 4. The economic zones of The outlands the archipelago coast around - outland use of big isles, forested areas between the river valleys 500–1550 AD. and upper reaches of rivers

49 TAPANI TUOVINEN

Fig. 5. A schematic map of the economic zones of the archipelago coast (not in scale). Drawing by the author.

and practises that were related to fishing, seal Discussion hunting, fowling, and egg collecting in the out- er archipelago and the fishing zone – and, on the other hand, related to clearing, fire culture, A glance at the map is enough to show that the hay making, and grazing in the outlands. topography of the archipelago coast is a frag- The markets refer to the external exchange mented and small-scale mosaic. The patches and sources of livelihood of the local commu- where humans utilised the natural resources nities, such as streams of goods into market and altered the nature to their own needs, were places or towns, piloting, seafaring, shipping, by nature small and formed patchy regional and peasant sailing. The medieval rural popula- structures. It would be rather predictable if the tion was rather self-sufficient in the production intensity of agriculture had varied similarly, lo- of many commodities, and the burghers of the cally and in small scale. In an overview of the towns had to do business with them in order to development of the agrarian cultural landscape get their foreign trade running smoothly (Kal- in Sweden, Mats Widgren notes the consider- lioinen 1995). Thus the markets include the able variations in time and space of the inten- economic interaction between towns and rural sity and development of the cultural landscape regions. Widgren 1997: 56). The factors behind the vari- ations were not ecological ones alone, since the local communities might have had remarkably varying strategies of production, division of

50 THE FINNISH ARCHIPELAGO COAST FROM AD 500 TO 1550 – A ZONE OF INTERACTION

labour and cooperation (e.g., Svensson 1998: the parish. As far as the burial custom is con- 181–187). cerned, Kimitoön differs from other parts of the The economic model above includes a gen- agrarian zone in Finland Proper, but only partly eralisation that should cover some local varia- since the burial cairns were used in the agrar- tions. The agrarian zone is most clear-cut in the ian zone as well. The Iron Age archaeology of region of the classical grave and cemetery types Kimitoön reminds clearly of some other parts covering the mainland coast from and of the archipelago coast where the most dis- (Kalanti) in Finland Proper to tinctive signature of Iron Age settlement are the Ekenäs (Tenala) and Raseborg (Karis) in Uusi- burial cairns, e.g. the coast of Rauma, around maa and the Mainland Åland. In Ostrobothnia 120 kilometres to the north, where the num- archaeological field studies imply that the bur- ber of Iron Age burial cairns is significant, the ial cairns were a central burial custom of the stochastic time gradient of the cairns appears Iron Age, indicating rather multiple subsistence clearly and pollen analyses indicate an Iron Age economy than intensive agrarian specialisation. cultivation (Tiitinen 1988). From the point of view of physical geogra- Five pollen analyses have been made on phy, the large islands in front of the mainland the island of Kimitoön. Cerealia pollen occurs belong to the mainland. So far, the indications sporadically during a long time span until the of the agrarian zone on the islands are few. Due continuous cultivation is introduced in the late to shore displacement, the largest of the islands, Iron Age or the medieval period. In a sample the island of Kimitoön, grew together during from Söderbyträsket, Kimitoön (Dragsfjärd), the Iron Age from several islands into one coa- such types of pollen occur from the Bronze lescent land area, separated from the mainland Age to the Viking Age at low but constant lev- by a narrow . The natural environment was els, which indicate human impact and sporadic mainland-like. In the present-day municipal- cultivation until the continuous cultivation ity of Kimitoön, including an extensive archi- starts in the 11th and 12th centuries. The samples pelago, no Iron Age cemeteries with agrarian show indications of fire culture, clearing, graz- mainland characteristics have been discovered ing and mowing during the Iron Age (Alenius (Asplund 2008). Instead, 168 burial cairns have 2008; Asplund 2008: 187–196). The character been recorded, 75 of which are of Iron Age of the use of natural resources suggests that the character (Tuovinen 2002).8 The Viking Age sampling sites are located in ancient outlands, market place of Kyrksundet (Edgren 1995a) a bit apart from the settlement. Although the is- and the medieval harbour of Jungfrusund (Kall- land of Kimitoön is geographically a part of the berg 1990) are located in the southern part of agrarian zone, multiple subsistence economy and use of outlands seem to be characteristic 8 In his doctoral dissertation Henrik Asplund summarises of the area. the classification of Bronze Age and Iron Age burial In a paper discussing paleoclimatology, Rei- cairns in Åboland, made by me (Asplund 2008: 73, jo Solantie comes to the conclusion that the risk 369–372). He finds no problems in the datings and does not dispute the chronology. However, except for of frost, the insecure overwintering of the crop, some rare exceptions, he ignores the Iron Age burial and the adequacy of winter fodder were criti- cairns in Åboland (e.g., fig 62), although they obvious- cal problems for the early agriculture (Solantie ly are crucial to the main argumentation of his study, 2005). If he is right, the conclusion emphasises the Iron Age abandonment on the island of Kimitoön. the role of multiple subsistence economy as a In the appendix (p. 454–461, 490–493) Asplund igno- res most cairns in the archipelago although they are risk minimising strategy, which is further ac- located in his research area and published in research centuated in the archipelago by the fact that the literature (cf. Tuovinen 2002, Appendix 3). Thus the sea routes made it possible, as opposed to main- abandonment postulated by him seems to be thinkable land, to transport food supplies, livestock, raw only if some for him inconvenient evidence is simply materials, fuel, and catch within or between the eliminated and not presented to the reader. Needless to say, Asplund’s argumentation remains misleading and zones and reduce the risks of a more intensive fatally defective. It will not be discussed further here. mode of agricultural production.

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It can be assumed that local people moved Alenius, Teija & Haggrén, Georg & Jansson, Henrik & Miettinen, Arto (2004). Ulkosaariston asutuksesta between the zones, sailing to market places or autiokyläksi: Inkoon Ors poikkitieteellisenä tutkimus- fisheries. The cargo vessels of the Baltic trade kohteena. SKAS 1(2004): 4–19. Alenius, Teija & Haggrén, Georg & Jansson, Henrik sailed through the archipelago, enabling op- & Miettinen, Arto (2006). Maritime activities on the portunities for islanders to pilotage and trad- southern coast of Finland 500–1550 AD: settlement history from the viewpoint of archaeology, history, ing. Judging from the finds, Kyrksundet was a biology and geology. Pieters, Marnix & Verhaeghe, harbour serving the cargo traffic of the Baltic Frans & Gevaert, Glenn (eds.) (2006). Fishery, trade and piracy: fishermen and fishermen’s settlements in sphere. It was possibly a port of transhipment and around the area in the Middle Ages for traffic to the interior, but this does not say and later. I. Papers from the colloquium at Oostende- Raversijde, Belgium, 21–23 November 2003: 207–213. anything about where the vessels came from. Archeologie in Vlaanderen. Monografie 6. Brussel: Gunvor Kerkkonen and Unto Salo hold the Vlaams Instituut voor het Onroerend Erfgoed (VIOE). Alifrosti, Kari (1995). Valtauksesta verolukuun. Nissina- view that cargo traffic sailing on its own keel, ho, Aino (ed.) (1995). Ihmisen maisema: kirjoituksia the so-called peasant sailing, emerged dur- yhteisön ja ympäristön muutoksesta Lounais-Suomen rannikolla: 77–82. Turku: Turun yliopisto – Åbo Aka- ing the Iron Age. The finds from Kyrksundet demi. provide an interesting analogy that while they Alifrosti, Kari (2000). 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