North Korean New Year's Editorial (2004)
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"Mostly Propaganda in Nature": Kim Il Sung, the Juche Ideology, and The
NORTH KOREA INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTATION PROJECT WORKING PAPER #3 THE NORTH KOREA INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTATION PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and James F. Person, Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the North Korea International Documentation Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 2006 by a grant from the Korea Foundation, and in cooperation with the University of North Korean Studies (Seoul), the North Korea International Documentation Project (NKIDP) addresses the scholarly and policymaking communities’ critical need for reliable information on the North Korean political system and foreign relations by widely disseminating newly declassified documents on the DPRK from the previously inaccessible archives of Pyongyang’s former communist allies. With no history of diplomatic relations with Pyongyang and severely limited access to the country’s elite, it is difficult to for Western policymakers, journalists, and academics to understand the forces and intentions behind North Korea’s actions. The diplomatic record of North Korea’s allies provides valuable context for understanding DPRK policy. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a section in the periodic Cold War International History Project BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to North Korea in the Cold War; a fellowship program for Korean scholars working on North Korea; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications. The NKIDP Working Paper Series is designed to provide a speedy publications outlet for historians associated with the project who have gained access to newly- available archives and sources and would like to share their results. -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
Korea (Democratic People's Republic Of)'S Constitution of 1972 with Amendments Through 2016
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 constituteproject.org Korea (Democratic People's Republic of)'s Constitution of 1972 with Amendments through 2016 Subsequently amended This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 Table of contents Preamble . 3 CHAPTER I: POLITICS . 4 CHAPTER II: THE ECONOMY . 7 CHAPTER III: CULTURE . 10 CHAPTER IV: NATIONAL DEFENCE . 12 CHAPTER V: FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CITIZENS . 13 CHAPTER VI: STATE ORGANS . 16 SECTION 1: THE SUPREME PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY . 16 SECTION 2: THE CHAIRMAN OF THE STATE AFFAIRS COMMISSION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA . 18 SECTION 3: THE STATE AFFAIRS COMMISSION . 19 SECTION 4: THE PRESIDIUM OF THE SUPREME PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY . 20 SECTION 5: THE CABINET . 23 SECTION 6: THE LOCAL PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY . 25 SECTION 7: THE LOCAL PEOPLE’S COMMITTEE . 27 SECTION 8: THE PUBLIC PROSECUTORS OFFICE AND THE COURT . 28 CHAPTER VII: EMBLEM, FLAG, ANTHEM AND CAPITAL . 31 Korea (Democratic People's Republic of) 1972 (rev. 2016) Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 • Political theorists/figures • Preamble Preamble • Reference to country's history The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the socialist motherland of Juche where the ideas and leadership of the great Comrades Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il are applied. The great Comrade Kim Il Sung was the founder of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the father of socialist Korea. -
North Korea's Political System*
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on the international circumstances in the Asia-Pacific. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]) Citation: International Circumstances in the Asia-Pacific Series, Japan Digital Library (March 2016), http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/korean_peninsula.php Series: Korean Peninsula Affairs North Korea’s Political System* Takashi Sakai** Introduction A year has passed since the birth of the Kim Jong-un regime in North Korea following the sudden death of General Secretary Kim Jong-il in December 2011. During the early days of the regime, many observers commented that all would not be smooth sailing for the new regime, citing the lack of power and previ- ous experience of the youthful Kim Jong-un as a primary cause of concern. However, on the surface at least, it now appears that Kim Jong-un is now in full control of his powers as the “Guiding Leader” and that the political situation is calm. The crucial issue is whether the present situation is stable and sustain- able. To consider this issue properly, it is important to understand the following series of questions. What is the current political structure in North Korea? Is the political structure the same as that which existed under the Kim Jong-il regime, or have significant changes occurred? What political dynamics are at play within this structure? Answering these questions with any degree of accuracy is not an easy task. -
Digital Trenches
Martyn Williams H R N K Attack Mirae Wi-Fi Family Medicine Healthy Food Korean Basics Handbook Medicinal Recipes Picture Memory I Can Be My Travel Weather 2.0 Matching Competition Gifted Too Companion ! Agricultural Stone Magnolia Escpe from Mount Baekdu Weather Remover ERRORTelevision the Labyrinth Series 1.25 Foreign apps not permitted. Report to your nearest inminban leader. Business Number Practical App Store E-Bookstore Apps Tower Beauty Skills 2.0 Chosun Great Chosun Global News KCNA Battle of Cuisine Dictionary of Wisdom Terms DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive Copyright © 2019 Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior permission of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 P: (202) 499-7970 www.hrnk.org Print ISBN: 978-0-9995358-7-5 Digital ISBN: 978-0-9995358-8-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019919723 Cover translations by Julie Kim, HRNK Research Intern. BOARD OF DIRECTORS Gordon Flake, Co-Chair Katrina Lantos Swett, Co-Chair John Despres, -
Militaristic Propaganda in the DPRK the Heritage of Songun-Politics in the Rodong-Sinmun Under Kim Jong-Un
University of Twente Faculty of Behavioural, Management & Social Sciences 1st Supervisor: Dr. Minna van Gerven-Haanpaa Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster Institut für Politikwissenschaft 2nd Supervisor: Björn Goldstein, M.A. Militaristic propaganda in the DPRK The heritage of Songun-Politics in the Rodong-Sinmun under Kim Jong-Un Julian Muhs Matr.- Nr.: 384990 B.A. & B.Sc Schorlemerstraße 4 StudentID; s1610325 Public Administration 48143 Münster (Westf.) (Special Emphasis on European Studies) 004915141901095 [email protected] Date: 21st of September.2015 Table of Contents 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................... 3 3.1. North Korean Ideology from Marxism-Leninism to Juche ........................................................... 3 3.2. Press Theory between Marxism-Leninism and Juche .................................................................. 8 3. Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 13 3.1. Selection of Articles .................................................................................................................... 17 4. Analysis: Military propaganda in the Rodong-Sinmun .................................................................. 19 4.1. Category-system -
Chapter 3 Formation and Evolution of Kim Jong Un's “Nuclear Doctrine
37 Chapter 3 Formation and Evolution of Kim Jong Un’s “Nuclear Doctrine”: The Current State of North Korea’s “Minimum Deterrence” in Comparison Hideya Kurata I. Preface – Components of “Minimum Deterrence” The government statement of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea), released on January 6, 2016, after testing what it claimed to be a “hydrogen bomb,” said that North Korea “will neither be the first to use nuclear weapons… as already declared as long as the hostile forces for aggression do not encroach upon its sovereignty.”1 “…as already declared” here refers to the phrase, the DPRK would “never use nuclear weapons first” emphasis added),2 used in a statement by the North Korean Foreign Ministry on October 3, 2006, that gave notice of its upcoming first nuclear test. This may be taken as an unconditional commitment to “no first use (NFU)” of nuclear weapons by North Korea. At the same time, this indicated North Korea’s potential nuclear posture under the assumption that its nuclear capability is inferior to that of the United States and falls short of mutual assured destruction (MAD) and North Korea is inferior to the combined conventional forces of the United States and South Korea. North Korea has never comprehensively unveiled its nuclear posture before, but it is closer to “minimum deterrence.” This belongs to the simple category of nuclear deterrence, but this posture represents the second-strike capability that can survive the first strike by a hostile country even when it is in an inferior positon in nuclear force, with its core factor being making a hostile country think twice about making the first strike. -
Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: a Collection of Research Notes
235 Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: A Collection of Research Notes Rudiger Frank Abstract Starting with the public introduction of Kim Jong-un to the public in autumn of 2010 and ending with observations of consumerism in February 2017, this collection of 16 short research notes that were originally published at 38North discusses some of the most crucial issues, aside from the nuclear problem, that dominated the field of North Korean Studies in the past decade. Left in their original form, these short articles show the consistency of major North Korean policies as much as the development of our understanding of the new leader and his approach. Topics covered include the question of succession, economic statistics, new ideological trends such as pyŏngjin, techno- logical developments including a review of the North Korean tablet computer Samjiyŏn, the Korean unification issue, special economic zones, foreign trade, parliamentary elections and the first ever Party congress since 1980. Keywords: North Korea, DPRK, 38North Frank, Rudiger. “Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: A Collection of Research Notes” In Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies, Volume 9, eds. Rudiger Frank, Ina Hein, Lukas Pokorny, and Agnes Schick-Chen. Vienna: Praesens Verlag, 2017, pp. 235–350. https://doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2017-0008 236 Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies Hu Jintao, Deng Xiaoping or another Mao Zedong? Power Restruc- turing in North Korea Date of original publication: 5 October 2010 URL: http://38north.org/2010/10/1451 “Finally,” one is tempted to say. The years of speculation and half-baked news from dubious sources are over. -
North Korea-South Korea Relations: Back to Belligerence
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations North Korea-South Korea Relations: Back to Belligerence Aidan Foster-Carter Leeds University, UK For almost the whole of the first quarter of 2008, official inter-Korean relations were largely suspended in an uneasy limbo. As of late March, that void was the story. Up to a point this was only to be expected. A new conservative leader in Seoul – albeit a pragmatist, or so he tells us – was bound to arouse suspicion in Pyongyang at first. Also, Lee Myung-bak needed some time to settle into office and find his feet. Still, it was remarkable that this limbo lasted so long. More than three months after Lee’s landslide victory in the ROK presidential elections on Dec. 19, DPRK media – which in the past had no qualms in dubbing Lee’s Grand National Party (GNP) as a bunch of pro- U.S. flunkeys and national traitors – had made no direct comment whatsoever on the man Pyongyang has to deal with in Seoul for the next five years. Almost the sole harbinger of what was to come – a tocsin, in retrospect – was a warning snarl in mid-March against raising North Korean human rights issues. One tried to derive some small comfort from this near-silence; at least the North did not condemn Lee a priori and out of hand. In limbo Yet the hiatus already had consequences. Perhaps predictably, most of the big inter- Korean projects that Lee’s predecessor, the center-left Roh Moo-hyun, had rushed to initiate in his final months in office after his summit last October with the North’s leader, Kim Jong-il, barely got off the ground. -
Why North Korea Wants to Acquire Nuclear-Tipped ICBM?
Page 2 of 31 About the Author Prerna Gandhi is a Research Associate at the Vivekananda International Foundation with a focus on Japan, ASEAN and Korean Peninsula. She is currently a doctoral student at Dept. of East Asian Studies, Delhi University. She is also a recipient of the Mitsubishi Corporation International Scholarship and visited Japan in the “Japan-East Asia Network of Exchange for Students and Youths Program- JENESYS” in summer of 2011. http://www.vifindia.org ©Vivekananda International Foundation Page 3 of 31 Threat of Military Conflict on Korean Peninsula Introduction The threat of another military conflict has always existed on Korean peninsula since the Korean War of 1950 ended without a peace treaty in 1953. However, rather than a direct North and South Korea confrontation, the latent possibilities of a conflict have now moved into the direction of a US-North Korea conflict. The increased pace of nuclear and missile testing under Kim Jong-un’s supremacy has sought to hasten North Korea’s surge of being able to field a nuclear-tipped intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM). Certain successful tests in the latter half of 2017 have closed the credibility gap of North Korean threat. This had made terminating its nuclear weapons program now a strategic matter interspersed with an aggressive military posturing by the US. While the earlier Obama administration in the US had sought not to give any public credence to North Korea under its ‘Strategic Patience’ policy, the new Trump administration has been vocal of all cards including military ones being on the table. However, any lasting solution to increasing tensions on the Korean peninsula will require a regional consensus. -
Kim Jong-Un's New Entourage
Kim Jong-un’s New Entourage By Andy Lim Understanding Pyongyang Inner Circle Studying Pyongyang leadership is an unenviable task, much like Kremlinologists who received no credit for their work after they failed to predict the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, but it should not be a thankless one. When confronted with a regime as closed and as secretive as Pyongyang’s, the only way for scholars to get around the fog is to capitalize on the little information available, although sometimes those information might turn out to be unreliable. That task becomes even more difficult when dealing with a regime in Pyongyang that purges officials on a regular basis, where the term Pyongyang shuffle, a seemingly poor Machiavellian joke is used to demonstrate how quickly people can fall from grace. But this behavior is not entirely unreasonable because we have an actor in the Kim dynasty that has every self-interest to do anything to maintain its power. Luckily for them, they have just the right authoritarian tools of control at its disposal – the ability to purge anyone they perceived to be a threat to their power without substantial consequences. This piece, in its attempt to examine the up and rising military and party officials who have emerged under Kim Jong-un during the past two years, might seem like a Sisyphean task given the opacity and the quick turnaround rate of purges in Pyongyang. But in trying to understand who in the post-Jang period are most likely to fill the power vacuum besides the Dear Leader, one can piece together how Kim Jong-un reshuffles his key personnel to accomplish his ultimate goal of consolidating his unitary leadership. -
Questions and Answers on the Songun Idea
1. What is the Songun idea in a word? The Songun idea is, in short, an idea of carrying on the revolution and construction with the army as the main force on the principle of giving priority to the military affairs. 2. How was the Songun idea created? President Kim Il Sung (1912–1994), the father of socialist Korea, founded the Songun idea. In the mid-1920s, Kim Il Sung embarked on the struggle to liberate Korea from Japan’s military occupation (1905–1945) and found out the truth that victory in the revolutionary QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS cause and the independence, sovereignty and ON THE SONGUN IDEA prosperity of the country depend on arms. At the meeting of leaders of the Young © The Foreign Languages Publishing House, DPRK Communist League and the Anti-Imperialist Published on March 30, Juche 101(2012) Youth League held in Kalun, China, in June 1930, ㄱ-2835029 Kim Il Sung proposed the line of anti-Japanese E-mail: [email protected] armed struggle based on the principle of http://www.naenara.com.kp Songun. This marked the foundation of the Songun idea. 56 1 3. What were the socio-historical conditions bility of Korea that advances under the banner of for the foundation of the Songun idea? Songun. The Songun idea and Songun politics deal The Songun idea was created in the situation of hard blows at the imperialist aggressive forces on the times when the imperialists’ acts of invasion a worldwide scale, encourage the anti-imperialist and plunder of colonial countries became more forces of independence and give a forceful impetus unscrupulous.