FIFTH LECTURE SIR AHMADU BELLO'S STYLE OF LEADERSHIP BY SENATOR (CHIEF) SUNDAY B. AWONIYI, C.O.N., IDC Friday 17th November 2000

I feel exceedingly honoured and profoundly grateful to the Arewa House Board of Governors and Board of Directors for inviting me to give the year 2000 Arewa House Lecture in honour of Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria. This is the fifth lecture in the series. I wish to pay my respect to the four preceding lecturers.

The first speaker, on Saturday 22nd January 1994, was Alhaji Liman Ciroma, Ciroman Fika, my senior and friend. A respected archaeologist and scholar; a seasoned - administrator and an unabashed and untiring advocate of the retention of the best in our tradition and culture in preference to untried fads. We were fashioned in the same crucible in the Northern Nigeria civil service, particularly in the Premier's Office here in Kaduna and later in the Federal civil service from where he retired voluntarily as secretary to the Federal Government and Head of the Civil Service.

The second speaker, on Friday 15th September, 1995 was Professor lshaya Audu, a scholar of distinction, medical practitioner, educationist, university administrator and the first Nigerian Vice chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University, an institution which fulfilled, beyond our wildest dreams, the vision of its founder, Sir Ahmadu Bello, to bridge the huge gap in higher education between these parts and the rest of the country.

The 1996 lecturer on Friday, October 18th was Alhaji Shehu Shagari, our respected amiably former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria who demonstrated that kind of humility, patience and accommodation of the foibles of all sorts of peoples so essential in our difficult democratic setting. His love and commitment to democracy endeared him to many, particularly those who were privileged to work closely with him. I met him for the first time in 1962 when I hand-carried, by air, from Kaduna here, some sensitive documents from the Premier, Sir Ahmadu Bello, to the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in Lagos. The fourth lecture was given on Friday, 15th May 1998 by General Muhammadu Buhari, former Head of State and, before that, my boss as the Commissioner for Petroleum Resources in Lagos while I was Permanent Secretary of the Ministry. A thoroughly good man and a gentleman officer; a man of the highest integrity, a stickler for correct and transparent conduct who, nonetheless, knew "when to bite and when to blow." At a time when the Civil Service was subjected to savagery at the hands of the military, and when the lives of many of its best men, senior and junior, were wrecked when the traditional usage which gave the civil service its stability, pride and high morale were thoughtlessly ruined, Col. Buhari, as he then was, was invariably fair and ready to use his influence to ensure justice to those wrongly accused. He worked himself exceedingly hard and stabilized the Ministry of Petroleum. This and other attributes endeared him to the staff and gave them the necessary confidence to be bold and innovative in the execution of projects of unprecedented size and sophistication for which the ministry was responsible.

I salute the four. They have exercised leadership at the very top of national governance, the apex of the civil service and of university administration.

Leadership as I Saw It Practised at Close Quarters by Sir Ahmadu Bello is the Theme of My Paper

Sometime in May last year, about a week before President Olusegun Obasanjo was sworn in, I had the privilege of coordinating, at his instance, a six-day seminar at Sheraton Hotel, Abuja. It was attended by the President himself who actively participated and did not miss a single session. It was known to all participants, beforehand, that from the 150 or so participants the President would appoint his ministers.

I have never seen a seminar attended with so much zeal, attention and punctuality. Day in day out, participants after participants, strained themselves to impress Mr. President. They displayed alertness. They displayed knowledge. They asked intelligent questions, trying always to catch the President's eyes to improve their chances of ministerial or ambassadorial appointment. The seminar was intended to set the tone of the new administration. It was appropriately entitled Prospects, Opportunities and Problems in the Forthcorming Civilian Administration.

At the end of the six grueling days of seminar, Mr. President asked me to give the concluding talk around a theme he entitled Leadership Goals and Objectives. I opened my talk with the following words:

All the conclusions and recommendations of the last six days will be idle platitudes (as was often the case in the past) unless there is a truly concerned and purposeful leadership, backed by a knowledgeable, and effective government machinery to convert them into action.

Similar conclusions and recommendations from this kind of gathering had been made in the past; only to be stillborn, all because the political leadership was indifferent to the ills they were designed to cure.

Today, 18 months later, I have no reason to modify this view.

One has seen good intentions, reforms and prograrnmes of leaders vitiated because of:

(i) Failure to provide and apply, on consistent basis, the single-mindedness and impartiality necessary for success; (ii) Failure to practice what is preached, i.e., failure to practice leadership by example; (iii) Choice of poor-quality personnel or even patently wrong persons to help implement his reform programme; (iv) Poor consultation, weak and ineffective staff work, denying the leader knowledge (such as the ripple effects of his actions) which may be critical to the acceptance and success of the programme. (v) Insincerity or plain deceit, which forfeits credibility and turns off the respect and cooperation of good men whose support is vital to success. (vi) Lack of justice and fairness; discrimination in favor of a person or persons or of one tribe or group over another, particularly in the punishment of wrongdoings, and in the reward for good conduct and good performance. (vii) Flatterers and sycophants who are wont to report only good news to the authorities even when the wider society knows that things are bad. Bold and honest men, capable of truthful reporting, are shunned in preference to those who automatically respond protectively to all official acts, no matter how erroneous, insensitive or condemnable. (viii) Poor strategies that are easily circumvented by beneficiaries of the status quo opposed to change. (ix) Poor or complete absence of a verification process for reporting progress or loss of past gains, if any. (x) Shoddy, ineffective enforcement and poor compliance with rules and regulations. (xi) Launching into actions, prematurely, in the name of dynamism without adequate study or preparation to ensure good chances of success, etc, etc.

Within the constraint of time, what I think I should do today is to remind us of the principal objectives of the Nigerian enterprise and to draw principally from some of the attributes of successful leadership, which flowed from the paper and from the discussions and recommendations of the seminar referred to earlier. I will then try to narrate incidents or give instances of occasions, which I experienced at first hand, or heard from creditable colleagues and other individuals who witnessed, at close quarters those attributes of leadership as practiced by Sir Ahmadu Bello. I believe this approach might be more instructive, particularity to our younger audience not privileged to have met or known the man, Sir Ahmadu Bello.

Assessment of The Greatness of Sir Ahmadu Bello

But first, let me touch very briefly on two factors affecting the assessment of Sir Ahmadu's achievement, and his personal stature. The farther away we are from the day Sir Ahmadu Bello was murdered (on these very premises in which we are gathered) the brighter his star shines and the greater his stature grows.

This is partly because he was a legend in his lifetime. Imposing in stature, dress and manner, he dominated his environment without seeming to try. You could not be indifferent to Sardauna's presence.

Also, it is in the nature of the history of departed great men for myths and stories, anecdotal or even apocryphal to develop around them as the years go by. Sir Ahmadu is no different.

Stories of real incidents involving him are told and, atimes, embellished in a variety of ways depending on who is doing the telling and on what occasion, and to create what impression. Some are told to match or surpass other stories told by someone claiming inside knowledge. Some are told to draw useful lessons. Some are told in order to invest with authority the conclusions of discussions/conversations. Yet, others are told to relieve tensed situations, create fun, and evoke laughter. The assessment of Sir Ahmadu's greatness has benefited, additionally, from the poor quality of leadership provided by a breed of many mini-minded men masquerading as leaders in various aspects of our lives.

Their poor performance, their outright deceit of people, their rascality and mind- buggling stealing, their sheer indolence to bestir themselves into taking selfless action to improve the lot of the poor and the lowly, all serve as background foil providing contrast against which the Sardauna's superiority is highlighted.

We do not have to look too hard to see how the selfishness and meanness of some of those who attained leadership positions, since his death, brought into bolder relief his generosity and his genuine interest in the welfare of others, especially the common man. Their dishonesty and duplicity magnify his integrity. Their parochialism, their self-seeking, self-serving and inward-looking traits emphasize his global vision of the North, its place in the rest of Nigeria and the world beyond.

Witness how the various programmes he was developing to answer the needs of the common man have gone to ruins - blind centers. Centres for the handicap, craft schools, farm centers. Extension services, the most obvious, sustainable benefit any government could provide for the good of the rural farmer, are all but gone - a far cry from what they used to be.

Witness the scandals and profiteering in the distribution of fertilizers to farmers. Witness the jaded fortunes and virtual demise of the New Nigerian Newspaper, which sir Ahmadu Bello launched on January 1st, 1966, just 15 days before his murder, to inform and enlighten, to protect and defend the interest of the people.

Witness the abolition of the Marketing Board. Witness the fate of the Broadcasting Corporation of Northern Nigeria, BCNN

Leadership Objectives

One statement on which there is hardly a dissenting voice in Nigeria is the political clichés that “What Nigeria Lacks is Leadership implying that, the day that legendary leader appears, from that day onward, our problems will begin to disappear rapidly”

The Nigerian project or enterprise which this mythical leader is expected to direct the attention of the nation are also not in dispute. They were eloquently speIt out 30 years ago in the Second National Development Plan (1970). I am yet to see a clearer and more succinct list of our National objectives than those speIt out in that document 30 years ago. They are as follows:

a) A united, strong, seIf-reliant nation b) A great and Dynamic economy c) A just and egalitarian society d) A land that brings full opportunities for all citizens e) A free and democratic society Enabling Conditions In the Presidential system of government we are now operating, the President is both the Head of state and the Head of government. The collective activities of the nation revolve around him, like planets in the solar system revolving round the sun. He appoints whosoever he chooses to help him with his programmes to fuIfil his dream for the country. He has the power to hire and fire without reference to anyone. Therefore, he bears responsibility for whatever action those he appoints take or fail to take.

The five national objectives listed above are awesome in scope and depth. But they are matched with equally awesome authorities and power granted to the President. I shall take each of these objectives and show how the leadership style of Sir Ahmadu, the precept of some past leaders are relevant to achieving those objectives.

A United and Self-Reliant Nation

To make any appreciable impression on the first objective of a united, strong and seIf- reliant nation, it must be the overriding concern and responsibility of the leader in the presidential system to create the right atmosphere for achieving them. He must ensure raw and order and the safety of life and property of the citizens under his care.

All citizens, irrespective of their religion, ethnic origin and place of abode, and all the strangers amongst us, must have their safety guaranteed before they can be expected to respond effectively to his programmes. He will have to build a credible team of helpers who believe in him and what he is trying to achieve. He cannot do it alone. He must be a team player. His team must consist of men of talent with records of proven ability and probity. Fortunately, Nigeria is not in short supply of such men and women. The best of them are not in need of jobs and would not consider a public appointment as a favour. Appeal will have to be made to their sense of patriotism and duty to the nation for them to agree to serve.

He must work consciously to strengthen areas of existing accord in our national life and work to create and foster new ones. His administration must be worthy of trust, open and accountable and credible in the eyes of the people. Therefore, anyone with a blemish in his past record or of known character defects must be kept far. Government is not a rehabilitation centre for crooks. No individual or group must be allowed to taint this aspect of his administration.

The Nigerian leader will have to be all sorts; Political leader, spiritual leader, a Preacher of the gospel of integrity and sound moral character and a practitioner of his own sermon. Last but not the least, the leader must (in keeping with his Oath of-office) work relentlessly to ensure by his deed, (not just words and television appearances) that Nigerians, while mindful of their differences-ethnic, cuItural and religious- must accept that the need for them to live peaceably together overrides all their differences.

It was the most outstanding achievement of Sir Ahmadu that he was able to create enabling atmosphere and foster successfully the Fundamental desire of the various peoples of the north to live together peaceably. The slogan: One North, one People, one Destiny was no idle cry. It became a growing reality. He achieved this in spite of calculated divisive pressures from within and from without. It is a measure of his Success that within a Space of barely 11 years, the Yoruba-man, the Tiv, the Hausa, the Ebiras, the Kanuri, the Fulani, the Nupe, the Bachama, etc. in the north were able to call themselves Northerners. It was a monumental achievement which, even today cannot be wished away in spite of the ill-motivated spirited attempts which continues to be made to destroy it.

To unite this our country requires better knowledge of ourselves. Our unity has to be worked at as deliberate choice rather than chance. It has to be achieved incrementally - one group removing causes of dissension within it and then reaching out to achieve accord with the next, and the next, and the next. It is slow and tedious but it merits a determined effort. It will not happen just because we wish it. It will happen only if we work at it consciously and continuously and with the greatest determination to succed.

The peace and tranquility, which we enjoyed before independence, was painfully established over the years by the colonials for their own ends. The harmony, which we enjoyed, especially between our common peoples after independence, was painfully worked for by the Abubakar Tafawa Balewas, the Ahmadu Bellos, the Awolowos, and the Azikwes, the Akintolas, the Osadebes, the Okparas and their political associations and traditional leaders. They believed in the Nigerian enterprise.

As can be seen in recent events in Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Burundi, Ethiopia and Eritrea and earlier on in 1947 in Pakistan and India such bonds cannot be dismantled peacefully. I have no doubt that in the case of Nigeria, to break up what our past leaders buiIt with so much wisdom, sacrifice compromise and vision will unleashed such horrendous tragedy, that the ordinary poor man looking back in future, would wish it was possible to return him to the position ante which today he is being persuaded or even coerced to regard as intolerable. Every responsible Nigerian leader must be thoughtful enough to ask himseIf how his children’s children would fare in a dismembered Nigeria and what will be their position in the West African sub-region and the world at large?

The older generation must stop fanning hatred, stop speaking irresponsibly. They should help strengthen the existing areas of goodwill and help build new ones and save our youths from the chaos and unspeakable horrors which a break-up will cause. This is why, to me, the effort being mounted, from outside and from within the North itseIf, to destroy the relative accord of the North in order to achieve parochial political relevance is, to me, foolish in the extreme.

In the hands of matured, patriotic individuals with vision and commitment to Nigeria and its unity, the unity of the North could only be used to achieve greater national cohesion and trust and therefore better understanding' and better mutual accommodation of ourselves, particularly among the youths, nation-wide.

The clamour to outdo one another in some parts of the country to portray the northern attempt at unity as a frightful orge to be attacked and destroyed is most unfortunate in deed. If, as it is reported, it is a well-planned effort to give a dog a bad name to hang it and so build up a coalition of ordinarily-none-too-friendly groups to fight the “northern orge”, then it is reprehensible and does not augur well for national accord. Episodic alliances against others do not aid unity nor do they endure.

This country, once again, is tottering on the edge of a precipice as our senses are being deadened by the rhetoric of shortsighted little men posturing as mighty leaders to accept as normal, murder and carnage, which once would have shocked us. Ethnic and religious clashes, latent flash points, ethnically-based illegal security bodies, unemployed youth militia, well-armed organised hoodlums, flagrantly taking the law into their own hands with impunity, now abound in our land. They are threatening to sink this nation.

The economy is in severe distress. Nothing works. Side by side with all of these, corruption is raging, undisguised and unchecked, in spite of the daily sermon about transparency and accountability. Our public servants are demoralized.

The political parties have been rendered impotent and the relationship between the executives and the legislatures, particularly at the Federal level, is most unheaIthy. Governments at all levels seem to have lost grip and are incapable of handling problems beyond issuing radio and TV announcements and unheeded appeals. Government warnings and threats are ignored because the people now know that governments are unwilling, or frightened, or incapable of acting on them should the need arise.

The question then is this: With the ineptitude of government, their poor response time to crisis, to whom and to what, does any worried, responsible Nigerian with knowledge, experience and clout, turn to work and help to make some difference in any of the areas of our concern? What forum has such a Nigerian to begin to act? In what non-ethnic, non- religious body can he work with others of like mind to help tackle the problems? What platform has he to link up effectively with people of like mind but of different faith, different tribe and different religion to come on board and help influence events? The answer is NONE.

It is in consideration of the need to fill in this vacuum in the north, to start with, that an umbrella body, non-ethnic, non-religious, nonpolitical now called Arewa ConsuItative Forum was formed. It is today the only organ of its kind available to every northerner who is concerned about the problems within the north and within the nation to meet to interact, to exchange views, to deliberate and to proffer solutions. As I see it, nothing stops the Forum from looking into problems within a particular northern state. Any problem solved by whatever organ, in whatever part of the Federation, is a problem solved for the overall good of our entire nation.

If this Forum had existed and had been fully functioning before the carnage in Kaduna, last May, it would probably have received information before the horrible events and would have taken steps to prevent it. I have not met a single Nigerian who is happy about those shameful events in Kaduna. What Non-Governmental Organrsation (NGO) can we use to prevent a repeat of any of such events anywhere else in the future?

Further afield, what stops the Arewa ConsuItative Forum, properly run, from constituting a team headed by some of the most senior, nationally known Northerners and mandating them to intervene and use their collective influence to help solve, or, at least, ameliorate, a problem in any parts of Nigeria?

I believe we should not discourage the formation of similar umbrella associations, which are non-religious and non-ethnic anywhere in the country. We can use them to bind the nation together and build a better knowledge of ourselves. There is no reason why an organisation should not emerge, based on past association, covering the whole of the old Eastern Region and therefore beyond tribe, to which an lboman can comfortably belong other than Ohaneze, which is a tribal organisation to which only an lbo-man can belong? Similarly, the Yoruba-man, especially the youths, should not be restricted to Afenifere, a purely tribal association to which only Yorubas can belong.

Nothing stops an umbrella organisation elsewhere, which is non-tribal, non-religious, from linking up with the Arewa ConsuItative Forum (ACF) or other similar organisations elsewhere for the good of the country. It will strengthen our unity by providing a bridge of understanding. From my experience, it is incredible how little we know of ourselves. I will like to take this opportunity, on these hallowed grounds trodden by Sir Ahmadu Bello, to make the following plea in respect of the Arewa Consultative Forum:

(i) No one should attempt to hijack the Arewa Consultative Forum to promote his own political, social, economic, religious or ethnic agenda. It will constitute a disaster. We are equal shareholders in this enterprise in which the spirit of altruism, rather than seIf-interest, must prevail. (ii) No one should use this Forum to issue bellicose statements to vent his Private anger. (iii) Releases from the Forum must be responsible and dignified. They should focus on the promotion of the peace and unity of our country, thereby earning the Forum respect and authority when it speaks. (iv) Belligerent utterances do irreparable damage in our present atmosphere, which is already charged angry words send the wrong signals and attract unhelpful rejoinders from other parts of the country. Unity in The North Itself The Sardauna Ahmadu would not have recognised what is meant by the expression "core north," which connotes that other parts are "peripheral or marginal north." The Premier's slogan was "One North, One People, One Destiny." For those who felt offended, particularly the Middle Belt Youths who have complained, I say: "Your complaints are legitimate and understood. "I will, however, urge you to "ignore", as the Premier used to say, whenever certain kinds of peculiar individuals puffed themselves up and made imprudent statements to gain attention and relevance. Secondly, you have to ignore them because, fortunately, some of them are widely known to be people of proven unreliability who would readily betray any northerner or any interest of the north for a fee or for appointment.

In the infamous arithmetic of marginalisation of the north, for instance, by what stretch of imagination can anyone dismiss the following appointments as not northern: Rear Admiral lbrahim Ogohi, CFR, as Chief of Defence Staff from Kogi State, Air Commodore l. M AIfa as Chief of Air Staff, also from Kogi State, Lt Gen. Victor Malu as Chief of Army Staff from Benue. Fortunately again, some of those who revel in the use of this divisive dichotomy of "core north," are the least qualified, by their record, to look down their noses at anybody.

I have to say these for the benefit of young northerners who felt aggrieved by the recent pronouncements. I say to all the youths of the north: “Step forward and play your part to the fullest”. Do not allow the visionless utterances of a few to be the excuse for you to retreat into a corner and sulk. Wherever you find yourseIf, play well your part for there the honour lies. Yield place to no one in your commitment. Link up with the Ibo, the Yoruba, the Efik, the ljaw friends, etc., you made from all parts of the nation in the very institutions like the Ahmadu Bello University at Zaria established by Sir Ahmadu Bello himseIf, and work hand in hand for this our misused country.

As can be seen, within the north itseIf, a great deal of restorative work will have to be done with honesty and humility and even penance, where necessary, to restore even a semblance of the past unity and mutual respect. There is an urgent need to repair the thoughtless damage done to relationship within the North in the past 34 years since the Sardauna's death. The repair work can only be done by northerners themselves; and it has to begin now. The old northern rapid response to crises and issues, the old reaching out to others within and outside the region (and converting those who would want to be our foes into friends through accommodation and compromise, as the Premier would put it) must be restored and directed always towards the overall good of the nation.

Sitting down and wringing our hands, indolently and fatalistically passing everything to God for treatment will not do. After all, God uses men and women to work out His designs. Heaven helps those who help themselves- “Tashi in taimake ka.” We must all see ourselves as God's agents, ready to enlist as one of His instruments to fuIfil His will on Nigeria.

Who would have imagined the May riots in Sir Ahmadu Bello's Kaduna? Their causes, be they religious, ethnic, political, economic ' or social, would have been identified and sorted out long before the thoughtless mayhem was engineered and unleashed.

The Loosening Of Healthy Ties Nationwide All over Nigeria, with the creation of states and with the people's unquenchable thirst for more state creation, fissiparous tendencies and the loosening and severance of healthy old ties and the bitterness which accompanies dissolution have become aggravated nationwide. .Past stresses and strains within communities and between neighbours have become greater and more bitter. Issues, which were contained within the old bigger units, have become problematic in the newer smaller units. Situations which were endured and satisfactorily managed and contained for decades in the bigger units are regarded as intolerable in these smaller units and people are misguided and hysterical enough to wish to shed blood to make their points. It is as if small is synonymous with Pettiness and Intolerance.

Sir Ahmadu Bello's Notion Of National Unity By the year 1964, it was clear that the Premier was satisfied that the unity of the North had been sufficiently consolidated and that the North had developed politically and administratively that he no longer feared that the North would be incapable of defending interests and values within the Federation. Education and the civil service and the growing political unity were the reasons. He took pride in the sheer dedication and excellence of the civil service. The civil service, small though it was, was efficient, fearless and result-oriented. It was exceptionally well led and protected from political interference.

In my time it was led first by an effective, bulldozer "workerholic" of a man called Bruce Great Bach and later by Alhaji Ali Akilu a brilliant man, slight in build, tough in character, a selfless and transparent leader. The civil service was loyal and highly regarded. It ensured that all laid down rules for doing official business were strictly adhered to by everybody, high and low, without exception. Its training was thorough and continuous. The Premier watched its performance and welfare keenly. If a northerner civil servant attended a course and did well especially in competition with others from elsewhere, you would see the Premier beaming with pleasure like a school tutor at the success of his pupil who had done the school proud. More often than not, he would emphasize his pleasure with a gift. It did not matter what his tribe or religion was. His pleasure was in the knowledge that a northerner had done well. He was proud of the growing unity of the North and was untiring in strengthening it. He felt confident that he could use the lessons of the North and the institutions in the North to help build national unity and to foster greater knowledge and accommodation of ourselves.

From his utterances and actions, he was at the point of trying to launch out to repeat, at inter-regional and national levels, what he had achieved in the north, i.e. better mutual knowledge amongst Nigerians. His logic was simple - What you do not know, you may come to distrust. What you distrust, you may come to hate; and what you hate, you may be tempted to wish to destroy. Therefore, better mutual knowledge, especially amongst the young, gained first hand through contacts not through newspaper reports at all levels, was crucial to Nigerian unity. An example: At an Executive Council meeting in 1963, a memorandum was considered requesting approval of a certain sum of money for some needs of the University of the North, as Ahmadu Bello University was then called. In his contribution to the subject, a minister asked mournfully:

"Why are we spending so much money on this University when we know that the student population would be mostly Southerners?"

Like a teacher, angry at an incorrigible pupil, who would not heed precepts, the Premier exploded, called the minister by name and said:

“... Why is your horizon so low? Can't you see that while it is true that for some time the majority of the students will be from the south, a day will come when most students will be from the North? The Vice Chancellor, someday, will be a northerner. In the meantime, these young ones from the south will know us better and it will be good for the unity of the country." He then launched out on a spirited explanation of the need for the north to work for the unity of the nation. You could hear a pin drop in the Council Chamber. The erring minister murmured some remorse. The volcanic eruption subsided, and, typically, all was forgiven.

Within the Civil Service, the Premier's Office had started to examine a proposal for a staff exchange programme between the Northern, the Eastern and Western Civil Services. This was a programme to promote better knowledge and understanding between the bureaucracies of the Regions. Then he was murdered. l do not think the idea has ever been revived anywhere else.

The Second Objective of a Great and Dynamic Economy The second objective set for the Nigeria Leader is to build "a great and dynamic economy."

There is no way we can achieve a great and dynamic economy without getting the people to be industrious and productive rather than remaining as indolent and unproductive commission agents. To the Premier, hard work was a precondition for success and wellbeing in life. Indolence, on the other hand, led to failure and poverty. In the need for hard work, therefore, there could be no compromise. The Sardauna preached and practiced hard work to an infectious degree unmatched in my experience by any other leader. He seemed to challenge all around him to test themselves by trying to keep up with him. He made sure that files sent to him for action were returned without delay, with clear decisions, crisp comments or requests for further information. If an officer was incapable of keeping up with the rigorous demands of the Premier's Office, out he went no matter who he was or how well connected. A posting to the Premier's Office made or broke you. He looked on those working in his office as a family, which he led.

He praised excellence. If you presented him with a well-researched, lucid piece of work on file, he would praise you verbally in words like "Yaron mu ya iya", or in some uplifting written remarks and probably make the point with a gift. He was incredibly generous. He regarded his personal possession as given by God to give to others.

To him, inpunctuality is akin to indolence. It was bad management of time. It was an insult to those kept waiting. Punctuality, on the other hand, was the soul of business. Sardauna seized every opportunity to rub in that fact. If your watch stopped and you were at a ceremony to be attended by the Premier, you could reset your watch by the time of his arrival. He was punctilious with time.

In 1962, I returned to Kaduna after an 18-month tour in Lagos on secondment to the Federal Civil Service. I was posted to the Premier's Office as the Acting Senior Assistant Secretary (Security). At the end of my very first meeting, as Secretary of the Regional Security Committee, of which the Premier was Chairman, he exchanged pleasantries with members. Then, suddenly, he looked at me and said "Secretary, people don't come late to my meetings." "Yes Sir," I said. He then handed to me a pretty gift box. "Open it," he said. I did, and in it was a beautiful gold plated watch to rub home his point about Punctuality.

He preached hard work at every opportunity in the Executive council chamber to his ministers, at political party rallies and meetings, and to students while visiting schools. You would find him looking down a microscope in some schools, and exhorting students to work hard, to love learning and cherish knowledge. He would paint for them the opportunities and responsibilities ahead of them. Always touring and visiting villages, you would find him pearing down village wells and asking villagers whether the water yield was good or the quality alright. He would want to know if the crops were growing satisfactorily; and whether fertilizer was available. Were the cattle doing well? When were they last inoculated against rinderpest? In his commitment to high quality work and excellence in performance, there are lessons for us day.

The Third Objective The third objective the leader is expected to bring about is "a just and egalitarian society." society cannot be just and egalitarian without the leader ensuring the rule of law and providing a level playing ground for all competing interests. There has to be a high degree of predictability and openess in the way government business is conducted, systems and procedures must be established and enforced. The laid down rules for doing government business must be widely known and followed strictly in a manner that makes government credible and, therefore, acceptable and worthy of support. In short, government must promote a system of good and effective governance supported by a fair, open, competent, honest, highly motivated and, therefore, responsive civil service.

The Fourth and Fifth Objectives The fourth and fifth objectives set for the leader in this our Nigerian Project will be taken together. They are to make Nigeria "a land bright and full of opportunities for all citizens" and "a free and democratic society.'

With the hard times the country went through under the military, Nigerians were eager to see the country return to civil democratic rule. Knowledgeable and experienced Nigerians thought that the best government for Nigeria, after the military exit from governance, would be a strong civilian government capable of implementing the hard and urgent programmes for Political Reformation, Rapid Economic Reconstruction, and Rapid Social Redirection.

The best way to achieve this, it was thought, was for politicians to sink their differences and pretences and come together to launch a party with the greatest grass root support the country had ever known: strong enough to win elections convincingly at all levels, and to form a strong government of men of talent, experience and ability, to enhance democracy, improve the content of our politics and the quality of our politicians and to bind the nation together. A dominant, well-regulated party, an executive put in office by that party and a legislature in which the party is in absolute control, it was thought, would do great things for the country .

With the convincing programme of General Abdulsalami Abubakar to return Nigeria to civil democratic rule following his predecessor's passing away, on June 8th, 1998, Nigerians dared to hope again that a return to civil democratic rule was, indeed, probable. Politician "sank their differences" and, from all appearances, worked genuinely together and formed viable political parties to usher in freedom and democracy

Democracy is a great system. But it is also most difficult to run, especially as it has to be run by that incomprehensible creation of God called the Nigerian politician. By itself, democracy can achieve little. It is not an instant cure for all ills. Justice and fairness to all, patience and total commitment to make it work, with all its stresses and flaws, are conditions for its success. The leader with his aides will have to endeavour always to strike a balance between the contending needs and claims of some 250 ethnic groups in a population of 120 million people. Therefore, the conduct of the leader in politics must be exemplary not self-centred, not opportunistic and not self-adulatory.

Bad as our experience under military rule had been, events in the last eighteen months into our current Fourth Republic have compounded our problems and introduced totally unexpected additional, adverse and major complications to our lives at every level. Our tolerance level is at its lowest and we are undiscriminating and even deliberately unfair and untruthful in our definition of who and what is responsible for our woes. Our entity as a people and as a nation is being questioned and rumbles of a breakup of the country are growing. Distrust is rampant and we are in that dangerous situation, so common in history, when sudden freedom after repression is taken for license, and intemperate utterances, actions and behaviours lead to chaos and disaster. With these destabilizing factors, and the danger of bellicose rhetoric leading to miscalculations and unintended disaster, our democracy to succeed will require extraordinary, delicate, yet firm and wise handling.

Democratic Trappings The most important single factor in the planting and nurturing of any democratic culture, in my view, is the transparency of the electoral process. Once the electoral process is faulty, the entire edifice resulting from elections will be faulty and unacceptable. Today, the visible trappings of democracy have been established Party offices, National and State Assembly offices, Executives at the Local Government, state and National levels have been Sworn in and have taken the oath of office. But what are the contents of these edifices? The sad answer is that they are painted sepulchers full of rottenness, corruption and decay.

The Nigerian Politician From my reading of recent events in the last 18 months and from my earlier experience in the formation of a viable political association, the All Nigerian Congress (ANC) and, more recently in the formation of a political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), my often repeated fear that the politician will continue to fail this nation is regrettably unalloyed.

Until we can considerably improve the quality of our politician by deliberate actions; and until we are lucky to have a leader who is not bitten by the bug of self-succession; and who, therefore will not manipulate elections or destabilize the legislature, emasculate his own party and other parties and use his executive powers and his incumbency to retain power, at all cost, our democracy will continue to be a charade. Our democracy will be incapable of developing a viable, self-sustaining ethos. It will be no more than a tawdry contraption lacking in value. Phony and lacking in substance. It will not endure.

We have to ensure that the politician can be electorally punished by the people or punished in a regular court of law for electoral malpractices. Until this is made possible, this country will never be truly democratized. Electoral crimes are too profitable for the Nigerian politician to forgo easily, especially when he is so sure that he will not be sanctioned.

It is idle to expect the Nigerian politicians to behave responsibly or even cooperate with a leader wishing to act correctly so long as electoral success, no matter how ill-gotten, serves as a meal ticket and as an opportunity to rise from rags to riches through unbridled corrupt use of office.

Even if we achieved the miracle of sanitizing the electoral process, the Nigerian politician will continue to fail us so long as his quest for high office is a case of neck-or-nothing for which he is prepared to sacrifice the good of his country.

He will fail us so long as he continues to behave as if he has learnt nothing from our past and recent experiences to make him change his ingrained corrupt tendencies arising out of years of officially-approved corrupt electoral practices under military rule He will fail us unless and until his money politics is severely curtailed and his deceit, his double- dealing and his funding of thugs to intimidate the society, in his quest for office, become unrewarding and no longer tolerated by the populace and by persons in government.

The politician will fail us so long as he is prepared to encourage local dissension or ignite flashpoints in the society, regardless of the consequences, to gain power or to destroy the Political Temple if he is not made the Chief Priest.

Likely Reaction To Future Electoral Malpractices For the future, I do hope my country will learn from the local and international disgrace suffered by election manipulators recently in Yugoslavia and particularly nearer home in the lvory-Coast where it took the needless laughter of people to correct the fraudulent election results announced in favour of the incumbent military president.

In this regard, l have my grave fears for our country. The prognoses for clean elections in future in Nigeria are not encouraging. Our next series of elections in the future are likely to be worse than the series of elections in 1998/99 because the stakes are astronomically higher. Today, many of our current Executive office Holders, at all levels, are obsessed with the ambition for a second term in office. They are afflicted with the second term syndrome, which is a milder civilian strain of the perpetual succession disease of the military. The urge is irresistible for our political office holders at all levels, to seize their party apparatus and use them fraudulently to facilitate their party’s, approval for them to recontest. Thereafter, they would use their incumbency to gather vast financial and material resources to manipulate inter-party elections at the local, state and national levels. The opposition and even aggrieved members within their own parties, having no confidence in the electoral tribunal processes, will take extrajudicial steps to try and right the wrongs. Chaos will ensue and any attempt by the incumbents "to tough it out" and ram such ill- gotten electoral gains down the throats of the electorate, especially in a general election, will lead to widespread violence with unpredictable consequences for the entire country.

I pray fervently to be proved wrong. But as an adjunct to prayers, we need to take steps to remove the tyranny of corrupt party machineries. Corrupt and corrupted election officials and corrupt temporary staff must be flushed out of the electoral system. Unimpeded and wider field of choice of candidates must be made possible for the electorate.

If a man feels sufficiently aggrieved by his party's unjust acts, to wish to stand as an independent candidate, why must he be denied his right to stand for election and the electorate their right of choice?

If the farmers in a state want to return members to the State Assembly to work for a more efficient, less corrupt distribution of fertilizers, why should our electoral laws deny them their democratic right to do so? Ken Livington recently defied the Labour Selection Committee in the UK, stood election for Mayor of London as an independent candidate and won against the official party candidate. If our anti-corruption and pro-transparency campaign is to be taken seriously, why do we deny the electorate in Nigeria this kind of choice which can force the party machineries to behave more correctly and less corruptly?

Magnanimous, God-Fearing Leadership Nigerians are a religious people. They believe in some Bigger Being than Man to whom they and their leaders are answerable. The major religions enjoin all mortals to fear God, worship Him in reverence and obey His laws. It is interesting that the report of Vision 2010 had God written into it and I quote.

It is envisaged that Nigerian People will rediscover themselves and revert to being God- conscious, and God fearing, caring, sincere; honest; accountable in their dealings with public trust and be proud of their country and heritage. In our difficult situation of utter frustration and the collapse of all expectations, the credible transition programme to civil rule of General Abdulsalami Abubakar, coupled with the apparent penitent posture of the Nigerian Politician, made Nigerians believe that the installation of a strong democratic government was possible and that the cure for all our ills was in sight. Indeed, God blessed our endeavours. We triumphed electorally and we installed a strong democratic federal government. In the euphoria of electoral victory, we immediately thought that the line between expectation and fulfilment had been crossed. We mindlessly placed our trust in the sons of men. We forgot the warning of the Holy Book: “Put not your trust in the son of men for there is no help in them”.

The events of the last eighteen months have been so absurd, so weird, so utterly unnecessary and so self-inflicted as to be beyond normal human comprehension. Therefore, to God, once more, no matter how each and every one of us conceives Him, we must now turn, again, for deliverance.

At this point, it is fitting that I should return to Sir Ahmadu: his faith in God, his method of operation and the use to which he put his influence, his forbearance, his large heartedness, his forgiving nature repeatedly shown to opponents, and his ability to tolerate and carry others along with him. All these are attributes to which a leader, invested with such great powers under our Presidential System of governance, should aspire to have in deep humility.

It was humbling and somehow infectious even to me a Christian to see how everything Sir Ahmadu did was invariably influenced by his religion. There was no pretence about it. There was nothing phony about it. It was solid. Indeed, it appeared as if he was permanently enveloped in some consciousness which made his belief in God. Instinctive, requiring no reminding that his fate was in the hands of God, his creator, to whom he was answerable for all of his actions. I saw in his every day conduct of public affairs and interaction with the high and lowly, compliance with some of the famous instructions of Caliph Ali to Malik-e-Ashter, when he appointed Malik as Governor of Egypt. Ali reigned from 656-661 AD, i.e. over 1340 years ago.

Ali's first charge to Malik was to fear and obey God and to follow the commandments and counsels in His Book (i.e., the Qur’an). Sir Ahmadu Bello lived by the teachings of the Holy Qur’an and of the Hadith. Caliph Ali's second injunction to Malik was to practice self-discipline. He wrote:

"Let your most cherished treasure be your accumulation of good deeds, and this treasure can be collected only through keeping your desires under control; abstain from what is not permitted you, no matter how ardently you may desire it” Sir Ahmadu Bello believed that by his birth, his upbringing and religion, there were behaviours that were simply not permitted to him. There were standards of behaviour below which the well born and God-Fearing man must not allow himself to fall. With such men, correct conduct became a habit. Sardauna was disciplined. He practised self- denial and inspired discipline, especially in those who were close to him. Their conduct must be examples to others. Caliph Ali advised Governor Malik to concentrate on the needs of the common people over the needs of the highly placed. He said:

Remember that it is persons of positions, status and privilege who are the greatest burden for the ruler in times of affluence; but they are the least helpful in adversity. They are the most resentful of justice, the most demanding, and the least grateful for favours granted to them. They are the most stubborn in their refusal to listen to reason if their demands cannot be satisfied, and they are the least steadfast when conditions alter adversely. On the other hand, it is the common people who are the pillars of the faith and the real power against the enemy. With them, you must maintain close contact.

The Sardauna was a defender of the rights of the common man and a promoter of the people’s welfare. He maintained that while he would do everything proper to promote commerce and provide opportunities for businessmen to make money, wherever and whenever the interest of rich clashed with those of the common man, he would be found on the side of the common man.

Caliph Ali said:

Nothing turns away God's blessing and attracts His vengeance more surely than tyranny and oppression. God listens to the call of the oppressed and waylays the oppressor.

The Premier detested abuse of office and injustice on the part of the highly-placed against the little man. Mass Literacy Campaign, Yaki da Jahilci: War Against ignorance, was to be one of the weapons in the hands of the little man to free himself from his oppressor. As a result of the campaign, the common man, armed with the ability to read and write, was able to petition against his oppressor even if it was only in Shaky, hardly legible handwriting. The postal system, worked and the villager did not have to travel long distances to be heard nor make physical appearances before intimidating bureaucrats. Addressing the Northern House of Assembly on May 22nd , 1958 the Premier said:

“The Regional Government has given the highest priority to the Mass Literacy Campaing. It is hoped that it will assist in producing an enlightened public opinion, which will help to expose the evils of bribery and corruption”. Its impact on the life of the villager was immense. The village could read simple instructions on agriculture, animal husbandry, health and sanitation. He could write the Premier and report his oppressor. Every letter of complaints addressed to the Premier, from all over the north, had to be acknowledge, so that the petitioner knew that his letter had been received and action was being taken on it. You would often hear the Premier say Mutane ba su jin Tsoron Allah? (Don’t people fear God). Investigations of complaints were carried out thoroughly The Premier was kept informed of the progress of investigations. Ultimately, their results and recommended actions were submitted to him for approval.

As a young Assistant District Officer (ADO) in Bauchi Division and Touring Officer to Ningi, I saw the pleasure and the calming effect which acknowledgements received from the Premier's Office gave some of the petitioners.

A certain Cabinet Minister in Kaduna used his position to deprive a man of his two plots - one in Kano and the other in Kaduna. The aggrieved person petitioned the Premier. The matter was investigated. The man's plots were returned to him and the top civil servant who had cooperated with the minister in the unjust act was reported to the Public Service Commission for disciplinary action. He was downgraded in consequence. The minister narrowly escaped sacking.

Sir Ahmadu was extremely magnanimous, not just in the way he gave, but in the spirit of forgiveness, even to opponents.

A top journalist flew to Kaduna from Lagos to apologize for some scurrilous publication in his newspaper against the Premier. The Premier brushed the matter aside, hosted him and gave him presents and asked him to forget it and go back in peace to Lagos.

At a time when political opponents were being targeted elsewhere in the country - their businesses ruined and serious criminal charges cooked up against them and their qualified children deprived of scholarships, the Premier never discriminated. My cousin, Late Reuben Jimoh Alege contested election on the platform of the Chief Awolowo's Action Group and defeated the candidate of the Premier's Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). This notwithstanding, I was not denied scholarship on account of my blood relationship with Alege or on account of political coloration of my people in Mopa. The Late Ade John was not denied scholarship over that period nor were Silas Daniyan, Moses Alege, David Omokore, Lot Isaiah, and Theophelus Aro, P D Ayodele, Henry Afolabi and others, all from Mopa. Years later, after I had graduated from the University College' lbadan, and serving as an administrative officer in Northern Civil Service, I asked the Premier why that kind of non -vindictive gesture? He replied in Hausa, “They are my people' and the politics of the fathers shell not be visited on the children”

I got to know about a young man who had lost an election to the Northern House of Assembly against a popular and influential NPC politician who was later appointed a minister. The minister used his position to impede the sucecess of the application of the young man for northern scholarship. The matter was mentioned to the Premier who directed that matter should be taken up with the Ministry of Education. The young man was granted the scholarship. He is today a respected lawyer with decades of experience.

Sir Ahmadu ensured that people in the Middle Belt area, which was better advanced in the pursuit of western education, were not retarded in their educational development in the drive to make Northern Nigeria catch up with the rest of the country. For instance, in 1960, in Sokoto Province, the Premier's own Province, only 2% of the children who have been enrolled in primary schools were actually enrolled as against 75% in Kabba Province. Speaking about the problem of such wide disparity, at a luncheon given by the Carnegie Foundation in the US, the Premier explained thus….

“Our problem… is to take special measures… to promote education in the less educationally-developed area, without impeding the legitimate aspirations of those already developed”.

His relations with political opponents were enlightened and well ahead of his political opponent, Mr. J. S. Tarka, the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) leader who would attack the NPC savagely in the House of Assembly and yet visit the Premier later in the evening. Several times, Tarka would drive from Gboko, Benue Province, straight to my house in Kaduna at odd hours and say, “Name sake, I want to see the Premier." I would drive Tarka to see the Premier and they would sit together and talk at some length. Quite often, the Premier would give me some instructions on what action to take on his discussions with "J.S." Very often, a reflective Tarka, (the astute politician that he was) would volunteer to me a remark like “Haba, ba irin Premier” - "There is none like the Premier." My relation with Tarka was such that, if it had been today, I would have been "dealt with" for cohorting with the enemy.

The Premier saw me merely as an apolitical official facilitator of access to him for the benefit of a younger opponent, and a northerner at that. He had similar relations with the other "J.S." - J.S. Olawoyin - the Action Group leader in the House of Assembly. The Premier saw Tarka as a loveble naughty son with a good heart, who would come to see sooner or later, that those who claimed to support him in the south were merely using him.

Tarka was inconsolable in his grief when the Premier was murdered. That accounted, in part, for his being able to join the Premier's surviving elderly colleagues like the late Makaman Bida, and the younger ones like M Maitama Sule and others to form a new political party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). It was as if he was paying a tribute to the Premier's memory and farsighted vision.

The Sardauna saw his life work as that of first unifying the North. Yet, he cared deeply for the harmonious development and unity of Nigeria. He saw no contradictions in these two positions. He felt that it was simplistic for people to think that unity could be achieved without bringing the component parts of Nigeria to a reasonable level of parity in ability to compete fairly over shared interests. To him, therefore, the unity of the North, its rapid development, particularly in western education, the preservation of all that was best in her culture and tradition and the reform of corrupt systems, had to be achieved and recognised as important factors not to be brushed aside lightly, if the foundation for the unity of Nigeria was to be well laid. He was impatient with leaders who refused to see what, to him, was the simple fact of our Political life.

Leaders of other Regions, in his own view, should work to unify their different people, as the north was doing, instead of plotting to distabilise other Regions. If this was done, and if greater genuine understanding between the leaders of the regions was achieved, the desired national unity, about which so much was being talked and little deliberate work was being done, would percolate from the leaders down to the common man nationwide.

It was a slow, tedious work but it could be speeded up by deliberate, agreed measures by the leaders. He did not believe in the quick-fix-approach to national issues.

For the Federation to succeed, the north must be able to hold its own in a federal setting.

Appointment Of Men Of Quality To Achieve Objectives In the north, he concentrated on “elite integration” of all tribes, pari pasu with “mass integration”. To achieve this in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious setting, he obeyed the many injunctions of his great grandfather, Shehu Usman Dan Fodio. On the treatment of ethnic and special groups, the Shehus said: “One of the swifted ways of destroying a kingdom is to give preference to a particular tribe over another, or show favour to one group of people over another, or draw near those who should be kept away and keep away those who should be drawn near.”

On the choice of quality men to serve in high positions, Shehu Usman Dan Fodio drew attention to practices wherein a state cannot survive. He said that rottenness begins to set into governance when the leader appoints low men to high positions. Quoting from earlier writings, he said:

“The death of a thousand good men of high rank is less serious for the survival of the state than one man of low being elevated above the station he is fitted for.... States decline through giving preference to men of low rank”

In the administration of the affairs of the Twelve Tribes of lsrael in the wilderness, when Jethro saw that Moses, his son-in-law, was overworking himself trying to deal with all problems by himself, Jethro said to Moses:

You and the people with you will wear yourselves out for the thing is too heavy for you; you are not able to perform it alone. Listen to my voice: I will give you counsel, and God be with you! ...Choose able men from all the people, such as fear God, men who are trustworthy and who hate to take bribe; and place such men over the people as rulers of thousands, of hundreds, of fifties and of tens.

The Premier looked for talents and brought them near to him. If a man was honest, good and committed, the Premier encouraged him irrespective of his tribe, religion, or place of origin.

One of the most sensitive positions in the Northern Nigeria Civil Service was that of Secretary to the Executive Council (SEXCO).

The first indigenous secretary to the Executive council of Northern Nigeria was Alhaji Yahaya Gusau, a Fulani Muslim from Gusau in the then Sokoto Province. He was succeeded by the late Alhaji Abdulrahman Okene, an Ebira Muslim from Okene in the then Kabba Province. He was succeeded by Alhaji Mohammed Kure, a Nupe Muslim from the then Niger Province. Mr, S. Ade John, a Yoruba Christian from Mopa in Kabba Province took over from Alhaji Kure. Mr. Ade John handed over to Mr. Silas Daniyan, also a Christian from Mopa in Kabba Province. Mr. Silas Daniyan handed over to Mr. Sunday Awoniyi, a Christian from Mopa Kabba Province, who was succeeded by the late Mr. Ayo Omolokun, a Yoruba Christian also from Mopa in Kabba Province. The posting and advancement of an officer in the service depended on his ability, commitment and performance and not on his religion, tribe or place of origin.

Caliph Ali warned specifically about the kind of people that should not appointed to high office or used as advisers because of their antecedents:

The worst counselor is he who has been in the services of oppressive rulers and is a party to their misdeeds.

Do not take such men as ministers, for they are associates of tyrants."

Shehu Usman Dan Fodio also warned against the danger of the common people being denied access to the ruler to complain to the latter about oppression at the hands of governors that he had appointed to rule them. He said:

“When the oppressor is sure that the oppressed person will have no access to the ruler, he becomes even more oppressed. Subjects remain loyal to the rulers so long as they have access to him; but when he secludes himself, there come into being many other rulers. When the ruler secludes himself from his subjects by means of chamberlains and doors, and sets up high mountains between them and himself, God’s doors still remain opened to the petitioner and the prayers of the oppressed go straight to God, before Whom there are neither chamberlains nor door keepers. A kingdom can endure with unbelief but it cannot endure with injustice”.

The Premier admired Courage and clear thinking in young officers and encouraged them. Inconsequential as we were, he listened to us, young administrative officers in his office. He was prepared to change or modify his views if we argued convincingly, a more practical or more beneficial solution to a problem. He was totally devoid of any intellectual complex. He gave total credit to anyone to whom it was due for a job well done. I believe atimes he delighted in embarrassing good officer in public by comments about the officer’s excellence, completely oblivious of the envy that it bred. There was a proposal to buy a new plane to add to the Northern communications Flight. The plane would be capable of carrying several more passengers than any of our three planes at that time.

Work on the implementation of the proposal had gone fairly far. But some young officials, in the Premier's Office, did not like the idea. They put forward a case against the purchase of the aircraft on grounds of cost, security and its low priority in the catalogue of needs of the north. The Premier accepted the submission of the young officials and the plane was not bought. The Premier was a stickler for correctness in the use of public property. The Secretary to the Executive Council controlled the use of the Northern Communications aircraft. If the Premier had to travel by air, his Principal Private Secretary would make a requisition for an aircraft. The Secretary to the Executive Council would ask whether the trip was official or private. If it was private, a bill was raised for the cost of the trip and the Premier paid. It was inconceivable that the Premier would use any of the planes for himself or for his family on unofficial trip without paying for it.

We are all living witnesses to the misuse of official aircraft under military governments, atimes with sad painful tragic consequences.

Still on the subject of the Northern Communications Flight, the Premier had been booked to travel to Gusau on one of the planes on a Saturday. On the Friday before the trip, the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of HeaIth, Dr. R. B. Dikko, came to my house after office hours to request for a plane to go to ldah in Kabba Province on Saturday, i.e. same day as the Premier's trip to Gusau. Dr. Dikko needed the plane because his most Senior Health Superintendent had collapsed at prayers earlier on that Friday at ldah, and he would want him flown to Kaduna for better medical attention. Unfortunately, although we had 3 planes, we had only me pilot because one of our two pilots had gone on leave. I checked with the only pilot and he assured me that he could leave for ldah very early on Saturday morning, pick up the patient and be back in Kaduna in time, well before 10:00 a.m. for the Premier's trip to Gusau.

With that assurance, I went to the Premier at about 8:00 p.m. that Friday evening. There was the usual crowd of people. I told the Premier what had happened and my decision to send the plane for the sick man. I said I had been assured by the pilot that the plane could go to Idah and return to Kaduna in time for the Gusau trip. My presentation was greeted with hisses by Ministers and other high-level officials present. But the Premier replied in Hausa in a sentence which could, in my understanding, be translated to mean: “Go and do what you please or go and do what is right” I decided that he meant I should do what was right. Off the plane left to Idah very early on the Saturday morning. Unfortunately, my plans went dreadfully awry. The pilot report as he was flying back to Kaduna that he had picked the patient from Idah alright, but that he was flying into Kaduna on one engine. He could land but would be unable to take off on one engine for Gusau.

‘It might be only a matter of plugs’, he said. Therefore, I could alert our engineer, Mr Olubadewo to standby. I was shattered. AIthough we had two other aircrafts, our young pilot could not fly them. With less than thirty minutes to the scheduled departure time to Gusau, I rushed to the Premier's residence which, by then, was full of people wanting to drive the short distance to the airport to say goodbye. I marched up to the Premier who was sitting at the end of the long corridor in his residence and narrated what had happened. I said that although the pilot said it was probably a minor fault, which our engineer could fix quickly, I would not approve the use of a plane for the Premier of whose safety I was not satisfied. “I am sorry sir; you will not be able to go to Gusau by air.” He got up from his seat and called out to his Principal Private Secretary, Hassan Lemu. “Hassan, we leave for Gusau by road at 10.” Those who had seen what was regarded as my insolence of the day were triumphant.

The Premier and his entourage left for Gusau by road at 10:00 a.m. Unfortunately, the patient died on his way to be flown out to the UK from Kano. Dr. Dikko came to console me and said that the deceased was a relation of Sir Kashim lbrahim, the Governor of Northern Nigeria.

Before the Premier's return from Gusau to Kaduna, I got a report ready for him stating that, in spite of all human efforts and the inconvenience I had caused him, the patient died. I took the initiative and accompanied the report with a draft letter of condolence from the Premier to Sir Kashim lbrahim, the Governor. The Premier signed the letter on his return from Gusau and gave it to me to deliver to Sir Kashim on his behalf and asked me to report back to him. He did not hold anything against me in spite of, the great inconvenience that, I had caused him. When I reported back to him, rather than a rebuke, he gave me a gift of 250 pounds saying that he admired my courage and that if I had not done what I did, those who critised me for what I had done, would have been the very people who would have said' “Had the Premier allowed the use his plane to go to Idah” the man might not have died. The Premier took account of public opinion in most of his actions. He cherished his own image. But as a leader, if he had to be inconvenienced for the correct thing to be done, so be it. As a leader, he was too wellborn, and too great to be mean and vindictive. He was generous even in forgiving.

Religion The breakdown of religious harmony is one of the gravest dangers facing this nation. Whether the recent riots in Kaduna resulted purely from theological differences or because religion was being used to gain political, economic or social advantages or to settle some ethnic scores, the results is what counts-total disaster, deaths of the innocent in larger numbers, destruction of trust and confidence, even between old friends, loss of property, revenge killing in other parts of the country on ethnic lines, and the exposure of the weakness of the authorities to manage crises or deal intelligently with their aftermath. We have taken for granted, for decades, the religious harmony we have enjoyed in spite of Nigeria’s multi-religious and multi ethnic nature. In cosy self-righteousness, we wondered how Britain, our colonial masters, could have got it so wrong in their treatment of the Irish Catholics.

The truth was that the harmony we enjoyed did not happen by chance. It happened by choice. In the past, the authorities appreciated how dangerous religious strife could be. Therefore, deliberate efforts were made to manage religious relationship. Even where the vast majority of a people belonged to one religion; sects do arise whose activities could disrupt the peace of society. The history of Christianity and Islam are replete with atrocities perpetrated by sects or against sects.

Throughout my years in the Premier's Office; there was never a year when we did not have to deal with some mild or serious religious threat, mostly within the same religion. Year in, year out, some starry-eyed individuals Christian or Muslim, would claim some inspiration which qualified him to make condemnatory pronouncement on religious and political leaders.

There was a reporting system which quickly brought such disruptive activities to the notice of government or the notice of the leadership of the religion concerned. The threat posed to security and law and order in general and to peace within the particular religion or across the religious divide was quickly analyzed. Appropriated and timely course of action at the highest level was quickly arrived at and firmly implemented with the knowledge and consent of all concerned. The neglect of this system under military rule, insincerity, sterile politics and the unwillingness, in some cases of governments, to act swiftly or to invite the help of those who have experience in these matters, put us in the sorry state we are in today.

Sir Ahmadu Bello, the astute administrator and politician that he was, saw the great danger religion could constitute to his work of uniting the multi-ethnic and multi- religious North. Within his religion, he dealt expertly with the religious-divide between the Qadiriyya and the Tijaniyya. He expoused the principle of live and let’s live.

Regarding other religions, he strove always to put Christians at ease. In his drive to make converts for Islam, he concentrated on those who were non-christians. No one was forced. He stated, as far back as 1954 in a speech at Jos, that: “We will allow everybody in the Northern Region to follow whatever religion he or she chooses without fear of victimization”

He had, in his cabinet, Christians like Peter Achimugu, Michael Audu Buba, Samuel A. Ajayi, Rev. David Lot, Daniel Ogbadu and Abdul Obekpa. They were no push-over ministers either. For instance, over the advertisement of beer on the media owned by the Northern government, his personal preference notwithstanding, he deferred to the views of his ministers, especially the Christians who pointed out the futility of banning the advertisement of alcohol since people listened to the national radio on which such adverts were not banned.

Sir Ahmadu Bello had genuine respect for Christians and their faith and he did not see why Christians and Muslims would not live together happily in peace. His Christmas messages always emphasized this need. In his Christmas message of 1957, in particular, he said Christians and Moslems must keep in their minds '"the brotherhood of man before God. They must live together in peace because... the things that unite us are stronger than the ones that distinguish us. . . "

The story is told that he asked Desmond Wilson, an Irish Protestant Christian, who was an Administrative officer in Sokoto, to purge Sokoto Native Authority (NA) of lazy and corrupt people. It was a difficult job and Wilson said he hadn't the heart to do it. At this, the Sardauna replied, “Neither do I, but it has to be done. Most of them are my relatives.” A large number of the staff of Sokoto Native Authority was sacked outright, and others warned as a result of Wilson’s cleansing job. The Sardauna appreciated Wilson's work and gave him a Present - a copy of the Bible.

Sometime in 1964 or thereabout, he asked me whether I had bought myself a copy of the New Testament Bible translated at that time into modern English. I said: “Ranka ya dade, I haven't”. He asked: “Why?” I said, that I was used to the King James Authorized Version and that I enjoyed its Shakespearean English. He gave me some money and said, "Buy yourself a copy. There is always research into these great religions”.

I have no doubt that he would have been glad if any of us the Christians in his office voluntarily converted to Islam. But he never gave that hint. Rather, he would ask whether you had managed to go to church, if he found out that you had to work late on some on tasks on a Sunday.

He drew close to himself Christians like Peter Achimugu from lgala in Kabba Province, a judge and, later, president of an Upper Area Court. In his treatement of Christians from the Middle Belt he was fair-minded over religious matters in spite of the anti-missionary pronouncements of colleagues close to him. He bent backwards to accommodate and help Middle Belt Christians. He made sure that those qualified in the public service were not denied their rightful places. In addition, he made sure that those who qualified for scholarship were awarded. Before and after the introduction of the Penal Code in which the Sharia Law was incorporated, he had lobbied Christians and ensured that on the Penal Code, there was Peter Achimugu, a widely respected Christian from the Middle Belt.

Today, the most dangerous people to religious harmony are the “certaintists” amongst us. They are so sure of the correctness of their own form of belief that they are prepared to maim, kill and pillage in its defence. It is difficult to see how they consider themselves agents of God to kill as if God had wanted to do away with any man, He was not able to do so without their assistance. Since Christianity cannot wish away Islam, nor could Islam abolish Christianity, the two must co-exist without resorting to violence.

Exactly four years ago, I watched on TV a most moving religious event. It was the Annual All Faiths Services of the City of Newcastle on Tyne in the UK. The theme of the Service was “One World, One Family in God.” It was held in the All Saints Church of that city. During the service, there were readings from the Bible, from the Scriptures of the Bahai Faith. There was a recitation from verses 13-15 of Sura 49 of the Qur’an. A Jewish Rabbi read Psalm 133 from the Jewish Torah on the theme of Brotherly Unity. In that Service, prayers exhibition and exhortations came from the Sikh Faith, and from the Chinese Community. Also partaking in that All Faiths Service were representatives of the Roman Catholic Church and the Religious Society of Friends, otherwise known as the Quakers. The Free Church Federal Council took part; so also did the Unitarian Church and the Church of England.

The spirit of brotherliness which pervaded that service was graphically captured in the words of the congregation’s affirmation which was recited in unison and which I commend to you as follows:

We come together on the occasion of this All Faiths Service to share our thoughts, words and action with humility and mutual love.

We bear witness to the varieties of our cultures and backgrounds, our beliefs and aspirations; but we also bear witness to our task and our unity of intent.

We are united in this our affirmation that we will work and pray together for the fulfilment of our great hope for the achievement of One World, One Family Through God.

Religious intolerance is a great scourge. It is as irrational as it is unpredictable in its consequences. Just as a small object like the falling leaf can start a destructive avalanche, so can the most inconsequential event start senseless pillage, if we allow religious intolerance to prevail. Can we not put an end to religious cold war by moving in the direction of periodic All Faiths Worship? This is the direction in which the conscious search for tolerance and understanding is moving in the more stable societies where religions still count.

When the present King of Jordan, King Hassan, was still a Prince, he accepted an invitation from the Very Revd. Dr. John Drury, the Dean of Christ Church, to preach at Christ Church Cathedral, Oxford on 4th June 1995. The Prince accepted the invitation and described the Cathedral as “this House of God.” He preached a sermon which the Dean said, “…began in the heart of Islam, as he invoked God, the Beneficent, the Merciful, and ended in the heart of Christianity with St. John’s great text “God is Love.”

Religion still counts in our society, Yet, there is so much ignorance about the religion of the other man. There is the need for joint religious communion.

We all, irrespective of our faiths, owe it a duty to this country and to our children to work for religious accommodation, particularly those of us who grew up and knew the beauty of religious peace and harmony.

Conclusion Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, blazed across our firmament like a Shooting Star and was soon gone. When do we see his kind again?

When we contemplate the last 34 years since his death and the times we have had to go through, we miss him. We know he is irreplaceable. It is as if God made him and then broke the mould. We miss his courage. We miss the charisma and the deep genuine human feeling he would have brought to bear on our problems, regional and national.

He was only 56 when he died. Within eleven years of his leadership of the North, he deliberately set out to bind together the diverse peoples of the North and gave them an identity to be proud of within a united Nigeria. Considering the atmosphere in which he set out to do this, his success in the endeavor could only be described as monumental.

How he did it with the support of his lieutenants should be a matter of study and emulation by our present-day rulers. For our harmonious co-existence, I will like to leave us with his words at the attainment of Self-Government for Northern Nigeria on 15th March 1959. He said:

“Let us not forget that we owe our past achievements, in no small measure, to our ability to compromise and make friends of former foes.” I thank you all for listening to me.