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Filipa De Lancáster En Portugal (1387-1415): ¿Las Raíces De Una Nueva Religiosidad?

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Filipa De Lancáster En Portugal (1387-1415): ¿Las Raíces De Una Nueva Religiosidad? Filipa de Lancáster en Portugal (1387-1415): ¿las raíces de una nueva religiosidad? Philippa of Lancaster in Portugal (1387-1415): The Roots of a New Religious Spirituality? Manuela Santos SILVA Doctora en Historia Medieval. Profesora Auxiliar. Centro de História, Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Lisboa, Alameda da Universidade, 1600-214 Lisboa, Portugal C. e.: [email protected] Web: https://lisboa.academia.edu/ManuelaSANTOSSILVA. ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6856-8207 Recibido: 03/05/2016. Aceptado: 30/10/2016 Cómo citar: Silva, Manuela Santos, «Filipa de Lancáster en Portugal (1387-1415): ¿las raíces de una nueva religiosidad?», Edad Media. Revista de Historia, 2017, nº 18, pp. 101-117 DOI: https://doi.org/10.24197/em.18.2017.101-117 Resumen: Reina de Portugal entre febrero de 1387 y julio de 1415, la única en origen inglesa, Filipa de Lancáster viene siendo considerada desde hace tiempo la responsable indirecta de varios de los cambios, especialmente culturales, que tuvieron lugar en el siglo XV en la corte portuguesa. Con todo, ello se ha basado más en premisas que en la presentación de pruebas cabales que demuestren su autoría o su acción inspiradora en muchas de estas novedades. Una de las facetas menos conocidas de la reina es la espiritual, y las prácticas asociadas a ella, que podría haber transmitido a sus hijos e impuesto en la corte. El estudio de sus orígenes, de su educación y de su ejercicio del oficio de reina ha permitido comprobar algunas de las suposiciones; pero también ha llevado a poner en duda bastantes de las ideas que se le asocian. A partir de alusiones esporádicas, de los testimonios de los cronistas que narraron el reinado de su esposo y de los escritos de su hijo mayor, quien la presentó como paradigma de reina ejemplar, de comportamiento intachable y modélico, se han analizado su educación y sus prácticas religiosas; y también se ha podido comprender el porqué de la perpetuación de esa imagen de la reina. Palabras clave: Inglaterra; Religiosidad; Reina ejemplar; Sarum Use; Capilla real. Abstract: The only English Queen of Portugal (February 1378-July 1415), Philippa of Lancaster is considered to have had some responsibility in the changes that took place in the fifteenth- century Portuguese court, especially in the cultural arena. This assumption, however, has lacked all empirical support until now. One of the least-known facets of the queen’s personality concerns the kind of spirituality that she practiced, and which she could have passed on to her own children and imposed on the Portuguese court. By delving into the origins of this spirituality, into the queen’s education and her performance as a queen, we have been able to prove the truth behind some of these assumptions and the lack of support for others. Our study of the queen’s education and religious practices is based on our tracing of sporadic allusions in different texts, our reading of the chronicles of her husband’s reign, and of her eldest son’s EDAD MEDIA. REVISTA DE HISTORIA, 18 (2017): 101-117 ISSN: 2530-6448 102 Manuela Santos SILVA writings, which present her as an exemplary queen with a pure and untainted behavior. The perpetuation of this image of the queen is now more easily understood. Keywords: England; Religiosity; Exemplary Queen; Sarum Use; Royal Chapel. Entre los méritos que, desde hace mucho tiempo, los cronistas e historiadores reconocen a la familia real portuguesa creada por João I, antiguo maestre de la orden militar de Avís, y Philippa o Felipa de Lancáster (conocida en Portugal como Filipa de Lencastre), su mujer, se encuentra la imposición de una mayor moralidad de costumbres en la corte regia; imposición paralela a –o resultado de– la introducción de nuevas prácticas religiosas y culturales, presentes después en las cortes de sus hijos y nietos1. En la base de estas novedades estaría la influencia de la reina, responsable de implantar en la corte portuguesa muchos elementos innovadores en materia religiosa que tenían origen en su Inglaterra natal. Los datos que las fuentes ofrecen para evaluar esta acción no son numerosos, ni particularmente aclaratorios; de donde podemos concluir que esta idea surgió de la atención que los historiadores prestaron a las informaciones ofrecidas por el cronista Fernão Lopes en el capítulo de la Crónica 2 de D. João I que trata dalguns costumes e bomdades da rainha Dona Felipa . Aunque, en realidad, el cronista es bastante parco al hablar sobre la monarca. Dado que escribía acabado ya el reinado de João I, cumpliendo un encargo de los herederos y sucesores del monarca, que pretendían con ello transmitir a la posteridad un relato en el que se legitimasen los acontecimientos que lo habían llevado al trono, Fernão Lopes quiso sobre todo mostrar cómo, al contrario que su antecesora Leonor Teles, la reina Filipa había sido adecuada para dar continuidad a la dinastía3. Como es habitual en la historiografía de la época, en la Crónica de D. João I la reina Filipa se presenta como modelo de mujer cristiana4. Fernão Lopes afirma que esta bemaventurada Rainha asy como em sua mocidade era devota e nos divinais 1 Coelho, M. H. C., D. João I. O que re-colheu Boa Memória, Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores, 2005; Silva, M. S., A Rainha Inglesa de Portugal. Filipa de Lencastre, Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores, 2012 / Temas & Debates, 2013. 2 Lopes, F., Crónica de D. João I, vol. II, Lisboa, Livraria Sá da Costa, 1983, pp. 225-226 3 Coser, M. C., «Biografia e género: abordagens historiográficas da rainha regente Leonor Teles, Portugal – século XIV», Recôncavo: Revista de História da UNIABEU, 2013, Julho – Dezembro, vol. 3, nº 5, pp. 87-98; Baleiras, I. de P., «Leonor Teles: o mito da mulher má e a história da mulher política» en Vilela, A. L.; Esteves, E- N.; Silva, F. M.; Reffóios (org.), Representações do Mito na História e na Literatura, Évora, Centro de Estudos em Letras – Universidade de Évora, 2014, pp. 73-90. 4 Coser, M. C., «Modelo Mariano e discurso político: o exemplo de Felipa de Lancaster (1360- 1415)», Seropédica. Revista de História, 2009, vol. 31, nº 2, julho/dezembro, pp. 73-96; Silva, M. S., «A construção coeva de Filipa de Lencastre como “santa rainha”», en Vilela, A. L.; Esteves, E- N.; Silva, F. M.; Reffóios (org.), Representações do Mito na História e na Literatura, Évora, Centro de Estudos em Letras – Universidade de Évora, 2014, pp. 137-150. EDAD MEDIA. REVISTA DE HISTORIA, 18 (2017): 101-117 ISSN: 2530-6448 Filipa de Lancaster en Portugal 103 ofiçios esperta, asy o foy e muito depois que teve casa e os ordenou a sua vomtade; y prosigue contando que rezaba las horas canónicas según la costumbre de Old Sarum o Salisbury, y que leía los Salmos todos los viernes, pidiendo a alguien que lo hiciese por ella cuando se veía impedida por motivos de salud. Leía también frecuentemente las Sagradas Escrituras, y por ello –según el cronista– numca ociosidade em sua maginação achava morada5. Gomes Eanes de Zurara, el sucesor de Fernão Lopes como cronista de la corte, se encargó de relatar los acontecimientos que tuvieron lugar tras la firma, en 1411, de las paces entre Portugal y Castilla. Entre ellos se incluía la conquista de Ceuta y, tal vez porque la muerte de la reina, víctima de una epidemia de peste, fue un trauma en vísperas de la partida de la armada que se dirigía al norte de África, Zurara dedica bastante más atención que su predecesor a las acciones de Filipa; sobre todo en las semanas que precedieron a su muerte6. Registra, por ejemplo, que el temor a que la campaña no fuese exitosa llevó a la reina a dedicar más tiempo a las oraciones diarias, así como a incrementar sus sacrificios devotos. A rezar dedicaba Filipa la totalidad de sus días, según narra Zurara: Logo que amanhecia ia à igreja, onde estava até ao meio-dia e, logo que comia, e gozava um pequeno repouso, voltava à sua oração. […] E à hora de vésperas ali voltava outra vez e assim estava até à noite, altura em que voltava para casa, onde a ocupação do serão era somente em especial contemplação7. Fernão Lopes ya incluía entre las prácticas devocionales de la reina inglesa la abstinencia. Zurara afirma que, aunque los médicos le habían prohibido los ayunos por ser su constitución débil, en esos días nadie conseguía evitar que los practicase con frecuencia8. En cualquier caso, nunca comía por placer –só para sustentar a vida9. Según el cronista, Filipa veía aproximarse con angustia la fecha en la que partirían tanto su marido como sus hijos de más edad, además de muchos cortesanos a los que conocía bien y a los cuales probablemente estimaba. Tal debió de ser el caso de Alfonso, el hermano de Beatriz, cuyo matrimonio en Inglaterra había fomentado en 140510. Se preveía que la armada zarparía con destino a Ceuta en verano, pero el invierno previo los miembros de la familia real se habían visto obligados a 5 Lopes, F., Crónica de D. João I, vol. II, p. 226. 6 Miriam Cabral Coser, en un artículo del año 2009, también nota una evolución en el modelo de reina presentado por Gomes Eanes de Zurara, y en concreto la “transformação da mulher rainha em santa rainha” – Coser, M. C., «Modelo Mariano e discurso político: o exemplo de Felipa de Lancaster (1360-1415), p. 93. 7 Zurara, G. E., Crónica da Tomada de Ceuta, Prefácio e Actualização de textos de Carlos Miranda, Lisboa, Editorial Escol, s. d., pp. 85-86, 88. 8 Zurara, G. E., Crónica da Tomada de Ceuta, p.
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