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Clitic Alternations in Psych Verbs: a Multifactorial Corpus-Based Analysis

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Clitic Alternations in Psych Verbs: a Multifactorial Corpus-Based Analysis Spanish lo(s)-le(s) Clitic Alternations in Psych Verbs: A Multifactorial Corpus-Based Analysis Viola G. Miglio, Stefan Th. Gries, Michael J. Harris, Eva M. Wheeler, and Raquel Santana-Paixão 1. Introduction: psych verbs and clitic alternations in Spanish Psych verbs, i.e. verbs that express specific mental states, changes of state or psychological processes, have consistently been an intriguing subject for traditional grammarians and linguists alike (Cuervo 1895, Bello 1898, Belletti & Rizzi 1988, Melis 1999, Vázquez Rozas 2006, 2012 among many others). They constitute a general class, with cross-linguistically identifiable semantic and syntactic characteristics, comprising verbs of feeling (like, love, appreciate, fascinate), perception (see, feel), cognition (know, think, believe), and choice (decide, prefer, choose).1 In Spanish, verbs such as gustar 'to like' exhibit a patterning of syntactic and semantic roles that is different from their English equivalents. The English construction casts its arguments as a nominative subject and an accusative direct object, thus English 'to like' as exemplified in (1) seems a typical transitive construction just like 'I eat apples'. (1)IEXP/SUBJ like students However, the semantic roles of its participants are not canonical agent and patient arguments, but rather an experiencer (the subject, henceforth EXP) and a theme or stimulus (the object, henceforth STIM). The Spanish equivalent of (1) in (2) capitalizes on the semantic roles of the arguments and casts the theme/STIM – i.e. the cause of the psychological state or process taking place in the mind of the EXP – as the syntactic subject agreeing with the verb and the EXP as a dative (henceforth referred to as OBL or DAT) or at times an accusative (ACC) object, in a so-called inverse construction. (2)MeEXP/OBL gustan los estudiantesSTIM/SUBJ 'I like students' EXPs are entities defined as being in a specific state, which change state, or develop a mental activity, and nominative STIMs are entities that are created or mentally represented by the EXP. Verbs of feeling can also be found with transitive constructions (amar and querer 'to love,' odiar 'to hate', detestar 'to detest'), but many verbs appear only in an inverse construction of the gustar-type.2 Inverse constructions with psych verbs exist in many languages and generally express the cross-linguistic tendency to encode the experience of feelings (such as like, love, fear, detest) in a fundamentally different way from the encoding of canonical transitive actions (such as hit, break, kill). Inverse constructions are thus typologically associated with experiential predicates (Bauer 1996, 2000, Bossong 1998, Dahl & Fedriani 2012). Feelings, emotions, and states are underspecified as to how to encode the arguments involved, hence the possibility to use either a transitive construction, such as (3) or an inverse construction such as (4) to express the same concept: (3) YoEXP /SUBJ adoro [ir al cine]STIM 'I love going to the cinema' *All authors, University of California, Santa Barbara. 1 These are the ADESSE definitions from Vázquez Rozas (2006, 2012). Verhoeven (2007), on the other hand, divides psych verbs into the five subclasses of bodily sensation, emotion, cognition, volition, and perception. 2 Vázquez Rozas (2006) lists various verbs, many of which are very commonly used in Spanish: agradar 'please,' apetecer 'fancy,' atañer 'concern,' competer 'be responsible for,' concernir 'concern,' convenir 'be good for' etc. © 2013 Viola G. Miglio, Stefan Th. Gries, Michael J. Harris, Eva M. Wheeler, and Raquel Santana-Paixão. Selected Proceedings of the 16th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, ed. Jennifer Cabrelli Amaro et al., 268-278. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. 269 (4) MeEXP/DAT encanta [ir al cine]STIM 'I love going to the cinema' It is generally accepted that experiential predicates are less transitive – and thus entail a number of semantic properties such as less volition, less control, less affectedness of the object – than agentive ones (Dahl & Fedriani 2012:343), and this is reflected in typologically different case markings for experiencers and prototypical agents (AGTs). Spanish has a considerable number of such inverse construction verbs, such as agradar 'please,' encantar 'like a lot,' fascinar 'like a lot, fascinate,' or molestar 'be bothered by,'3 but the situation is further complicated by the fact that some of these inverse-construction verbs (e.g., gustar 'like' or encantar ' delight') only take a dative EXP, whereas others take both dative and accusative EXPs. The ones taking both ACC and DAT constitute a larger class of verbs, about which Vázquez Rozas (2006, 4.77) says that they can alternate between the two cases without a clear semantic difference.4 In the third person singular specifically, the EXP alternates between le(s) and lo(s)/la(s). Thus, with verbs such as aburrir 'to bore', asustar 'to scare', molestar 'to bother', the EXP can be either an oblique, such as an IO pronoun as in (5), or an accusative as in a DO as in (6): (5) LeEXP/OBL molestan los estudiantes To him/her bother the students 'S/he is bothered by the students' (6) LaEXP/ACC molestan los estudiantes To her bother the students 'She is bothered by the students' This is in spite of the fact that these verbs appear in dictionaries with the 'transitive' label, thus raising the expectation that they take accusative DOs only (cf. Vázquez Rosas 2006:103). Vázquez Rozas does, however, offer an analysis highlighting some semantic features of the clause related to transitivity that affect the alternation (such as animacy of subject argument, telicity of the predicate, and affectedness of the experiencer). This alternation between case markings is not unexpected: EXPs have an 'ambivalent status' (Lehmann 1991), since they are similar to patients (PAT) in the lack of control they have over the action or its effects, but similar to AGT in retaining the capacity for independent action (Croft 1993, Bossong 1998, Dahl & Fedriani 2012). In turn, STIMs share some characteristics of AGTs in that they cause the change of state or emotion in EXPs. Thus, while inverse experiential constructions are expected to exhibit some alternations in the way EXPs are encoded, what remains to be established more precisely and based on larger and more diverse data sets are the variables that govern this alternation. An alternation between DAT and ACC forms in clitics does not exclusively affect psych verbs. Originally, the alternation was etymologically inherited from Latin case marking, which in Spanish survives only in the pronominal system. As far as clitics are concerned, specifically in the first and second person singular and plural, ACC and DAT markings are syncretic, thus me, te, nos, os could be either ACC or DAT, whereas in the third person the case distinction is preserved (le(s) (DAT sg/pl), 3 Molestar in Spanish has two main meanings that can be glossed roughly as 'to bother, to bug' (expressing i.e. a more transitive action as in Hay una mosca que me molesta y no me deja dormir ('A fly is bugging me and won't let me sleep') and a more passive psychological state, as in 'to be bothered': me molestan los ambientes ruidosos, 'I am bothered by/I dislike noisy environments' – or even 'noisy environments bother me.' The latter is the meaning we are interested in. 4 The complete list from Vázquez Rozas (2006) is: abrumar 'overwhelm', aburrir 'bore', admirar 'admirar', afectar 'affect', afligir 'grieve', alegrar 'make happy', angustiar 'distress', apasionar 'fascinate', apenar 'sadden', asombrar 'amaze', asustar 'scare', atemorizar 'frighten', aterrar 'terrify', aterrorizar 'terrorize', atormentar 'torment', atraer 'attract', avergonzar 'shame', cansar 'tire', complacer 'please', consolar 'console', convencer 'convince', decepcionar 'disappoint', deleitar 'delight', desanimar 'dishearten', descontentar 'displease', desconsolar 'distress', desesperar 'exasperate', disgustar 'disgust', distraer 'amuse', 'distract', divertir 'amuse', emocionar 'move, touch', entretener 'amuse, entertain', entristecer 'sadden', entusiasmar 'love', escandalizar 'scandalize', espantar 'scare away', estorbar 'bother', exasperar 'exasperate', fascinar 'fascinate', fastidiar 'annoy', favorecer 'favor', halagar 'flatter', impresionar 'impress', incomodar 'inconvenience', inquietar 'unsettle', interesar 'interest', intranquilizar 'worry', intrigar 'intrigue', irritar 'irritate', maravillar 'amaze', molestar 'bother', obsesionar 'obsess', ofender 'offend', pasmar 'astonish', perjudicar 'be bad for', preocupar 'worry', reconfortar 'comfort', satisfacer 'satisfy', seducir 'seduce', sorprender 'surprise', tranquilizar 'calm down.' 270 lo(s)/la(s) (ACC sg/pl), which is why in our study we limited the analysis to 3rd person clitic pronouns. Moreover, there also are dialectal differences in the use of clitics in Spanish. The etymological, or case-marking system of the 3rd person is not preserved in cases of phenomena such as leísmo, laísmo, and loísmo, which will be described briefly with regards to the 3rd person singular alternations only. In leísmo, le refers to both masculine and feminine entities in the DAT (i.e. IOs), but also to the masculine DO (as in le conocí en la fiesta 'I met him at the party'). Within the DOs, le is most commonly used to refer to masculine, animate entities,5 more rarely to things (Fernández Soriano 1993:64). In laísmo, the prescriptive feminine DO form la is extended to cover also feminine IOs (instead of le, as in la dio la carta '(s/he) gave her the letter'), and in loísmo, the prescriptive masculine DO form lo is extended to cover also the masculine IO (also instead of le, as in hoy día lo añaden de todo al vino 'nowadays they add all sorts of things to wine').6 Laísmo and loísmo, and – less markedly so – also leísmo are typical of peninsular Spanish and not found in Latin America (Roldán 1975:15, Bello 1898:11). Therefore, as Vázquez Rozas warns (2012), the le-lo alternation in psych verbs when found in a corpus could be due to the different dialectal provenance of the texts analyzed, rather than to a difference in the semantic features of the pronoun.
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