Interim Report on Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Tribunals

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Interim Report on Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Tribunals INTENDED TO FAIL The Trials Before the Ad Hoc Human Rights Court in Jakarta Written by Professor David Cohen Director, UC Berkeley War Crimes Studies Center Edited by the International Center for Transitional Justice INTRODUCTION About the ICTJ The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) assists countries pursuing accountability for mass atrocity or human rights abuse. The Center works in societies emerging from repressive rule or armed conflict, as well as in established democracies where historical injustices or systemic abuse remain unresolved. It provides comparative information, legal and policy analysis, documentation, and strategic research to justice and truth-seeking institutions, nongovernmental organizations, governments, and others. The ICTJ assists in the development of strategies for transitional justice comprising five key elements: prosecuting perpetrators, documenting violations through nonjudicial means such as truth commissions, reforming abusive institutions, providing reparations to victims, and advancing reconciliation. The Center is committed to building local capacity and generally strengthening the emerging field of transitional justice, and works closely with organizations and experts around the world to do so. The ICTJ in Timor-Leste The ICTJ has been involved in helping Timor-Leste deal with the legacy of past human rights abuse since 2001. The Center has been closely involved in the creation of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation and in providing technical advice and assistance as it has progressed. The ICTJ has also worked closely with the Serious Crimes Unit and the UN Missions in Timor-Leste to try to help ensure that their efforts were as effective as possible in bringing perpetrators to justice. Our report, “Crying Without Tears: In Pursuit of Justice and Reconciliation in Timor-Leste: Community Perspectives and Expectations,” profiles the attitudes of almost 100 citizens of Timor- Leste regarding the issues of truth, justice, and reconciliation. Acknowledgements The ICTJ commissioned this report and provided substantial support for travel and translation. Professor David Cohen also received assistance in his work by the Wang Family Foundation, The East West Center (Honolulu), and the Ford Foundation (Jakarta). Special thanks are due to Asmara Nababan, formerly of the Indonesian Human Rights Commission, for his contributions; Aviva Nababan, who headed up the extensive translation efforts; Elsam in Jakarta, the human rights NGO that was unstinting in its support; and Sidney Jones, Indonesia Project Director at the International Crisis Group. At the ICTJ, Senior Associate Paul Seils coordinated the project and was responsible for the final editing of the report. Special thanks to ICTJ staff members for their time, especially Sarah Rutledge. Finally, we are grateful to Judicial Systems Monitoring Project for the basis of the table provided in Appendix 1. i About the Author Professor David Cohen is Director at the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley. ii PREFACE In 1999, the East Timorese voted to become citizens of an independent state. Independence, first claimed in 1975, came at a high price, exacted over 24 years of Indonesian occupation. Even after the Indonesian government decided in early 1999 to allow the East Timorese to choose between autonomy within Indonesia or independence, supporters of independence suffered systematic violence at the hands of militia groups created and directed by the Indonesian army. The violence intensified before and after the vote for independence on August 30, 1999, and then reached its climax once the outcome was announced. Thousands were killed or injured, hundreds of thousands were displaced, and the systematic and massive destruction of property caused immense damage to the living conditions of an already poor and vulnerable population. The attacks on United Nations personnel, including the killing of several East Timorese staff members, added a special aspect of international concern to what were already clearly crimes against humanity. The international community was outraged as the media reported the violence. There were calls for an international tribunal to be created to investigate and prosecute the crimes, foremost among them the recommendation of the International Commission of Inquiry mandated by the UN Commission on Human Rights. This was not done, as Indonesia committed itself to ensure full accountability. The Indonesian Law 26/2000 instituted the Ad Hoc Human Rights Court. This report analyzes the trials held under that law in terms of the prosecution efforts and the quality of the judgments. However, it goes beyond this to assess the political and institutional context in which the trials took place. The inescapable conclusion of the report is that the trials as a whole must be regarded as a failure on every level, from technical competence to institutional integrity and political will. Some may point to the fact that six individuals, including high-ranking officials, have been convicted. However, the report shows that this is more due to the notable bravery of a few individual judges than to a credible system of justice. The International Center for Transitional Justice has worked closely with the people and institutions of Timor-Leste as they try to deal with the legacy of violent abuse in a way that both respects the dignity of victims and survivors and strengthens the rule of law in a democratic society. Ending the impunity of the Indonesian army is just as important— perhaps even more important—for the democratic future of Indonesia than it is for Timor-Leste. Justice for the atrocities that occurred in 1999, however, is not only essential from these perspectives, but also for the integrity of the international community as a whole and the United Nations in particular. We believe that this report will help to focus attention on how Indonesia has failed to live up to its commitments both to the victims of the crimes committed and to the international community. A second major respect in which this continues to be the case falls outside this report: Indonesia has failed to cooperate with the Serious Crimes Unit established by the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor. The senior Indonesian commanders responsible for operations in East Timor in 1999, as well other alleged Indonesian and East Timorese perpetrators now in Indonesia, have been indicted for crimes against iii humanity after investigation by UN prosecutors and investigators. Indonesia continues to fail to cooperate with the efforts of the Special Panel for Serious Crimes in Timor-Leste to bring perpetrators to justice. In February 2000 the United Nations Security Council encouraged Indonesia “to institute a swift, comprehensive, effective and transparent legal process, in conformity with international standards of justice and due process of law.” None of these criteria has been met. We trust that this report will be of some assistance to the UN and to others in forming an informed view about the trials and their context, and determining the appropriate course of action. Ian Martin Vice President International Center for Transitional Justice August 2003 iv ACRONYMS AND TERMS Attorney General AG Commission of Inquiry on East Timor KPP HAM Final Report of the Audit of the Public Prosecution Service of the Republic of Indonesia FRAPPS Indonesian National Army TNI Indonesian Army Special Forces Kopassus Indonesian National Police POLRI International Commission of Inquiry on East Timor (UN) CIET International Humanitarian Law IHL National Human Rights Commission (Indonesia) Komnas HAM Pasukan Pejuang Integrasi (Pro-Integration Forces) PPI Public Prosecution Service PPS United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor UNTAET v INTENDED TO FAIL The Trials Before the Ad Hoc Human Rights Court in Jakarta EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report focuses on the 12 trials that have taken place before the Indonesian Ad Hoc Human Rights Court since March 2002. Six of the 18 defendants have been convicted of crimes against humanity, receiving sentences ranging from 3 to 10 years. Those convicted include Indonesian National Army (TNI) officers, a militia leader, and police and civilian officials. All remain free pending appeal. The prosecution of Major General Adam Damiri, who in 1999 was regional commander (Pangdam Udayana) of the military region of which East Timor was a part, is the single most important of these trials. Notwithstanding the extremely unusual conduct of the prosecutor, who sought an acquittal at the end of the case, Damiri was sentenced to three years in prison on August 5, 2003. The prosecutor’s behavior foregrounds the deepest underlying problem in these cases: the lack of political will to prosecute and accept the outcome of the legal process. The fact that the judges convicted Damiri demonstrates the need for a detailed understanding of the trials’ technical and political complexity: the convictions say more about the bravery of some judges than the efficacy of the legal system. The verbal abuse and intimidation the judges suffered from Damiri and members of the Special Forces of the Indonesian Army, after his conviction, demonstrated clearly the real difficulties these judges faced. Apart from the Damiri case, the trials as a whole have been severely criticized from the onset, particularly since the first acquittals. The fact that only 6 out of 18 defendants have been convicted is one of the chief
Recommended publications
  • East Timor 1999 Crimes Against Humanity
    East Timor 1999 Crimes against Humanity A REPORT COMMISSIONED BY THE UNITED NATIONS OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS (OHCHR)* By Geoffrey Robinson University of California Los Angeles July 2003 *This report has been referenced many times by CAVR and since it is as yet unpublished it is included here in its entirety. The text is identical to that received from OHCHR, but fonts and styles have been altered to fit with the typesetting design of the CAVR report. As of October 2005, an updated version of this report was also due to be published in English and Indonesian by Asosiasi Hak, Dili, Timor-Leste. For more information Asosiasi Hak can be contacted through their website: www.yayasanhak.minihub.org ����� �� �������� ������������ ��� ��������� ������� Method and Mandate Outline and Chapter Summaries Conclusions ���� �� �������� ������ ��� �������� �� ���������� ��� ��������� ������� 1.1 Indonesian Invasion and Occupation 1.2 Resistance 1.3 International Response 1.4 Breakthrough in Indonesia 1.5 UNAMET and the Popular Consultation �� ���������� ����� ��� �������� 2.1 The Indonesian Armed Forces 2.2 The Militias 2.3 The Indonesian Police 2.4 The Civilian Government and the ‘Socialization’ Campaign 2.5 Pro-autonomy Political Parties 2.6 Specialized Government Bodies ���� ��� ����� ������ �� ����� �������� ��� ���������� �� ����������� �������� ��� ������������ 3.1 Types of Violation 3.2 Chronology of Violations: Three Periods 3.3 The Victims 3.4 The Perpetrators �� �������� ��� ���������� 4.1 Temporal Variation – Turning Off
    [Show full text]
  • Seeking Truth and Responsibility: Report of the Expert Advisor to the CTF
    Seeking Truth and Responsibility: Report of the Expert Advisor to the CTF April 2007 Berkeley War Crimes Studies Center Co-authors: David Cohen, Director Aviva Nababan, Jakarta Team Leader Leigh-Ashley Lipscomb, Dili Team Leader In collaboration with: Indri D. Saptamingrum Zainal Abidin Bartolomeu de Araujo 1 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/d10345/ PART I: JAKARTA DOCUMENTS: KPP HAM and AD HOC COURT 2 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/d10345/ CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This part of the Report assesses the three bodies of documents in relation to the legal process the Republic of Indonesia undertook to address the gross violations of human rights before, during, and after the announcement of the popular consultation in East Timor, which led to the secession of the then Indonesia’s 27th province into the independent, sovereign nation of Timor-Leste. The three bodies of documents are namely: the report and evidence presented in the National Commission of Human Rights’ Inquiry Team (KPP HAM) report, the investigative dossiers (BAP) that document the investigation process commenced by the Attorney General’s Office following the KPP HAM report, and the court documents from the twelve trials before the Jakarta Ad Hoc Human Rights Court of the defendants accused of gross violations of human rights. The report of the findings of this research on the Indonesian process will be structured in three parts. This chapter elaborates the context of the research itself and the working definitions. The second chapter shall contain three separate analyses on the three bodies of documents. The third chapter shall set out the findings of the research, including the weaknesses of each body of documents.
    [Show full text]
  • Divided Loyalties Displacement, Belonging and Citizenship Among East Timorese in West Timor
    DIVIDED LOYALTIES DISPLACEMENT, BELONGING AND CITIZENSHIP AMONG EAST TIMORESE IN WEST TIMOR DIVIDED LOYALTIES DISPLACEMENT, BELONGING AND CITIZENSHIP AMONG EAST TIMORESE IN WEST TIMOR ANDREY DAMALEDO MONOGRAPHS IN ANTHROPOLOGY SERIES For Pamela Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760462369 ISBN (online): 9781760462376 WorldCat (print): 1054084539 WorldCat (online): 1054084643 DOI: 10.22459/DL.09.2018 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Cover design and layout by ANU Press Cover photograph: East Timorese procession at Raknamo resettlement site in Kupang district 2012, by Father Jefri Bonlay. This edition © 2018 ANU Press Contents Abbreviations . ix List of illustrations . xiii List of tables . xv Acknowledgements . xvii Preface . xxi James J . Fox 1 . Lest we forget . 1 2 . Spirit of the crocodile . 23 3 . ‘Refugees’, ‘ex-refugees’ and ‘new citizens’ . 53 4 . Old track, old path . 71 5 . New track, new path . 97 6 . To separate is to sustain . 119 7 . The struggle continues . 141 8 . Divided loyalties . 161 Bibliography . 173 Index . 191 Abbreviations ADITLA Associação Democrática para a Integração de Timor Leste na Austrália (Democratic Association for the Integration of East Timor into Australia) AITI Association
    [Show full text]
  • Asia Briefing, Nr. 16: Indonesia
    INDONESIA Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 8 May 2002 INDONESIA: IMPLICATIONS OF THE TIMOR TRIALS OVERVIEW little more than criminal negligence on the part of the accused. As East Timor moves toward independence on 20 In these circumstances, regardless of whether the May 2002, trials are proceeding in Jakarta against defendants are ultimately convicted, these trials Indonesian army and police officers and civilian may well produce the following consequences in officials accused of serious human rights violations Indonesia: in connection with the 1999 violence there. Within Indonesia, the trials have generated little interest, the near-universal image within Indonesia of nothing approaching the attention given to the the conflict as a civil war between two prosecution of Tommy Soeharto, the former equally matched factions of East Timorese president’s son. Abroad, the delays in getting the will be reinforced. With the prosecution trials underway, the high-ranking position of some failing to produce any evidence suggesting defendants, the inexperience of the judges in trying active involvement of high levels of the human rights crimes, and the government’s pointed Indonesian government in the 1999 violence, lack of interest in addressing military impunity the pro-independence victory is difficult to have raised doubts that any of the accused will be explain except in terms of ill will toward convicted. Indonesia on the part of the international community. Had the indictments been better The problem is not so much with the way the cases prepared, they not only might have helped are being judicially conducted. Inexperienced as illuminate the political dynamics in East they are, the judges have thus far exceeded Timor in 1999, but might have led to more expectations, rejecting military arguments and effective policies in Aceh and Papua; demonstrating a willingness to use international human rights law in a way that defies a common the United Nations in particular will perception of them as incompetents or political continue to be seen as a biased and hacks.
    [Show full text]
  • East Timor 1999: Crimes Against Humanity a Report Commissioned by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
    EAST TIMOR 1999 CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY EAST TIMOR 1999 CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY REPORT COMMISSIONED BY THE UNITED NATIONS OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS (OHCHR) GEOFFREY ROBINSON UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES July 2003 HAK ASSOCIATION & ELSAM DILI & JAKARTA East Timor 1999: Crimes Against Humanity A Report Commissioned by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) By Geoffrey Robinson University of California Los Angeles July 2003 First published in 2006 by HAK Association & ELSAM HAK Association Rua Governador Serpa Rosa T-091, Farol, Dili, Timor-Leste Tel.: +670 3313323 | Fax: +670 3313324 e-mail: [email protected] ELSAM – Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy Jl. Siaga II/31, Pasar Minggu, Jakarta 12510 Tel.: +6221 7972662 | Fax: +6221 79192519 e-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Cover design & Layout by Alit Ambara | nobodycorp. <[email protected]> Cover photograph: HAK Association ISBN 979-8981-29-4 v Table of Contents Foreword by José Luis de Oliveira viii Introduction by Asmara Nababan x Preface 1 Executive Summary 4 Method and Mandate 5 Outline and Conclusions 6 Part I: Context, Power, and Strategy 7 1. Historical and Political Context 8 1.1 Indonesian Invasion and Occupation 8 1.2 Resistance 10 1.3 International Response 12 1.4 Breakthrough in Indonesia 14 1.5 UNAMET and the Popular Consultation 15 2. Indonesia: Power and Strategy 19 2.1 The Indonesian Armed Forces 19 2.2 The Militias 23 2.3 The Indonesian Police 25 2.4 The Civilian Government and the ‘Socialization’ Campaign 26 2.5 Pro-autonomy Political Parties 28 2.6 Specialized Government Bodies 29 Part II: Human Rights in 1999: Patterns and Variations 31 3.
    [Show full text]
  • East Timor Page 1 of 10 East Timor Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
    East Timor Page 1 of 10 East Timor Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001 East Timor made significant progress in establishing its institutions of democracy and governance; however, during its first full year of independence from Indonesia, reconstruction and recovery from the September 1999 violence that ravaged the territory was a central focus of activity, and numerous problems remained. In a U.N.- administered consultation vote on August 30, 1999, an overwhelming majority of East Timorese voted against autonomy (and, in effect, for independence from Indonesia), and in early September 1999, the U.N. Secretary General declared the ballot results to be "an accurate reflection of the will of the East Timorese people." As a result, in October 1999, the Government of Indonesia approved revocation of the 1978 Indonesian parliamentary decree that annexed East Timor, allowing for the establishment of the U.N. Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), which is mandated by the U.N. Security Council to establish a democratic government in East Timor. UNTAET continued to govern East Timor, and the National Consultative Council (NCC) advised the Transitional Administrator. In July UNTAET established a new governing structure, the East Timor Transitional Administration (ETTA). With the addition in October of the Foreign Affairs portfolio, the ETTA cabinet consisted of nine ministries, four of which were headed by UNTAET officials and five of which were headed by East Timorese. UNTAET appointed members of the NCC and the cabinet in close consultation with the National Council of Timorese Resistance (CNRT), a political umbrella of proindependence parties.
    [Show full text]