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Affirmative Framing AFFIRMATIVE FRAMING: THE ROLE OF HEGEMONIC FORCES ON THE FRAMING OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THEIR PARTICIPANTS A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of Sociology California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Sociology by Brent Clark Jr SPRING 2018 © 2018 Brent Clark Jr ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii AFFIRMATIVE FRAMING: THE ROLE OF HEGEMONIC FORCES ON THE FRAMING OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THEIR PARTICIPANTS A Thesis by Brent Clark Jr Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Dr. Kevin Wehr __________________________________, Second Reader Dr. Andrea Moore ____________________________ Date iii Student: Brent Clark Jr. I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________, Graduate Coordinator Dr. Manuel Barajas Department of Sociology iv Abstract of AFFIRMATIVE FRAMING: THE ROLE OF HEGEMONIC FORCES ON THE FRAMING OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND THEIR PARTICIPANTS by Brent Clark Jr This research analyzes, deconstructs, and compares discrepancies in efficacy and legitimacy between non-majoritarian and White Identity Movements. This project analyzes reactions to and portrayals of Colin Kaepernick/BLM and Richard Spencer/the Alt-right within tweets found in the “News” section of Twitter. This research considers the tone and contents of the frames that are used to describe the considered political figures and movements. Findings illustrate current inconsistencies in the ways which non-majoritarian identity movements are framed in comparison to other movements and offers considerations as to how these realities affect the larger political discourse within society. _______________________, Committee Chair Dr. Kevin Wehr _______________________ Date v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The completion of this project would not have been possible without the support of my family, friends, professors, and colleagues at the Peer and Academic Resource Center. This thesis is being completed in the name of every student who has ever wondered why their brain works just a little bit differently. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgments....................................................................................................... vi List of Tables ............................................................................................................ viii INTRODUCTION ............... ……………………………………………………….. 1 LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................. 8 METHODS ................................................................................................................. 39 RESULTS ................................................................................................................... 48 DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................. 55 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................... 87 References ................................................................................................................... 96 vii LIST OF TABLES Tables Page 1. “Identity Politics” Sample Results ............... .………………………………. 48 2. “Identity Politics” Crosstabs ............................ ……………………….……. 48 3. Most Common Words in “Identity Politics” Sampling Frame ….……….…... 49 4. “Alt-right” Sample Results ......................................... ……………………… 50 5. Most Common Words in “Alt-right” Sampling Frame……………..………… 50 6. “Alt-right” Crosstabs……………………..………..……………………...…... 50 7. “Richard Spencer” Sample Results……………………………….....……...… 51 8. Most Common Words in “Richard Spencer” Sampling Frame …………....… 51 9. “Black Lives Matter” Sample Results …………………………………......… 52 10. Most Common Words in “Black Lives Matter” Sampling Frame………….... 52 11. “Black Lives Matter” Crosstabs ………..………………..……………….…. 53 12. Table 12: “Colin Kaepernick” Sample Results ……………………………... 54 13. Table 13: Most Common Words in “Colin Kaepernick” Sampling Frame .... 54 14. Table 14: “Colin Kaepernick” Crosstabs …………………………….…...… 54 viii 1 INTRODUCTION “…we have got to take on Trump’s attacks against the environment, against women, against Latinos and blacks and people in the gay community, we’ve got to fight back every day on those issues. But equally important, or more important: We have got to focus on bread-and-butter issues that mean so much to ordinary Americans.” – Bernie Sanders, October 30th 2017 as quoted by Willstein 2017. This quote is the embodiment of just how normalized the marginalization of certain members of our society has become. In a world where being brave enough to point out a blatant lie by the sitting President just once can earn you the label of progressive icon, it can be stunning to hear rhetoric which relegates women, members of ethnic minority groups, and people who identify as anything other than heterosexual as the non-ordinary “other” from the likes of Bernie Sanders. I am in interested in how people with the ability to shape narratives frame non- majoritarian social movements in comparison to what I call White Identity Movements. By non-majoritarian I simply mean movements whose goals and participants exist in direct opposition to traditional manifestations of social control i.e. White Supremacy, Patriarchy, Heteronormativity, etc. The term White Identity Movements refers to movements which form based around notions of shared White identity and history. To draw this comparison, I will examine the framing of two ideologically polar figures, Colin Kaepernick and Richard Spencer, within the context of tweets appearing in the “News” tab on Twitter. For the purpose of this study Kaepernick and Spencer will serve 2 as proxies for their respective movements (Black Lives Matter, the Alt-right), in an attempt to analyze larger trends in how media coverage around these figures and movements are framed. This piece opens with a quote from politician Bernie Sanders on his ideal vision for the future of the Democratic Party. Many readers may not see a problem with the quote, and may even wholeheartedly agree with him. But for many people from traditionally marginalized communities, the quote embodies the very issues which I hope to explore in this work. When Sanders distinguishes issues of racial inequality or gender oppression from “bread-and-butter issues”, he delegitimizes the concerns of individuals from these and other oppressed groups. The fact that this type of marginalization is often perpetuated by thinkers and politicians from both the left and the right is reflective of the ways in which hegemonic understandings of legitimacy serve to systemically invalidate non-majoritarian political movements. When the needs and desires of individuals from ethnic or sexual minorities are marginalized by the same people who are expected to advocate for them, the very nature of conversation and discourse and debate within society can serve to harm and marginalize already vulnerable people. An examination of framings as performed in this project can help to illuminate how these incongruences manifest and the effect they have on society. The goal of this project is to examine the effects of ideological, political, and cultural hegemony on framings of Colin Kaepernick, Richard Spencer, and their associated movements. Hegemony as presented by Laclau and Mouffe (2014), is a type of political relation which emerges through conflict between competing conceptions of 3 reality. This thesis will explore how larger social forces such as White supremacy, patriarchy, and heteronormativity are reflected presently in crucial conversations. In society individuals often receive more social condemnation for being openly anti-racist or anti-sexist than they do for being blatant bigots or misogynists. In 2018 if you’re a Black sports reporter who questions the morality and stability of the President you can be suspended from your job (Bruell 2017) and if you’re a Black athlete who kneels to protest racial injustice you can be publicly berated and blackballed from your league (Serwer 2017). Simultaneously if you’re a neo-Nazi you can work in the White house (Thrush and Steinhauer 2017), and if you’re a pedophile you can run for U.S. Senate (Zauzmer 2017). There are inherent problems and far-reaching ramifications to the ways in which hegemonic framings present the current socio-political climate through the simultaneous reflection and perpetuation of these aforementioned social forces. The reality is that there is an inadequate amount scholarship which looks to consider the concerns of members of marginalized groups within the context of society as a whole. In the words of Ta-Nehisi Coates (2017) “Sympathetic op-ed columns and articles are devoted to the plight of working-class whites when their life expectancy plummets to levels that, for blacks, society has simply accepted as normal. White slavery is sin. Nigger slavery is natural.” This project looks to address these very intellectual contradictions. This thesis channels the work of Avery Godon by illuminating the presence of these apparitions which have plagued mainstream discourse for over a century (Gordon 2011). By considering the role of social forces such as racism, patriarchy, and capitalism on the development and framing of
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