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Queenship in fourteenth-century England: Theoretical and actual authority. (Volumes I and II)

Lake, Barbara Joyce, Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1992

UMI 300 N. ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

QUEENSHIP IN FOURTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND:

THEORETICAL AND ACTUAL AUTHORITY

Volume I

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Barbara Joyce Lake» A.B., M.A

* * * * #-

The Ohio State U niversity

1992

D issertation Committee: Approved by:

James M. K ittelso n

Joseph H. Lynch

Franklin J. Pegues Departm Copyright by Barbara Joyce Lake 1992 To Jennifer and Diane ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I express sincere appreciation to Dr. Franklin J. Pegues for his guidance and patience throughout this process. My appreciation goes as well to the other members of my advisory committee) Drs. James M. Kittelson and Joseph H. Lynch, for their very welcome comments. In addition, I would lik e to thank Dr. John Gabel whose a ssista n ce with transliterating was both practical and inspirational. Finally, my gratitude goes to family and friends who simply would not allow me to give up.

ill VITA

December 24, 1933 ...... Born - Winchester, Kentucky

1955 ...... B.A., University of Kentucky; Lexington, Kentucky

1955-1956 ...... University of Liverpool, England (Fulbright Fellowship)

1963 ...... M.A., University of Kentucky; Lexington, Kentucky

1982-Present ...... Professor and Academic Advi­ sor; Capital University Adult Degree Program; Columbus, Ohio

MAJOR FIELD OF STUDY: History

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Volume I

DEDICATION...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... i l l

VITA...... iv

LIST OF TABLES...... vii

ABBREVI AT IO N S ...... vi i i

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTER PAGE

I. THE QUEEN’S BIOGRAPHIES ...... 3

Margaret of France ...... 3 Isabel of France ...... 6 Philippa of Hainault ...... 11 Anne of Bohem ia...... IV Isabel of V alois...... 21 Summary and Conclusions ...... 28 N o t e s ...... 31

II. SELECTING THE CONSORTS...... AO

Marriage Negotiations ...... 5A Margaret of F ra n ce...... 5A Isabel of F rance ...... 56 Philippa of Hainault ...... 58 Anne of Bohemia...... 61 Isabel of V a lo is ...... 62 Summary and Conclusions ...... 66 N o t e s ...... 68

V III. THE CORONATION...... 75

Summary and Conclusions ...... 104 N o t e s ...... 107

IV. THE QUEENS’ AUTHORITY IN THEORY — PREROGATIVES, INFLUENCE, AND RESPONSIBILITIES ...... 113

Summary and C o n c l u s i o n s ...... 155 N o t e s ...... 159

V. THE QUEENS’ AUTHORITY IN PRACTICE — INCOME AND WEALTH...... 171

D o w r y ...... 172 Dower G r a n t s...... 173 Supplemental Grants ...... 189 Prerogative Revenues ...... 200 Miscellaneous Revenues ...... 207 Summary and Conclusions ...... 217 N o t e s ...... 219

VI. THE QUEENS’ AUTHORITY IN PRACTICE: ADMINISTRATION AND STAFF ...... 231

Summary and Conclusions ...... 247 N o t e s ...... 249

VII. PROBLEMS WITH WEALTH AND PROPERTY...... 253

Summary and Conclusions ...... 276 N o t e s ...... 278

CONCLUSION...... 284

vi LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 ...... 204

Table S ...... 206

Table 3 ...... 243

Table 4 ...... 270 ABBREVIATIONS

AHR American Historical Review

BIHR Bui let in of the Institute of Historical Research

BJRL Bui let in of the John Rvland’s Library

CCR Calendar of Close Rolls

CChR Calendar of Charter Rolls

CChW Calendar of Chancery Warrants

CFR Calendar of Fine Rolls

CPR Calendar of Patent Rolls

DMB Dictionary of National Biography

EETS Early English Text Society

EHR English Historical Review

I no. Misc . Calendar of Inouisitions Miscellaneous

I no. P.M. Calendar of Inouisitions Post Mortem and Other Analogous Documents

PMLA Publications of the Modern Language Assoc iat ion

RS Rolls Series

VCH The Victoria History of the Counties of Ena 1 and

* Asterisk indicates word is defined in the Glossary.

viii introduction

During the fourteenth century? an era in which all apocalyptic horses were loosed, five noble ladies sailed across the channel to England to become consorts to the

Plantagenet kings. Margaret of France, Isabel of France,

Philippa of Hainault, Anne of Bohemia, and Isabel of

Valois accepted with the role of queen a tradition of wealth and power.

History has, to a large extent, ignored these women and the substantial authority they must have held among their contemporaries. Excepting anecdotes and enormities, meager data of the era cause them to appear one dimensional

— the facades behind which international mergers were accom­ plished. Pageantry and procreation might have encompassed their l iv e s . Yet, each of these consorts, through lineage and marriage, effected a position of immense theoretical and actual authority. Each was imbued with royalty and, hence, held the concomitant prerogatives. Each controlled

lands and people, with associated riches in goods and

1 2 services. From the combined details of their direct and indirect influence, an institution of queenship emerges as a rare example of continuity in this chaotic century.

This study falls naturally into two parts— the theo­ retical power and the actual authority of fourteenth-centurv queenship in England. The former, which the office and title of queen created, was inherent in the fact of marriage and coronation. Those institutions, in turn, were dictated by the genealogy of the consort which made her suitable to become queen and to parent kings. The th eo retica l powers included prerogatives and privileges often enjoyed by no one else except, perhaps, the king. The latter, the actual authority, was that which enhanced the queens materially.

Included were real properties, other tangible goods, and the administrative staff to manage all holdings. In addition, influence over important contemporaries— personal families, children, su b jects, and the king him self— must be considered as part of the consorts' strengths.

In theory, the consorts were part of an authoritative chain which, through anointing, linked them with the divine.

In p ra ctice, they controlled vast numbers of people and lands. The totality was queenship which, in fourteenth- century England, was an institution commanding respect. CHAPTER I: THE QUEENS’ BIOGRAPHIES

MARGARET OF FRANCE

The century’s first queen consort in England was

Margaret of Francej youngest daughter of Philip III the B old. In 129A, her brother Philip IV the Fair sug­ gested her as a bride for the fifty-five-year-old Edward I of England, who had been a widower for four years. At the time, Margaret was approximately twelve years old. The betrothal in 1299 was a con d ition of the peace of Montreuil between France and England, mediated by Pope Boniface

VI11 . 1

The king was occupied with his wars in Scotland when

Margaret arrived in England. She landed at Dover on

Tuesday, 8 September 1299, where she was received by members of the royal and noble families, along with a military escort, for the trip to London. The marriage on the n ext day, o ffic ia te d by Archbishop Winchelsey, in - 2 augurated four days of f e s t i v i t i e s .

3 4

Soon after her arrival in London, Margaret had to be quarantined in the Tower of London because of a smallpox epidemic. This quarantine, and the need to economize for

the sake of the king’s Scottish wars, prevented a corona­ tion, making Margaret the only consort of the century not

to be form ally crowned. However, she owned and occasion­ ally wore a crown, made by Thomas Frowick, for a cost of

£A00, which suggests that a coronation might have occurred

3 had war and pestilence not intervened.

Margaret bore the king three children; Thomas of

Brotherton (born 1 June 1300), Edmund of Woodstock (born 1

August 1301), and Margaret or Eleanor (born May 1306), the latter dying in infancy. ESee Appendix A; Genealogical

Charts.! The king, in his final illness, asked his young queen also to take care of Edward 11, though she was only 5 two years older than her stepson.

The king died in 1307, leaving Margaret widowed in her twenties to survive him by just over ten years. John of

London attributed to Margaret, at her husband’s death, a long lament which, although stylistic, was to foreshadow her r e c lu siv e l i f e s t y l e as a widow. In it, she challenged everyone to find a grief such as hers, with joy gone from her heart and continuing life now only weariness and a promise of death.^ Although as a widow Margaret lived a 7 secluded life, she appears to have been devoted to the 5

ill-fated Edward II. In letters to his stepmother prior to his father’s death, Prince Edward had referred to her as

"treschere dame e mere". The intent of the letters was usually to ask her to intercede in his behalf with the king, who did not like his son’s friends, especially Piers g Gaveston and Gilbert of Clare. She accompanied the prince to Boulogne for his wedding to Isabel of France and con­ tinued to be loyal even as queen mother in the reign of

9 another queen consort. Her fin a l years, devoted to charities and encouraging historians and architects, caused her to be well—loved by her contemporaries, earning from 1 0 them the epithet "flos Francorum."

At her death on l^t February 1318, the th ir ty -s ix year-old queen was wrapped in a Franciscan conventual robe and buried in G reyfriars Church in London, which had been rebuilt at her expense and to which she contributed in her will. Her body was placed in the choir of the church and

Bishop Dalderby of Lincoln granted indulgence of forty days to all who would pray for her soul.** Edward II granted to his half-brothers, their mother’s executors, all goods and 12 chattels held by her at the time of her death. The monument which he erected to her in Greyfriars was de­ stroyed in the sixteenth-century dissolution of the friary, 1 3 but her effigy survives in a statue on Lincoln Cathedral.

CSee Plate 1.3 She also is one of the royal figures 6 adorning the tomb of her step-grandson John of Eltham in

Westminster Abbey. However, the condition of those figures is too poor now to afford identification. Also? as the tomb was not erected until around 1339, over twenty years after Margaret’s death, the small image probably was not a

1lki • . en ess. i e *

ISABEL OF FRANCE

Margaret’s successor as consort was her niece Isabel of France, daughter of Philip IV the Fair and only ten years younger than her aunt. Her betrothal to the future

Edward II had been negotiated in the same treaty which had promised Margaret to Edward I. Isabel would liv e into her sixty-sixth year, all but sixteen of them as queen. The longevity of the queen mother cast a long shadow across, if

it did not eclipse, more than thirty years of her son’s queen consort, Philippa of Hainault. Isabel’s name would appear with regularity along with that of Queen Philippa in requests to influence Edward I ll’s decisions and actions, 15 testimony to her continuing power.

Born in 1292, Isabel was eleven years old when, in

May, 1303, she was formally betrothed to the English heir apparent. Five years later, Edward II, along with his young stepmother, traveled to Boulogne Cathedral for a marriage ceremony among the bride’s royal French relatives. 7

Two of them, her uncles Charles of Valois and Louis of

Evreux, after two weeks of festivities, accompanied the

bridal party to England where, on 25 February 1308, Isabel was crowned queen by the bishop of Winchester, the arch­ bishop of Canterbury at the time being either out of the 1 <£> realm or i l l . This turbulent marriage produced four

children: Edward (born 13 November 1312), John (born 15

July 1316), Eleanor (born July 1318), and Joan (born June

1321). [See Appendix A: Genealogical Charts.!

Other than the four children, the only product of this 17 marriage was mutual mistrust and acrimony. The king’s friends must share much of the responsibility for the

couple’s disharmony. Piers Gaveston, for whom Edward had earlier begged Margaret’s intercession with the old king,

continued to be a problem. Gaveston had been made keeper 18 of the realm during Edward’s absence to be married. The

king is said to have given Gaveston the wedding gifts

Isabel had received from her father. Her kinsmen returned

to France in indignation claiming the king loved Gaveston

more than he loved the queen. Later, pregnant with the

king’s f ir s t h e ir , Isabel was le ft tea r fu lly in Tynemouth

as her young husband went off to Scarborough with his

f* r •i end. H 19

Finally rid of Gaveston, Isabel soon found herself

plagued by the king’s new friends, the Despensers, father 8 and son, who convinced the king to confiscate her property EO and limit her income. Not satisfied with mere financial deprivations to the queen, the younger Despenser sent Friar

Thomas of Dunheved to Rome to ask the pope to grant the 21 king a divorce. In 1325, Isabel manipulated events so that first she, and shortly afterwards her son Edward, could journey to the continent. Along with Roger Mortimer, himself a fugitive from England, the queen and prince found refuge first with the queen’s brother French King Charles

IV and then with the count of Hainault. Refusing to return to England at her husband’s command, Isabel was banished by

. - 22 him.

In Hainault, Isabel arranged the betrothal of the prince to Count William’s daughter. With the resulting dowry, the exiled queen equipped troops to return with her to England as an invasion force. By the end of September,

1326, the force had landed and shortly after New Year’s

Day, 1327, entered London as victors. Within the week, parliament removed Edward II and, 11 . . . b y common counsel and assent of the prelates, earls, and barons, and other nobles, and the whole community of the kingdom,” recognized 23 his son, now fourteen years old, as King Edward III.

For almost three years, Isabel ruled for her son, with 2A the help of Mortimer. After conspiring to cause Edward

I I ’s death> they waged war, concluded peace, executed 9

rivals until) finally) on 18 October 1330) the king joined

their growing list of enemies by arresting both and ex- 25 ecuting Mortimer. Mortimer was charged with a variety of crimes) not lea st of which was being considered "... ovyr * 26 homeli with the qween". Isabel) at first) was made to surrender holdings) but gradually their restoration left her as wealthy and propertied as before. CSee Chapter 5:

The Queens’ Authority in Practice— Income and Wealth.]

Although less active than during the king’s minority) she nevertheless continued occasional political involvement.

Certainly) she was still thought politically significant enough to be called generous) wise) graceful) and a shining star o f virtue in the anonymous "An Invective Against 27 France" written in 13^6. Her final years blended in­ fluence with luxurious royal living and pious works.

She died 23 August 1358) a s is t e r of Saint Clare; but the controversy in which she had lived did not die with

her. According to most accounts) Isabel chose as her shroud the traditional garment of the third order of St.

FranciS) which she may have entered during the last decades of her life. However, another source recounts that she was buried in red samite lined with yellow silk) appropriate

to a queen but hardly the Franciscan habit. John of

Reading was less concerned with shroud than site and

claimed the Franciscans had "seduced" Isabel to select 10 their new Greyfriars Church instead of the Abbey- He concluded somewhat sco rn fu lly that the church was s t i l l unfinished in 1358. Although there is some agreement that she selected her burial site because it contained Mor­ timer’s remains, one contemporary claimed she was buried with Edward II’s heart on her breast, a touching symbol considering it was she who contributed so significant 1y to 88 that heart’s cessation.

Whatever motives inspired se le c tio n of shroud and burial site, Isabel’s final journey was enhanced by the king’s order to sheriffs of London and Middlesex to clean

Bishopsgate and Aldgate Streets before the arrival of her 89 funeral procession to the tomb. This tomb disappeared in the sixteenth century, along with that of Queen Margaret.

No contemporary likeness survives. The nearest comes late in the next century and is taken from a British Museum manuscript, probably Flemish, and believed to have been made for Edward IV, titled Premier volume des anchiennes er mouvelles cronigues danaleterre by Jean, BStard de Waurin, 30 Seigneur de Forestal. This illustration purports to be the marriage of Isabel and Edward II. [See Plate II.3 Her image also stands among the unrecognizab1e royalty adorning 31 the Westminster tomb of John of Eltham. 11

PHILIPPA OF HAINAULT

While gathering m ilitary and fin an cial support for her invasion of England? Queen Isabel, with her entourage, visited Count William of Hainault in Valenciennes.

During this visit, she arranged a marriage between her son, then Prince Edward, and one of the count's four available daughters (Margaret, Philippa, Jeanne, and Isabelle).

Although some confusion exists about which daughter may 32 have been originally intended, popular tradition suggests an immediate personal attraction between the prince and

Philippa, who had met previously in Paris. According to

Fro i ssart:

. . . the yong Edwarde s e tte moost h is love and company on Phylyppe, and also the yong lady in al honour was more conversaunt with hym than any of her 33 s i s t e r s .

She is said to have shed tears at his departure for Eng-

1 and .

Within a year of their tearful farewell in Hainault, and at a time of gloom and drama as the king was being murdered, Edward and Philippa had secured the necessary 35 papal dispensation and were married. The f ir s t ceremony in Valenciennes was by proxy because the groom, rem iniscent of his grandfather, had to be on the Scottish border to 12

36 fight Robert Bruce. After the proxy ceremony* Philippa sa iled to England and was met at Dover by a large group of the king’s followers, who escorted her through Canterbury,

Rochester, Dartford, and Eltham to London, where she was received by nobility, clergy, and citizenry. After spending New Year’s Day at Peterborough Abbey, she traveled to York where, on 30 January 1328, a formal wedding c e r e ­ mony was performed before the high altar of the minster, officiated by Archbishop Melton. The marriage was blessed by the bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and the bishop of 37 Worcester was present. This marriage would last forty-one years, until the queen’s death in 1369, and would survive financial catastrophes, international and national discord, recurrent plague, and the king’s marital incon- 38 stancies. It would produce twelve children: daughters

Joan (born ca 1333), Isabel o f Woodstock (born 1334),

Blanche of the Tower (born 1340), Mary (born 1344), and

Margaret (born 1346), and sons Edward of Woodstock (born

1330), William of Hatfield (born ca 1336), Lionel of

Antwerp (born 1338), John of Gaunt (born 1340), Edmund of

Langley (born 1341), William o f Windsor (born ca 1347), and 39 Thomas of Woodstock (born ca 1355). [See Appendix A:

Genealogical Charts.] Her relationship with her many children seems to have been quite cordial. References to gifts and visits exchanged are scattered throughout the 13

contemporary documents. Among the activities Philippa shared with her children was gambling, usually with Edward, 40 the Black Prince.

Queen Philippa’s good deeds were legion. May McKisack c a l l s her "a paragon among English queens." At her in te r ­ cession, the king agreed not to punish a continual pro­ cession of offenders, small and large, at home and abroad.

Among her most famous benefactions was that to the six burgesses of Calais whom she not only rescued from death but also rewarded with g i f t s .41 In 1331, when a viewing tower collapsed at a jousting in Cheapside, tossing the queen and other noble ladies to the ground, the enraged king immediately determined to punish the carpenters.

Philippa won the people’s love by convincing her husband to 4E spare them. When D avid of Scotland took his mistress

Kate Mortimer to Scotland in October, 1357, his w ife Joan returned to England. For five years, she resided in

Hertford c a s t le where Philippa grew fond of this sister-in-law, often visited and assisted her financially, 43 as well as nursed her through her last illness. The queen’s fin a l thoughts, indeed, seem to have been of debts and bequests which on her deathbed she exacted a promise from Edward to honor, perhaps aware that in the financial straits of recent years he might not. Her remaining 14 thought was of the king whom she requested to be buried with her.

Details of her death, burial, and the grief of her associates are well known. On 16 August 1369, the day after her death, William of Wykeham, bishop of Winches­ ter, issued orders to two archdeacons and the prior of

Winchester for solemn masses for her soul. The order expressed the bishop’s great personal grief at her death and respect for her fine qualities of humility and devotion to the poor.

The king sent couriers to all parts of England di­ recting archbishops, earls, barons, and other lords and ladies of the realm of England and Wales to be present in

London for the funeral. Philippa’s hearse was built in the residence of the bishop of London by Robert of Walsingham and Roger Elys, along with other workmen and carpenters.

The king provided the workers with drink. The abbot of St.

Peter’s Westminster was charged with keeping a light burning about the body. The king d istrib u ted £158 to the poor for Philippa’s soul.^ She was buried in the south part of K ing’s Chapel, Westminster Abbey. John Orchard supplied six copper angels for her tomb which actually had been constructed in her lifetime. The white marble effigy had been sculpted by Hennequin de Li£ge, the queen’s countryman. [See Plate IX .1 Her errant king would 15

survive her by eight years and, in his will, request prayers for "quondam Reginae Angliae, consortis nostrae carissimae". Another epitaph survives from the pen of her former secretary Jean Froissart calling her the best 49 and most honorable sin ce the days of King Arthur. Eight years after Philippa’s death, the bishop of St. David’s opened parliament with, "No Christian king nor any lord in the land had so noble and gracious a wife or such sons Has had Edward I 11 3 .

Several contemporary descriptions of Queen Philippa survive. At age nine, she was described by Bishop Sta- peldon, who probably was on an inspection tour for a bride for young Edward, as follow s:

The lady whom we saw has not uncomely hair, betwixt blue-black and brown. Her head is cleanshaped; her forehead high and broad, and standing somewhat forward. Her face narrows between the eyes, and the lower part of her fa ce is s t i l l more narrow and slender than the forehead. Her eyes are blackish-brown and deep. Her nose is fairly smooth and even, save that it is somewhat broad at the tip and flattened, yet it is no snub-nose. Her nostrils are also broad, her mouth f a ir ly wide. Her lip s somewhat f u l l , and e s p e c ia lly the lower lip . Her teeth which have f a lle n and grown again are white enough, but the rest are not so white. 16

The lower teeth project a little beyond the upper; yet this is but little seen. Her ears and chin are comely enough. Her neck, shoul­ ders, and all her body and lower limbs are reasonably well shapen; all her limbs are well set and unmaimed; and nought is amiss so far as a man may see. Moreover, she is brown of skin all over, and much like her father; and in all things she is pleasant enough, as it seems to us. And the damsel will be of age of nine years on St.John’s day next to come, as her mother s a ith . She is neither too tall nor too short for such an age; she is of fair carriage, and well taught in all that becometh her rank, and highly esteemed and well beloved of her father and mother and of a ll her m einie,* in so far as we could inquire and learn the truth.

According to Froissart, whose account should not be con­ sidered disinterested because the queen was his important patroness, the mature Philippa was:

tall and upright . . . wise, gay, humble, pious, liberal and courteous, decked and adorned in her time with all noble virtues, 52 beloved of God and of mankind.

She was considered intelligent, being known to write her 53 own business letters in French. Surviving effigies of the queen are illustrated by Plates III - XII. 17

ANNE OF BOHEMIA

For over twelve years after Philippa’s death, England had no queen. Edward III survived his consort by eight years and, at his death, was succeeded by his unmarried grandson Richard, eldest surviving heir to the Black

Prince. In January, 1382, the king’s uncle, Thomas of

Woodstock, journeyed to Canterbury to receive Anne, daugh­ ter and siste r to Holy Roman Emperors CSee Appendix A:

Genealogical C h a rts.!, and escort her to London to be queen. Archbishop William Courtenay officiated in the private wedding ceremony in St. Stephen’s Chapel. The new queen turned s ix te e n on 11 May, four months a fter her coronation on 22 January. She died on 7 June 139A, at age 5A twenty-eight.

Although brief, her term as queen consort was not lacking in drama. Even the wedding had to be postponed approximately two months because of Wat T y le r ’s insur- rection. 55 When finally ready to embark from the con­ tinent for England, Anne was once again delayed, this time by armed Norman vessels sent to the Belgian coast by King

Charles V of France in an attempt to prevent th is diplomatic union between England and the empire. When finally Anne’s entourage reached Dover, the passengers disembarked only moments before a sudden ocean surge tossed 18 the anchored ships against one another, destroying some, 56 including the one on which Anne had sailed.

After the marriage and coronation, the disquiet con­ tinued. The presence of the queen’s Bohemian followers in

England exacerbated an already incendiary situation because 57 of their extravagant expenditures. According to

Walsingham, the queen’s foreign followers did not want to return to their own land, finding such pleasure in Eng- 56 land. Almost immediately, chroniclers expressed anger that, instead of providing dowry, the new queen actually was an expense to England because of her large foreign following and because to acquire his bride Richard II had to loan her brother £15,000. CSee Chapter S: Selecting the

Consorts.1 One charge against Sir Simon Burley was that he had encouraged Richard to give extravagant gifts to the 59 Bohemians. The Bohemians were involved in problems other than financial, also. One of the queen’s foreign knights was killed by the king’s half-brother, Sir John Holland, an incident credited with hastening the death of the king’s mother, Princess Joan of Kent.^

Despite the continuous turmoil, much of which was caused at least indirectly by herself, Anne was popular personally because of her gentleness and efforts to help her subjects. Before her death, she was known as peace­ maker; and c h r o n ic le r s , who had g o tte n over th e ir anger at 19

her Bohemian courtiers* called her good. It was through her intercession that the king issued a general pardon to

Tyler’s rebels. She pled on her knees for three hours for

the Gloucester forces to spare the life of Sir Simon

Burley. Later* when anger against the city of London for refusing his request for a loan caused the king to withdraw

privileges and install royal governors* Anne interceded to convince him to grant a formal pardon. According to

Knighton, the citizens of London held her in special de­ votion. She and her mother-in-law begged the king to spare 62 the life of the reformer John Wycliff.

In a d d itio n to her k in d n ess, Anne was known as w ell

for continuing a family tradition of intelligence and erudition. Her great-grandfather had been Dante’s patron.

Her grandfather supported Guillaume Machault. Her uncle

Wenzel of Luxemburg was both a poet and a patron of the

arts. Her father, who had founded the University of

Prague, stressed the importance of learning and had been

patron to Petrarch. Anne read the Bible in three languages

—Latin, German, and Bohemian. Thomas Arundel, afterwards

archbishop of Canterbury, praised her in her funeral sermon

for reading scriptures in the vernacular. She is said to 63 have spoken for learning of women.

The king’s affection for his consort was genuine and

deep; the two were seldom apart. According to Froissart, 20

"The Kyng loved her so entierly."6^ The character of

Alceste in Chaucer’s The Legend of Good Women has been

identified with Anne. Alceste typifies such virtues as

fidelity and loving wifehood.^ The queen’s premature death shattered Richard to the extent that he razed the

very palace buildings at Shene in which she died. By

king’s order, all the peers of the realm with their wives

were to escort the corpse to Westminster. To provide for her soul, the king gave £200 to the church, abbot, prior

and convent of Westminster to insure anniversary cele­ brations, weekly masses, and donations for the poor, in

, . . 66 perpetuity.

Even in death, trouble followed Anne, with the tact­

less earl of Arundel causing the grieving king to draw his

sword in Westminster in his belief that the queen’s memory

had been insulted. Arundel refused to join the funeral

train from Shene and, when he appeared at Westminster

Abbey, it was only to request permission to withdraw. The

king responded by s t r ik in g Arundel and drawing h is b lo o d ,

which meant the queen’s funeral had to be delayed while the

cathedral was purified.

The e f f i g i e s of both the king and queen e m b ellish

their tombs, commissioned by Richard during the year after

Anne’s death. Created by Nicholas Broker and Godfrey Prest,

the gilded copper images of the king and queen lie: 21

. . . on their backs? crowned, with their right hands joined, sceptres in their left 68 hands, and a b a ll and c r o s s between them.

The effigies are "idealized, but clearly taken from

JLO life." CBee Plates XIII and XIV.3

Other contemporary likenesses survive. A frontispiece from Chaucer’s Troilus and Crisevde is a copy of one executed in the 1380’s. [See Plate XV.3 This manuscript is currently among the archives of Corpus Christi College,

Cambridge. A second likeness, which is in Westminster

Abbey Museum, i s a carved wooden head made fo r a fu n e r a l procession. [See Plates XVI - XVII.3

ISABEL DF VALOIS

Briefly after Anne’s death, England was once more without a queen. Then, in 1395, Richard II, ready for a lasting truce with France, sent a commission to treat of marriage between himself and Isabel, the six-year- old daughter of Charles VI. Though a child, Isabel dem­ onstrated her awareness of her breeding in accepting the proposal, commenting on the importance of pleasing God and her father the king of France, for she had heard that as 69 queen of England she would be a "grande dame." Isabel’s father Charles VI had been disappointed at her birth that 70 she was not a boy. He experienced increasingly longer 22 and more frequent bouts of madness during the latter years of his life? beginning when Isabel was about three years old. Her mother Isabeau of Bavaria devoted her time to an extravagant lifestyle including political intrigue, adul­

tery, and financial self-aggrandizement. There is no wonder that the young princess would prefer being Ma grand

lady" in England to this homelife.

The marriage contract was signed in 1396, along with a

twenty-eight-year truce between the two countries. After

two previous trips to Calais to receive his bride had been unsuccessful for incidental reasons, Richard finally

accomplished the marriage during the third trip on *+

November 1396, in Bt. Nicholas Church, with Archbishop

Arundel officiating. The bride carried "une flour de lix ft garnie de pierrerie et de perles moult riche . . .." The

royal couple embarked for England almost immediately where

the new queen made a state entry into London on 23 November 71 1396.

Arundel also crowned the new queen, destined to be the

century’s final consort, in Westminster on the following

January 5th. For Isabel’s coronation, Westminster Abbey

was in process of various repairs, but its great hall could ft still be used for "pantry, buttery, ewery , scullery, ft dresser and cellar." However, large numbers of workmen

caused bread to have to be baked across the river in 23

Southwark, at the priory of St. Mary, in an oven con- 72 structed especially for the occasion.

Queen Isabel lived in castles in the vicinity of

London, attended by the duchesses of Lancaster and Glou­ cester , by Eleanor Lady Mortimer, daughter of Maud Holland, the king’s half-sister, and by the lady of Coucy, the king’s first cousin. Following custom, and thereby earning

Chaucer’s appellation "tregenti1, " Isabel influenced her husband to be lenient with offenders against the law.

Richard pardoned Thomas Wykes of "all his felonies and transgressions" on Isabel’s intercession on 1 December

1396. She also convinced Richard to restore rights, liberties, and privileges of the city of London on 12 June 73 1397.

Her husband displayed great affection for her. When he departed for Ireland in May, 1399, he promised that she would soon join him. Their leavetaking has been described as affectionate and emotional:

. . . King Richard and th e Queen o f England walked, hand in hand, from the castle to the lower court, and thence to the Deanery of St. George; where the canons brought St. George’s mantle to the King, and the King wore it over his shoulders, as is the custom of the coun­ try, and then entered the church. The canons chaunted very sweetly, and the King himself chaunted a collect, and afterwards made his 24

offering; he then took the Queen in his arms, and kissed her more than forty times, saying sorrowfully, 'Adieu, Madame, until we meet a g a in ; I commend me to you.’ Thus spoke the King to the Queen in the presence of all the people; and the Queen began to weep, saying to the King, 'Alas! my lord, will you leave me here?’ Upon which the King’s eyes filled with tears on the point of weeping, and he said, 'By no means, Madame; but I will go first, and you, Madame, shall come there afterwards.’ Then the King and Queen par- took o f wine and c o m f i t s to g e th e r at the Deanery, and all who chose did the same. Afterwards the King stooped, and took and l i f t e d the Queen from the ground, and held her a long while in his arms, and kissed her at least ten times, saying ever, 'Adieu, Madame, until we meet again,’ and then p la c e d her on the ground and k is s e d her at le a s t th r ic e m ore; and, by our Lady! I never saw so great a lord make so much of, nor shew such great affection to, a lady, as did King Richard to his Queen. G reat p ity was i t t h a t they se p a r a te d , for never saw they each.. other i-u more.

Richard could not keep his promise to rejoin the young queen because imprisonment and death intervened. During their separation, Richard is said to have voiced on a number of occasions his affection for his queen and his sorrow at their being separated. Croton reports the king 2 5

remarked* "I am dying of grief because of it" and* on another occasion, he commented, "Cl have lost] my joy, my

75 solace, and my consort."

On Henry IV7s accession, Isabel was taken from palace to palace, finally settling in Haver i ng-at te-Bower in

Essex. The new k in g refu sed her f a t h e r ’s demand th a t she 7 and her marriage portion be returned to France. Henry may have been considering a marriage between Isabel and his son Henry, the prince of Wales. Certainly, the new king was trying to keep both the alliance and the dowry for, to devise a method, he asked Adam of Usk, as a doctor of laws, 77 for advice. However, no alternative plans suited the

French ruler; he demanded fulfilment of promises made in 78 Isabel’s marriage treaty. Henry was forced to concede.

Adam of Usk claims to have seen Isabel’s departure and describes her as ". . - showing a countenance of lowering and evil aspect to King Henry and scarce opening her lips, 79 as she went her way."

The pouting twelve—year-oId widow was conducted to

France by Jean de Hangest, Seigneur de Hugueville, in 1A01, still refusing to acknowledge the legitimacy of Henry’s reign. 80 For a few years, rumors circulated that Isabel would return with French troups to rescue the throne from the Lancastrian usurpers. However, although apparently 26 against her wishes, she was instead married in 1406 to 81 Charles, future Duke of Orleans. [See Appendix A:

Genealogical Charts.1

She died on 13 September 1409 following the birth of her only child, a daughter Jeanne. She was buried in the

Church of the Holy Savior at Blois; but later, under Louis

XII, her remains were transferred to the Orleans Chapel in 82 the church of the Celestines in Paris. Perhaps the most fitting epitaph survives in a ballade composed by the widowed Charles of Orleans. Addressed to Cupid and Venus, whom the poet claims to have served obediently since early youth, the concluding lines of the poem reflect the affec­ tion Isabel had inspired in her second arranged marriage:

Comme ainsi soit que la mort A grand tort, En droit fleur de jeunesse, Lui ait oste sans deport Son ressort, Sa s e u le dame e t l i e s s e . Dont a fait veu et promesse Par detresse, Desespoir et deconfort, Que jamais n’aura Princesse Ne maitresse, 83 Car son cuer en est d’accord . . .

No contemporary likeness of this tragic child— the

last of the fourteenth-century consorts— is known to 27

survive. However? two manuscript illustrations of her

appeared in the fifteenth century. One represents her

presentation to Richard and appeared in a continuation of

Froissart currently held by the Biblioth£que Nationale.

[See Plate XVIII. 1 The secon d , an ornamental t i t l e page of

an edition of Monstrelet’s Chronigue, is held in the

manuscript department of the Burgerbib1iothek in Berne,

Switzerland. CSee Plate XIX.I Each portrait might be any

attractive young girl of the era.

The Paris church where Isabel’s body finally rested 8A was destroyed during the French Revolution. It seems

appropriate, as L6on Mirot remarked in his brief biography

of Isabe1, that:

. . . il ne reste plus rien d’Isabelle de France, reine d’Angleterre, contesse d’Angoul£me, duchesse de Valois et d’Orl£ans, innocente victime des combinaisons de la politique, dont la douce figure jette un rayon de m£lan- colique po£sie sur un si6cle rempli de B5 meurtres et de crimes.

Her device featured a white falcon and a spring of rose­

mary, paradoxically symbols of immortality and remem—

b r a n c e .8 6 28

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The accumulation of biographic fragments that emerges from the pages of contemporary sources provides some personality for each of the fourteenth-century consorts. Occasional items of births, marriages, coronations, and deaths— those statistics so vital to the continuation of royal lines— cite the queens by name. And, from those citations, one can infer some of the drama of the lives associated with them. However, narratives in which the queens play sign­ ificant roles are essentially limited to the spectacular or th e commemorative: Margaret’s charities, Isabel of

France’s infidelity and treason, Philippa’s accidents,

Anne’s extravagance, and Isabel of Valois’ devotion.

Of the sixty-four sources consulted [see Appen­ dix H: Chronicle Treatment of Fourteenth-Century English

Queens Consort.3, four cited only the vital statistics of marriages, coronations, births of children, and deaths.

The most popular narratives concerning the queens were: the exploits of Isabel of France and Mortimer (in twenty-four sources), the consorts’ arrivals in England as brides (in fourteen sources), the poignant attempts of young Isabel of

Valois to go home to France (in eleven sources), and the queens’ travels (in ten sources). Other tales included the queens’ charities and kindnesses (in nine sources) and properties (in six). Occasionally, references to specific 29

incidents appear, such as Isabel of France’s being refused admission to Leeds Castle

Burley (also in three), Arundel’s behavior at her funeral

(in two sources), and the legend that Philippa substituted as John of Gaunt the infant son of a Flemish porter (in one s o u r c e ).

The lives of the queens emerge as composites, then, of fragmentary records showing five women who were pawns to the conventions and dynasties of their century. The only exception, Isabel of France, having usurped her husband’s throne and acquiesced in his murder, in her final years blended in to t r a d it io n and an o ld age o f luxury and a l ­ truism. Her companion consorts of the century began and ended as she, being spared revolutions and murder en route.

Indeed, even the unfortunate Isabel of Valois, had she elected union with the Lancastrian prince of Wales, might have expected to spend her remaining years as the grand

lady she had envisioned. 30

Though the details which have survived to form their biographies may show little that is unique? these five queens were heirs to tradition, authority, and property second only to the reigning monarchs. History may accord them little space, but contemporaries must have been aware of prestige and authority adhering to their office and persons. By having been chosen to assume the office, the queens became significant functionaries of the era, with theoretical and actual authority derived from position and proper t y . 31

CHAPTER I : NOTES

Chronicle of Bury St. Edaunds 1E1E-1301. ed. by Antonia Gransden (London: Thoaas Nelson 6 Sons Ltd.) 1964), p. 153; Great Britain! Public Record Office! Calendar of the Patent Rolls. (1317-13E1) 1 August 1310! p. £01; Foederai Conventionesi Literae et cumscuague Generalis Acta Publica inter Reoes Anoliae, ed. by T. Ryaer (The Hague! 1739-1745) l:ii:91£; and T. F. Tout. Chapters in the Adaimstrative History of Mediaeval England (Manchester: University Press! 1933). 5:£7E. 2 Robert Fabyan. Concordance of Chronicles (The Nee Chiomdes of Enoland and France), ed. by Henry Ellis (London: F. C. & J. Rivington, 1811)! pp. 401-40E; Gervase of Canterbury! The Gesta Renua with its Continuations; in The Historical Norks of Gervase of Canterbury. ed. by Uilliaa Stubbs, R.S. (1879-80), 73:317. 3 Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Close Rolls (130E-1307) SO January 1306, p. 361; Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England (Philadelphia: Blanchard & Lea, 185E), 1:103. 4 Margaret’s daughter is called Margaret in Thoaas Walsinghaa, Ypodioaa Neustria, ed. by H. T. Riley, R.S. (1876), E8:£40; and Eleanor in Flores Histonarua, ed. by H. R. Luard, R.S. (1886), 3:30. Strickland, Lives. 1:107, says the child was naaed Eleanor after Edward’s first gueen and their daughter who had died.

JThoaas Walsinghaa, Historia Annlicana, ed. by H. T. Riley, R.S. (1865), 28:114.

^Coaaendatio laaentabihs in transitu aaoni Regis Edward, in Chronicles of the Reions of Edward I and Edward II. ed. by Williaa Stubbs, R.S. (188E); Kraus Reprint 11965), E:9. 7 Ibid., p. 10. According to John of London, Margaret said “Ecce ema in aorte Edwardi donum aei aoritur oanis hoao." g Letters of Edward Prince of Wales 1304-5. ed. by Hilda Johnston (Caabridge: University Press, 1931), p. 73. 9 Elsie P. Thornton Cook, Her Majesty: The Roeance of the Queens of Enoland, 1066-1910 (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 19E7), p. 67. Perhaps the aost effective testiaonv to Edward’s af­ fection for his young stepaother, the ship which he had rebuilt and redecorated to send for his bride was naaed the Margaret. H. M. Colvin, “The 'Court Style’ in Medieval English Architecture: A Review," in Enolish Court Culture in the Later Middle Aries, ed. by V. J. Scattergood and J. W. Sherborne (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983) p. 136. 32

*^The Political Sonus of Enoland. froia the Reiun of John to that of Edward III ed. by Thoaas Wright (London: John Bowyer Nichols Si Son) 1839)) p. 178; and Strickland) Lives.) 1:120.

^Annales Paul ini in StubbS) Chronicles) 1:282; The History of the Kino’s Uorks, ed. by H. N. Colvin (London: Stationery Office) 1963), 1:486; and J. R. Bright) The Church and the English Crown 1305-1339: A Study Based on the Register of Archbishop Balter Reynolds (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Nediaeval Studies) 1980)) p. 354.

12CPR (1317-1321) 18 April 1318, p. 139. 13 Colvin, Kino’s Works, 1:486. ft aedieval inventory describing Margaret’s toab concludes, "Et sub pectore iiaginis eius jacet Cor Regis Edwardi, aariti sui;a DNB, 12:1021; and Anne Thack- ray. Archive Assistant, National Portrait Gallery, London, personal letter, 25 Septeaber 1984. The statue on Lincoln Cathedral is said to be of Margaret and ‘according to . . . John L. Hodgson, M.I. Nech. Eng., to be a aedieval portrait, in spite of its aodern appearance." (See Appendix B: Thackray Letter.] 14 Enid Nixon, Assistant Librarian in the Muniaent Rooa and Library, Uestainster Abbey, personal letter, 24 October 1985. [See Appendix C: Nixon Letter.]

^Calendar of Entries in the Paoal Reoisters relatino to Great Britain and Ireland, ed. by U. H. Bliss (London: Eyre 6 Spottiswood, 1895), 2:489 & 496. In 1328, shortly after writing to Queen Philippa to congratulate her on her aarriage and exhort her to do all the good works required of a consort, Pope John XXII wrote the Queen Mother Isabel asking her to influence the king to listen to the papal envoy Uilliaa Richer as he explained proceedings against Michael de Cesena and Uilliaa Ockhaa, accused of heresy and contuaacy.

^William Jones, Crowns and Coronations: A History of Renalia (London: Chatto and Hindus, 1902), p. 199; and Robert H. Hurray, The Kinn’s Crownino (London: John Murray, 1936), p. 98. 17 Indeed, the only period of their aarriage and reign that was free froa turaoil was durinq the years their children were being born. The peace between the king and his barons coincided, at least loughly, with the tiae between the birth of Prince Edward/execution of Gaveston in 1312 and the birth of Joan of the Tower/aeeting of Isabel and Mortiaer in 1321. Part of the trouble way have coae as a result of Isabel’s stifled abilities. Froissart tells of her being refused the kingdoa of France because she was a woaan. Jean Froissart, The Chronicles of Enoland, France, Spain, and the Ad joining Countries, ed. by John Bourchier Lord Berners (New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1967), 1:22.

^Foedera, II:i:30. 19 Annales Paul ini, p. 262; Annales Monasterii de Oseneia! in Annalps Honastici, ed. by Henry R. Luard, R.S. (1866), 4:343. So great was Gaveston’s influence over Edward that even during exile his earldoe regained in the hands of his kinsaen. Nay NcKisack, The Fourteenth Century 33

1307-1399 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), p. 22 HcKisack concludes that the story about the wedding gifts having been given to 6aveston aay Save been a "aalicious ruaour" and that the long friendship between the two wen aight well have been aore important than the arranged aarriage with a twelve-year-old girl (p. 4). However, she aentions also that the king’s favorite resi­ dence was in King’s Langley where fiaveston was buried (p. 81). Also the queen aay have been left in Tyneaouth because her pregnancy aade a sea-voyage dangerous. The Household Book of Bueen Isabella of England for the FifthRennal Ypar of Edward II: 8th July 1311 to 7th July 1312, ed. by F. D. Blackley and 6. Heraansen (Edaonton, Alberta, Canada: University of Alberta Press, 1971), p. m i.

Thoaas de la Hore, Vita et Hors Edward II, in Stubbs, Chronicles, 2:306.

E1Annales Paulini, p. 337; DNB, 12:502.

EERosalie Kaufaan, The Queens of Enoland (Chicago: E. A. Weeks & Co., 1882)-, p. 200; HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 83; Walsinghaa, Yoodiqaa, p. 261; and Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Chanrerv Warrants. (1244-1326) 3 October 1326, p. 582. Edward ordered to have cried out at fairs, aarkets, etc., that his wife and son were his eneaies and their letters, as well as their presence, would cause a person’s arrest. Her husband was not her only critic at the tiae. Earlier the pope had threatened excoaaunication and her brother had threat­ ened to banish any of his subjects who assisted her because of the scandal she and Hortiaer were causing.

EEAnnales Honasterii de Beraundeseia. in Annales Honastici, 3:471; Cook, Her Majesty, p. 74; W. H. Dunhaa, Jr., and Charles T. Wood, "Right to Rule in England: Depositions and the Kingdoa’s Authority, 1327-1485," AHR, BKOctober, 1976):p. 739? HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 83; Thoaas of Burton, Chronica Honasterii de Helsa a fundatione usque ad annua 1396, ed. by E. A. Bond, R.S. (1866) 43:349ff; Walsinghaa, Historia Anolicana, p. 179; and Walsinghaa, Ypodigaa, pp. 261ff.

^ Willelai de Dene Historia Roffensisi in Anolia Sacra sive Collectio Historiarua, partia antinuitas, oartia recenter scrintarua, d«> Archieniscopus & Episcoous Anqliae, ed. by H. Wharton (London: Robert Chiswel, 1691), 1:368. "... post coronatua Edwardua juvenea Regea . . . reg- navit Rogerus de Hortuo-aari & Regina iaperavit circiter IV. annis." "Chronicon de Lanercost, 1201-1346,” ed. by Joseph Stevenson, in Th» S c o ttis h Historical Review, 9(19121:169, reported that Isabel "governed the whole reala." And, according to Robert of Avesbury, D±6estis_HjJiZ hilibus Reois Edwardi Tertii, ed. by E. H. Thoapson, R.S. (1889), 93:283, "idea rex aultis postea teaporibus per dictaa doainaa Isabellas, aatrea suaa, praedictuaque doainua Rogerua de Hortuo aari total iter ducebatur . . .

E5H. Hudson, Crown of a Thousand Years: A Collection of Portraits of the Sovereigns.of P no land (London: D. Harper I Co., Ltd., 1948), p. ^5 Walsinghaa, Historia Anqlicana, pp. 181, 186? and Walsinghaa, Yoodioaa. p. 261. 34

a l John Capgrave, The Chronicle of Enoland, ed. by F. C. Hingeston, R.S. (1858) 78:201. A Short English Chronicle ed. by Jaaes Gairdner, reported) ‘This yere was Roger Mortyaer honged for holding of the 8uene." In Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles. (London: Caaden Society New Series 128, 1880), p. A3. “Lanercost" (p. 280) reported aore conservatively that "there was a liaison suspected between [Mortiaerl and the lady Queen-aother) as according to public report." 27 Political Poeas and Sonos Relating to Enolish History Coanosed during the Period froa the Accession of Edward III to that of Richard III, ed. by Thoaas Wright) R.S. (1859)) 14:34. "Hater Ysabella nostri regiS) generosa)/PrudenS) Formosa) virtutua lucida stella . . ." 28 Colvin) Kino’s Work, 1:487; Cook) Her Majesty, p. 76; Natalie Fryde, The Tyranny and Fall of Edward II, 1351-1326 (New York: Cartridge University Press, 1979), pp. 202, 204-5; John of Reading, Chronica Johannis de Reading et Anonvai Cantuariensis 1346-1367, ed. by Jaaes Tait (Manchester: University Press, 1914), pp. 128, 272; T. W. Lyaan, "Where is Edward II?", Speculua 53(1978):540; McKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 102 gj Strickland, Lives, 1:122 & 171; Tout, Chapters, 5:247. According to John of Reading,"... doaina Isabella dudua regina . . . seducta taaen per fratres Mmores, qui sibi adhaerentes seaper pejorant, in eorua ecclesia, nondua dedi- cata, xxvij die Noveabris sepelitur ..." McKisack disagrees that the Greyfriars were so influential in this instance. And, according to Fryde, conteaporary and later ruaors insisted that the heart was really that of the porter at Edward’s prison castle who had allowed the king to escape. The ruaor further daiaed that the king hiaself continued to live aany years travel­ ing on the continent and, eventually, living and dying in the aonastery of Sant-Alberti di Butric, in Loabardy.

^ Foedera. lll:i:411.

^Thackray letter.

31DNB, 10:504. 32 Froissart, Chronicles, 1:30; Basil C. Hardy, Philippa of Hainault and Her Tiaes (London: John Long Ltd., 1910), p. 32; Adaa Muriauth, Continuatio Chronicarua de Robertus de Avesbury De Gestis, ed. by E. H. Thoapson, R.S. (1889), 93:281; Walsinghaa, Historia Anqlicana, p. 179; Walsinghaa, Ypodioaa, p. 261. Sybella, the eldest daughter who aay originally have been intended for Edward, had died earlier. 33 Froissart, Chronicles, 1:30; Hardy, Philippa, p. 31.

34 Hardy, Philippa, p. 40.

Froissart, Chronicles. 1:64. The dispensation was needed because the couple were third- degree kin, their Bothers being first cousins.

3A Strickland, Lives, 1:217; Cook, Majesty, p. 78. 35

37 6esta Eduardi de Carnarvon Auctore Canonico Bridlinotoniensis< in Stubbs, Cronides. 2:99; Jehan de Waurin, Recueil des Cronioues et Anchiennes Istories de la Brant Bretaione. ed. by Uilliaa Hardy) R.S. (1868), 39:2:59; Reading. Chronica) p. 78; Karl Petit) "Le Hanage de Philippa de Hainaut, reine d’Angleterre." Le Woven ftoe. Series 4, 36!1981):383, 385; Sir Jaaes H. Raasey) A History of the Revenues of the Kings of Enoland 1066-1399 (Oxford: Clarendon Press) 19251) 2:154; Burton) Helsa> p. 357; Halsinghai) Historia Analicana) pp. 190) 192. The Canterbury see Has vacant because Archbishop Walter Reynolds had died on 16 Noveaber 1327. 38 Edward III was said to have been unfaithful) aaong others, with an anonyaous lover during the seige of Calais (Wright) Songs, 1:159); with the countess of Salisbury whoa he is said to have raped (Jean LeBel) Vraves Chronioues, ed. by Jules Viard 6 Eugene Deprez (Paris: Librairie Renouard) 19041) pp. 30ff 6 290ff; and Froissart) Chronicle, l:191-5> 216-8); and) aost notori­ ously) with Alice PerrerS) *a woaan aalepert,* and enteraenting* in every aatter* according to Capgrave (Capgrave) Chronicle, p. 231). Edward and Alice Perrers had three children) son John and daughters Joan and Jane, John at least having been born circa 1364-5) before Philippa’s death. Chris Given-Wilson and Alice Curteis, The Roval Bastards of Medieval Enoland (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul) 1984)) pp. 136-138. It is possible that Edward had an affair even with his future daughter-in-law Joan of Kent. Margaret Galway, "Joan of Kent and the Order of the Barter," University of Birainohaa Historical Journal) 1(1947-8):13-50. 39 Annales Beraundeseia, 4:472; Annales Oseneia. pp. 348-9; Burton, Helsa, 3:43; Waurin, Recueil. 2:283; fiesta Edwardi. pp. 101, 291; Bury Chronicle) p. 164; Chronicon Anoliae. ed. by E. M. Thoapson, R.S. (1874), 64:20; fiesta Abbatua Honasterii Sancti Albani a Thoga Ualsinohaa, ed. by H. T. Riley; in Chronica Honasterii S. Albani. R.S. (1869), 78:366, 379; Walsinghaa, Historia Anolicana, pp. 224, 228, 253, 254, 270; and Walsinghaa, Yaodioaa. pp. 274 , 277, 280 , 284 . 288. 40 Reqistei of Edward the Black Prince: Part IV A.D. 1351-65, ed. by H. C. B. Dawes (London: Stationery Office, 1933), pp. 74ff and 161. During the year before distinguishing hiaself at Poitiers, the prince had borrowed forty-five shillings frog Richard, yeoaan of the queen’s but­ tery, for the purpose of gaaing. 41 McKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 269; and Sir N. H. Nicolas, "Observations on the In­ stitution of the Most Noble Order of the Barter," Archaeolooia 31(1846), p. 137. 42 Geoffrey le Baker, Galfridi le Baker de Swinbroke Chronicon Anoliaee Teaporibus Edward II et Edward III, ed. by J. A. Biles (New York: Burt Franklin, 1967), p. 48; Huriauth, Continuatio. p. 63? and John Stowe, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westainster and the Borough of Southwark, ed. by C. L. Kingsford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908), pp. 329ff.

43Hardy, Philippa, p. 247. Not all of Philippa’s altruisa was disinterested, however. When she achieved pardon in 1340 for two aen taking wool without paying custoas, she was given the wool they, thereby, forfeited (CPR £1338-13403 12 February 1340, p. 35). 36

&4 A. L. N. Russell, Hestainster Abbey (London: Chatto & Hindus, 1955), p.36. There is a tradition that Edward was actually buried in Philippa’s toab. His own toab, constructed next to his queen’s, dated froa later in the century. 45 VCH Haaoshire and the Isle of Hioht, ed. by H. Arthur Doubleday (Westainster: Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., 1900), 2:43; Register of Williaa of Hvtehaa. Bishop of Hinchester 1366-1404. ed. by T. F. Kirby (London: Siapkin & Co. Ltd., 1899), pp. 92-3. Hhen, in June, 1394, this saae bishop ordered prayers for the soul of Philippa’s successor Anne of Boheaia, he in­ cluded no such personal stateaent. 46 Issue Roll of Thoaas de Brantinohaa Bishop of Exeter, Lord Hinh Treasurer of Enoland Containing Pavaents Hade out of His Majesty's Revenue in the 44th year of Kino Edward III. A. D. 1370, ed. by Frederick Devon (London: John Rodwell, 1835), pp. 282, 383, 389, 408-9, 449, 492. 47 Colvin, King’s Horks, p. 486; Stowe, Survey, pp. 505-506. 48 A Collection of All Hills Now Known to Be Extant of the Kinas and Queens of England. Princes and Princesses of Hales, and Every Branch of the Blood Roval. froa the Reion of Uilliaa the Conoueror. to that of Henry the Seventh Exclusive, with Explanatory Notes, and a Biossarv (London: J. Nichols, 1780; Kraus Reprint, New York: Aas Press, Inc., 1969), p. 61; and Foedera, 6:1030. 49 Froissart, Chronicles, cited by Juliet Vale, Edward III and Chivalry: Chivalric Society and Its Context 1270-1350 (Hoodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1982), p. 47. \ . . depuis le teaps de la roine Genoivre que tu feaae au roi Artus et roine d’engleterre . . . si bonne roine n’i entra, ne qui tant d’onnour recuist . .

JVeat Britain. Parliaaent. Rotuli Parliaaentorua utet oetitiones et olacita in oarli- aaento teaoore edwardi r. iii. pp. 361-363.

^Hardy, Philippa, pp. 31-2; John Harvey, The Plantaoenets (London: B. T. Batsford, Ltd., 1948), p. 134. 52 Hardy, Philippa. Frontispiece.

53lbid., p. 126. 54 Louisa D. Duls, Richard II in the Early Chronicles (Paris: Houton, 1975), p. 10; Harold F. Hutchison, The Hollow Crown: A Life of Richard II (London: Eyre I Spottiswoode, 1961), p. 86; Gervase Hathew, The Court of Richard II (New York: U. U. Norton 6 Co., Inc., 1968), p. 165 Foedera. 7:336-7; Strickland, Lives, 1:135; Chronicon Anoliae. pp. 283, 331-2; Tout, Chanters, 3:383; Ualsinqhaa, Ypodioaa, p. 335; Bertie Uilkinson, Constitutional History of Nedieval England, 1216-1399 (London: Longaans, 6reen & Co., 1952), 2:229. 37

“^Cook? Her Majesty, p. 86; and Strickland? Lives? 1:H07.

56Adaa of Usk? Cronicon? ed. by Edward M. Thcapson (London: Henry Frowde? 1904)? p. 140; DNB? 1:421? and Historia Vitae et Renni Ricardi Secundi? ed. by George B. Stow? Jr. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press? 1977)? p. 134. 57 The Brut, or The Chronicle of Enoland. ed. by Friedrich H. 0. Brie; E.E.T.S.? orig. ser.? 131:338? F. R. H. DuBoulay and Caroline H. Barron? The Reign of Richard II (London: The ftthlone Press? 1971)? p. 109; Hutchison? Hollow Crown, p. 87; Mathew? Court? p. 19. 58 Ualsinghaa? Historia ftnulicana? p. 119. ". . . gustata dulcedine terrae propriae regionis obliti? in erecundi et illaeti hospites repatriare nolebant." 59 Hutchison? Hollow Crown? p. 87; Hathew? Court? p. 14; NcKisack? Fourteenth Century? p. 458? Foedera? 7:295-4; Francis Sandford? Genealogical History of the Kinos [and Bueensl of Enoland and Honarchs of 6reat Britain froa the Conouest? Anno 1044? to the Year 1477 (London: In the Savoy by Thoaas Newcoab? 1707; reprint ed.; Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Hicrofilas? n.d.)? p. 193; Herbert W. Uorkaan? John Mvdif; A Study of the Enolish Medieval Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press? 1924)? 1:17. Richard Bade the loan 'for the urgent affairs of the state of the Holy Church of Roae‘ as part of Urban Vi’s plans to keep Boheaia froa allying with Avignon. For that reason? Urban had supported Richard’s aarriage to Anne.

^After the Merciless Parliaaent? soae of the Boheaians in Queen Anne’s household were disaissed. McKisack? Fourteenth Century? p. 459; and Fopdera? 7:421. 41 Hutchison? Hollow Crown? pp. 144? 172.

^Eulooiua Historiarua sive Teaooris? ed. by Frank S. Haydon? R.S. (1843)? 3:372; Kaufaan? Queens? pp. 234? 237-238; Henry Knighton? Chronicon Henrici Knighton vel Cnitthon? aonachi Leveestrensis. ed. by J. R. Luaby? R.S. (1895); Kraus Reprint? 1945? 92:320? and McKisack? Four­ teenth Century, p. 458.

A3 Chronicgue de la Tralson et Mort de Richard Deux? Roy Benqleterre? ed. by Benjaain Hilliaas (London: S & J Bentley? Hilson? and Fley? 1844)? p. 134? Halter F. Hook? Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury (London? 1845)? p. 429; Hutchison? Hollow Crown, pp. 87? 252? Mathew? Court? pp. 14-17; Strickland? Lives? 1:221. Lh DNB, 1:421; Chris Given-Uilson, The Roval Household and the King’s Affinity: Service, Politics and Finance in England 1340-1413 (New Haven: Yale University Press? 1984)? p. 300; and Hright? Songs? 1:284. Richard de Maidston? a Caraelite friar? said in “The Reconciliation of Richard II with the City of London*: Nec procul est conjunx regina suis coaitata Anna sibi noaen? re sit et Anna precor! 38

Karl Julius Holzknecht, Literary Patronage in the diddle Aoes (Menosha, Wisconsin: George Banta Publishing Co.) 1923), p. 158; Bernard L. Jefferson, "Queen Anne and Queen Alceste," Journal of English and 6eraanic Philology 1311914);A35t 6. L. Kittredge, "Chaucer’s Alceste," Modern Philnloov 9( 1908-1909);935; Saeuel Moore. "The Prologue to Chaucer’s "Legend of Bood Woaen" in Relation to Queen Anne and Richard," Modern Lanouaoe Review 7(1912):988, 990.

^Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Charter Rolls (1392-1396) 9 August 1399, pp. 397-398; and Wilkinson, Constitutional History, 2:287. Anne’s death aay have affected Richard’s sanity adversely. After it "idiosyncracies becaae pronounced." 67 Annales Ricardi Secondi et Hpnrici Buarti Reoua Anoliae. ed. by H. T. Riley, R.S. (1869), 28:168-9, 929: Tout, Chanters. 3:986; Walsinghaa, Historia Anolicana, p. 215; Walsinghaa, Ypodiqea, p. 366.

68 Colvin, Kino’s Works, p. 987; DNB, 1:923; Harvey, Plantaoenets, plates 93 & 96; Hutchison, Hollow Crown, p. 172; and Jones, Crowns, p. 519. The toibs, constructed by aasons Henry Yevele and Stephen Lote, were the aost expensive of all royal toabs of the century, costing a total of alaost £950. A headdress was reaoved by Oliver Croawell’s soldiers. 69 LAon Mirot, ‘Isabelle de France, reine d’Angleterre, coatesse d’Angculfeae, duchesse d’OrlAans, 1389-1909," Revue d’Histoire Dinloaatioue 18(19091:569. "Se il plait 9 Dieu et A aonseigneur aon pAre que je soye reine d’Angleterre, je le verray voulentiers, car on a’a bien dit que je seroie une grande daae." 70 Ibid., p. 35.

71 Anolo-Horaan Letters and Petitions f?oa ALL SOULS as. 182, ed. by M. Doainica Legge (Oxford: Anglo-Noraan Text Society 13, 1991) pp. 298-250} Chronicoue de la Tralson, p. 113; Duls, Richard II, p. 11} Hook, Lives, p. 939; and Mathew, Court, p. 150. A letter froa Charles VI postponing the first trip aay have not been received before Richard had already sailed froa England. 72 Annales Beraundeseia. p. 982; Colvin, Kino’s Works, p. 530} and Hook, Lives, p. 939. 73 Chronicoue de la Tralson, p. 167; Margaret Galway, "Cancelled Tributes to Chaucer’s Sovereign Lady," Notes 6 Queries, 193(January, 1998):2; and Foedera, VII:530.

79Hutchison, Hollow Crown, p. 209; A. L. Rowse, "Windsor Castle in the History of the Nation," Roval Society of Arts Journal 123(Noveaber 1975):769; and Chronicoue de la Tralson, pp. 166-8.

75 Jean CrAton, "Histoire du Roy d’Angleterre Richard," ed. by John Webb, Archaeoloqia 20(1829):117, 119. 39

7AWal5inghaa, Voodiota, pp. 392, 404. 77 J. J. S. Alexander, "Painting and Manuscript Illutination for Royal Patrons in the Later Middle Ages," in English Court Culture in the Later Middle Aoes, ed. by V. L Scattergood and J. W. Sherborne, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983), p. 158; Foedera, VIII:164; and Usk, Chronicon, pp. 209ff. Henry IV gave Isabel a lissal at the sate tite he was giving thet to his four children. 70 Foedera, 8:186-7, 194-8. 79 Usk, Chronicon, p. 229. BO Ibid., p. 236; Lettres de Rois, Reines et Autres Personnaoes des Cours de France et D’Anoleterre, ed. by M. Chatpollion-Figeac (Paris: Itpriterie Royale, 1839-1847), p. 308; and Chronicoue de la Trafson, p. 279. 81 Ironically, Charles was later captured at Agincourt and spent twenty-three years in the Tower of London as prisoner to Henry V who, as Prince of Hales, had been considered by the English as a possible husband for the newly widowed Isabel (Cook, Her Majesty, p. 96; and Strickland, Lives, 1:35). BP Strickland, Lives, 2:37. 83 Chronicoue de la Tralson, p. *76^. QA Strickland, Lives, 2:37. as Mirot, "Isabelle,” p. 522.

Mathew, Court, pp. 50-1J Ad de Vries, Dictionary of Svtbols and Itaoerv (Atsterdat: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1974), pp. 176, 393. CHAPTER II: SELECTING THE CONSORTS

Kingship traditionally has been based on either elec­ tive or hereditary principles. The basis of queenship is marriage* with whatever prerogatives and powers accruing to the office or person of the queen through her union with

the king. Typically, a consort in fourteenth-century Eng­

land was selected through a complicated diplomatic proce­ dure, involving scrutiny of personal attributes as well as

lineage. The kinship of European royalty and aristocracy

in this century blended both national and internationa1 ramifications in the marriage process, as cessation of hostilities and continuation of dynasties were dictated by the correct choice. The selection, therefore, was made on diplomatic and dynastic bases, the former to insure peace among and within political boundaries, the latter to pro­ duce heirs. Both reasons were mutually supportive. Dyn­ asties linked by marriage and offspring might make peace a familial concern. The selection process was often lengthy and complex, and essentially impersonal. In fact, personal

feelings seldom entered, although it was not unusual for such feelings to develop later between the two persons

40 41 concerned, as has been noted, especially between Richard II and each of his consorts. jn the selection process, however, the individual seems to have been incidental to the lineage which would provide needed political and economic advantages.

The identity of the potential bride may not usually have been preordained, but her attributes were closely prescribed. According to Giles of Rome, whose popular De

Reoimine Principum circulated in England in a late thirteenth-century translation by Henri de Gauchy, royal wives should be selected according to lineage, gentility, chastity, personal connections, and wealth. He asserted that princes1' wives necessarily must be noble, gentle, and chaste. In addition, they s h o u l d have both great wealth and powerful friends.1 In the turbulent fourteenth century, the bride’s family figured prominently in the diplomacy through which a queer* was chosen as "marchandage 2 politique" because the bride had to bring strong family connections, as well as the potential to produce male heirs. consorts were selected according to the app r op r i a t eness of their bloodlines, so were their immediate families significant to their position as queen.

Being usually the daughters of kings and emperors, they brought with them, beyond important contemporary alliances, the status of tradition and international social prestige. Each of the consorts was linked with reigning monarchs in at least two immediate ways. Margaret was granddaughter, daughter, and sister to kings of France. Isabel of France, descended from the same line, was sister to three French kings and was the basis of Edward Ill’s claim to the throne of France. Philippa was kin to royalty in France and the

Low C ou n tries and a ls o to the Angevin r u l e r s in th e Kingdom of Naples. Anne, through her Bohemian heritage, was descended from kings of Poland and Bohemia. More im­ portantly, she was daughter and sister to Holy Roman

Emperors; so the prestige she brought to England could at least nominally be traced to the ancient glories of the original Rome.^ And Isabel of Valois, though destined not to produce kings, descended from both French royalty and, on her mother’s side, Bavarian. CSee Appendix I:

Genealogical Charts. 1

The families remained close, even warring ones between battles, because nobility of the era shared common cultural elements apart from other classes of people within their own countries. Proximity led to continued family ties, including exchanging visits and gifts. In addition to customary contacts such as marriages and coronations, these families kept in touch in other special ways. Edward III gave £20 annually as an allowance to Philippa’s bastard ix sister Elizabeth of Holland. The Black Prince gave a gold 43 brooch and a horse to his mother’s bastard brother Sir

John.5 Among Edward I ll’s godparents was his mother’s

Uncle Louis? count of Evreux.6 The consorts frequently returned to the continent? both with and without their spouses? to visit relatives. For example? Philippa? on a trip to Flanders? was joined by her sister the Empress 7 Margaret? who had traveled there to meet her. Family coming to England were treated to great festivities? such as those prepared by the earl of Stafford in 13A0 to 0 receive Philippa’s father and uncle. And despite furor over expenses relating to Anne’s marriage? when her escort from Bohemia returned home? she sent along with them to her 9 mother five pieces of cloth? custom free.

Occasionally the family interaction was directly related to affairs of state. The count of Evreux? along with the earl of Gloucester? was involved in lengthy negotiations which finally resulted in a reluctant com­ prom ise betw een Edward II and h i s barons in 1 3 1 3 .^

William of Hainault gave asylum to Roger Mortimer after his 11 escape from the Tower. John of Hainault provided mercenaries to support Isabel’s invasion of England and to 12 be used by her? later? against Scotland. Count William negotiated for Edward III with the French in 1331 and provided military support to be used against the French six 13 years later. He also was involved in arranging the marriage of Edward’s sister Eleanor to Count Regnald of

Guelders and Zutfen by guaranteeing her marriage portion.

Philippa’s brothers-in-law, William of Juliers and Robert of Namur, a s s is t e d Edward both m i l i t a r i l y and d ip lo m a tic a l­ ly.1^ In 1340, Philippa’s mother, the dowager countess of

Hainault, suggested what was to become the truce of Es- pl£chin, having to leave her convent seclusion to do so.1^5

Isabel of France and her mother Joan of Champagne and

Navarre, the French queen, were instrumental in negotiating a six-week extension of the truce after the Black Death in

September 1348. Isabel was present instead of Philippa who 17 was giving birth to the shortlived William of Windsor.

The queens, fully empowered to act for their kings as

. . amis &c moinneresses entre les parties, a fin de 1 s paix &< d’acort vendront." Alliances with the families of

Richard II’s two queens reversed previous diplomatic con­ nections, with Anne the Luxemburg-Valois friendship and 19 with Isabel of Valois the French-Eng 1 ish animosity.

A ll r e la t io n s among in -la w s were n o t am icable; certainly the English and French were enemies at least as often as friends. However, one of the longest and most troublesome of family disputes occurred with the Hainault kin of Philippa. In 1345, her only brother William died without direct heirs. Their eldest sister Margaret in­ herited the earldom of Hainault, with her uncle John of 45

Hainault as governor. Family property not connected with 20 the title was to be divided among the four sisters. In

October, 13A5, Edward sent a commission to ask assistance from Sir John in obtaining for Philippa the property in 21 Zeeland and adjacent lands due as her part. In December of that year, the commission claimed for Philippa territory in Hainault, Zeeland, Holland, Frisia and adjacent terri­ tories, with all titles, fidelity, homage, and services owed .

The commission seems to have been ineffective, for in

April, 13A6, the king assigned Ivo de Clynton and Sir Adam de Shareshull responsibility for resolving conflicting 23 claims and recovering inheritance due Philippa. At the same time, Edward appointed them to reach agreements for alliance with the bishop of Utrecht and others in the disputed lands. 2 ^ t When the quarrel continued, Edward named

Theodore, Lord of Montjoy and Falkyngburgh, to arbitrate 25 between Philippa and her sisters.

Tn 1366, Philippa’s nephew Albert of Bavaria, regent for his mad brother William, journeyed to England to treat with Edward and Philippa about her inheritance. The king granted him safe conduct but seems not to have succeeded in 26 convincing the young regent to honor his aunt’s claim.

Albert’s goal was to be made legally count of Hainault and, to that end, he assembled the Estates of Holland who agreed 46 that Philippa could not inherit any part of her late broth­ er’s territory because it was indivisible. Eventually) this seemingly endless dispute became one of the reasons for the previously faithful John of Hainault’s switching E7 his allegiance from England to France. However) it was not until June> 137S, three years after Philippa’s death) 28 that Edward III surrendered rights to these lands.

Despite such divisive incidents) national security was shored up by marriage liaisons among ruling families. It was then secured by dynastic continuity) the second purpose for choosing specific royal mates. Giles of Rome had stated clearly that the purpose of any marriage was to

insure lineage. He also stressed the importance of the consort’s chastity as it related to protection of royal 29 succession. In England) the ancient practice of insuring continuity had been proclaiming and installing the heir apparent as successor during the lifetime of a reigning monarch. Gradually) this practice had been replaced) in principle) by the acknowledgement that the consort) through coronation) was the person who> along with the king5 would produce a legal) legitimate heir. CSee Chapter 3: The

Coronation.] Legally) therefore) the royal family would

insure continuation of unbroken royal authority and) ul- 30 timately) of constitutional stability. Having been selected as suitable for the process of royal procreation to continue the dynasty* the consort assumed as primary responsibility the role of producing 31 heirs. Edward I had already produced heirs through his f i r s t marriage* in c lu d in g the fu tu r e Edward I I . The only reference to heirs in Margaret’s marriage treaty relates to inheritance of continental lands, especially the duchy of 32 Aquitaine. Margaret, however, was mother to three children, supporting thereby the more general of Gile’s principles, to produce heirs even though not necessarily to continue a royal dynasty. And, had Edward II not been able to succeed his father, one of Margaret’s sons could have succeeded to the throne. Isabel of France, despite long intervals during which Edward II was occupied with Gaveston and the Despensers, presented the king with three children in addition to the future Edward III. Certainly, the most prolific consort of the era was Philippa of Hainault.

P h ilip p a and Edward III parented tw e lv e royal c h ild r e n .

Although clearly an important element of a royal marriage was to continue the lineage, two of the cen­ tury’s consorts, Anne and Isabel of Valois, produced no heirs. Yet their husband, the enigmatic Richard II, appears to have been devoted to both of them, a devotion returned by both consorts. The main argument of the proem of a procuration from December 26, 1380, for the proposed marriage of Richard and Anne of Bohemia was based on the need of kings to have direct heirs in order to exclude 33 collaterals from succeeding to the throne. The goal of producing heirs certainly had been of significance in planning marriages for Richard, but not pr imary or immed­ iate in his marriage to Isabel which was not to be con­ summated for years. His main purpose immediately seems to have been to achieve French support against his troublesome 3A subjects. This stipulation in the marriage agreement brought in English domestic politics and foreshadowed the king’s end. Ironically, neither this marriage nor the first produced the required heir for Richard and the line of succession was to be disputed between the Lancastrian and Yorkist descendants of Edward III.

Generally, the choice of consort was made according to lineage and dynastic requirements. Specifically each consort in the fourteenth century was selected to satisfy certain p o lit ic a l, miilitary, or economic needs which, occasionally. even took precedent over the goal of pro­ ducing heirs. Edward I had spent the five years prior to the Treaty of Montreui1 trying to gather a force to defend

Gascony against Philip IV. Continually, problems elsewhere prevented success—a Welsh uprising in 1295, a Scottish uprising in 1296, opposition to taxes in England in 1297, and recurring threats of danger in both England and 49

Scotland in 1298. Three abortive expeditions to Gascony 35 (1294, 1296 , and 1298) accomplished nothing. It was as part of his efforts to end the constant threat of hostil­ ities that Boniface VIII urged the marriage between the

English king Edward I and the French king’s sister Mar- 3

Gascony was resolved, at least temporarily, by this double union because, for a time, the resulting close personal re— 3B lationship prevented further hostile outbursts. Sadly, the high hopes attached to the Edward-Isabel union were destined never to be r e a liz e d . Far from cementing the peace, this marriage would lead to the Hundred Years’ War as Edward III claimed the French crown through his mother.

Although the bride’s family contacts were extensive, the immediate political purpose for the marriage between

Edward III and Philippa of Hainault was Queen Isabel’s need for allies and for f u n d s to support her cause against

England and her husband Edward II. Almost half of her 39 invading force were men-at-arms frpm Hainault. The importance of this alliance with Duke William, affirmed by the betrothal of his daughter, was later emphasized when he claimed to prefer it to alliances through his wife, Jeanne of Valois. Alliances through marriage with the Low 50

Countries gave Edward III a military and economic base of support during his interminable and fiscally exhausting e ff o r ts in the Hundred Years’ War.

Both of Richard I I ’s marriages were arranged as political responses to the continuing Hundred Years’ War and to the more recently begun Great Schism. The former continued between Richard II and both Charles V and Charles

VI, successively? for the same reasons as before. The latter caused alliances to change periodically. The schism ended the alliance between the Holy Roman Empire and France A1 which Emperor Charles IV had worked for so d ilig e n t ly .

At the same time? efforts of successive Avignon popes to achieve peace were thwarted by their Roman rivals and the resulting political and mi 1itary polarization. France?

Scotland? and Clement VII were automatica11y aligned against England and Urban VI. Consequently? Richard’s advisors recommended against a proposed betrothal to a A2 V alois p rin cess. They arranged instead a p o lit ic a l a llia n c e with the Holy Roman Empire which included the king’s marriage to the Emperor Wenceslas’ sister Anne of

Bohemia. Pope Urban had been determined to prevent a marriage between Richard and a French princess and?

therefore? supported the match with Anne to "weld England A3 and the Empire in an Urbanist axis." So much did this 51 marriage equal political expediency, one contemporary reported that the queen had been purchased by England.

Later, after Anrte ’ s death, when the war had dimin­ ished at least temporarily, a truce between England and

France included two agreements. First, both popes should voluntarily withdraw to allow a conciliar election of a new one. Second, the truce should be reenforced by a marriage alliance between the widowed English king and Isabel, the six-year-old daughter of the French king. The marriage of Richard II and the young Isabel was to be used for purposes far greater in scope than a customary interkingdom a llia n c e . According to L£on Mirot, "L’u t i l i t £ des deux royaumes le conseillait; 1 ’ int£r£t de la chr£tient£

1’exigeait," not only to heal the schism but also in an effort to cement a united Christian defense against a

Turkish a ssa u lt on Hungary Isabel brought to her new home French military and political support, a substantial dowry, and a truce of twenty-eight years, more years than she was destined to live. Unfortunately, the diplomatic significance of this marriage alliance would disintegrate as both governments argued over the widowed bride’s restor­ ation to France only four years later.

With such importance attached to royal unions, the procedures involved in selecting queens consort were usually lengthy and complex. England’s fourteenth- 52 century diplomats were busy attempting to make suitable alliances for their kings and future kings? the final choice never the f ir s t . Edward I? a widower a fter the death of Eleanor of Castile? really wanted to have? as his 47 second queen? Blanche? daughter to the king of France.

However? according to Henry Knighton? he was given Margaret because she was the older of the two prospective brides.

At the same time? his son Edward was contracted to Mar­ garet’s niece Isabel. But? prior to that arrangement, young Edward had been considered for marriages with Mar­ garet, maid of Norway, sisters Philippa and Isabel of

49 Flanders, Isabelle of Spain, and Blanche of France. His son, the future Edward III? had been negotiated as spouse for Margaret of Holland? Eleanora of Aragon, and Eleanora of Cast i le

Apparently Isabel was easily willing to take Prince

Edward’s marriage arrangements into her own hands. While the king was ordering them home, eith e r together or sep­ arately? on 1 January 1386? he informed Lady Majora Garcia that his son Edward was not about to be married. He had previously asked the cardinals to support a dispensation for the marriages of his children with Spanish royalty. He was now asking the pope? on 3 January 13B6? not to grant dispensations for any marriage between the French and

English royal fam ilies without his approval. Next? in 53

March, he ordered Edward not to enter in to any marriage contract and, once more, to return home, an order he would

repeat during the summer and by then it would be too late.

In the meantime, apparently accepting the inevitable, he wrote to the Portuguese royal family that he was not at

that time at liberty to treat about the prince’s marri- 51 a g e .

Richard II chose Anne of Bohemia over other possi­

bilities including Catherine of France, Isabelle of Aragon,

Yolande of Aragon, Caterina V isconti, and Margaret o f

Flanders. In 1377, preliminary diplomacy had been con­

cluded for a marriage between Richard and Princess Marie,

Charles V’s daughter, who at the time was seven years old. 52 Marie died before a treaty could be finalized. After

Anne’s death, Richard was offered Yolande the Young,

daughter of Robert I, duke of Bar; Jeanne, daughter of

Pierre II, Count of Alengon; and Marie, sister of John IV,

count of Harcourt and Aumale. He chose, instead, the 53 six—year-old Isabel of Valois.

Once the final candidate had been selected, arranging

marriage alliances among the fourteenth—century English

royalty involved long and often complicated diplomatic

procedures. Even a fter a d e f in it e choice of bride had been

made among all those offered and considered, the process of

finalizing arrangements so that the marriage could actually be solemnized could consume months, even years. Usually part of a more extensive treaty? the marriage negotiations could be made only by persons knowledgeable about the current political, military, and economic scene. Empowered to speak for the principals, negotiators were given some latitude for independent decisions within a range of 5z+ possibilities. The church participa ted importantly in such negotiations. Papal dispensation was usually required as close family ties among royalty caused consanguinity.

Often clerics displayed opportunism rather than devoutness in granting exemptions. Urban V refused to sanction a marriage between Edmund earl of Cambridge and Margaret of

Flanders but later permitted her to marry Philip of Bur­ gundy who was nearer kin.^^

MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS: MARGARET OF FRANCE

As early as February 129A, just over three years after the death of Eleanor of C a stile , negotiation s were underway to accomplish the marriage of Edward I to Margaret of

France.^ In that month, King Philip IV of France initi­ ated a treaty, at that time secret, which dealt primarily with the duchy of Aquitaine. In the event of a marriage between Margaret and Edward, Philip insisted on certain p rovisions. The duchy of Aquitaine should be inherited by any male heir produced by the marriage. That male heir would grant £AO,000 Tours to any female produced by the marriage whose betrothal had not been assured by the king during his life. The male heir and his heirs would be called duke of Aquitaine and would aid the king of England except against the king of France. If no male heirs survived the king, the duchy would pass to whoever would be heir to the king of England. If only females were pro­ duced, each not assured of marriage during the king’s life would receive £AO,OOC> Tours. Such females could not demand more or have any part of the duchy by succession or e s ­ cheat. Margaret would have £15,000 Tours each year from the duchy if she and a male heir survived her husband.

She would have £E0,000 Tours each year from the duchy if she but no male heir survived her husband. Those amounts would come from the king’s lands in Saintonge, the isle of

016ron, the castles of Chastellenies de Blanchefon and

Saint Machayre, and as needed from the t o lls o f Bordeaux and Marmande. If Margaret should survive her husband, she would have custody of any male heir or, in the event of his death also, his heir(s) until age fifteen, holding the duchy of the king of England. The king of France agreed to give all property rights in Aquitaine, except those already granted elsewhere, to any heirs of this marriage. The king of France further pledged for himself and his heirs not to 56 take arms against the king of England and to keep the terms 5? of the treaty.

F ive years later* Philip renewed this proposal during continued negotiations with Edward I ’s ambassador Amadeus*

Count o f Savoy, wbo was empowered to negotiate both this marriage and the betrothal of the prince of Wales and

Princess Isabel.G eoffrey de Joinville represented the

French in these negotiations. The Gascon Calendar lis ts sixteen letters and twenty-two other documents exchanged 59 between the two embassies to establish procedures. All arrangements were supervised by Boniface VIII* who also granted dispensation for the marriage on 1 July 1299.^

MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS: ISABEL OF FRANCE

Preliminaries f o r the union o f Edward II and Isabel o f

France were less complicated than they might have been because they were joined so frequently to those being concluded for Edward I and Margaret. These arrangements were a ls o approved by Boniface VI I I and negotiated by Savoy and J o in v ille .61 gn 15 Nay 2299, Prince Edward appointed

the count of Savoy and the earl of Lincoln to contract the marriage with Princess Isabel, with such authority as

Edward himself would have were he present. Less than three months later, I s a b e l’ s mother Queen Joan promised the marriage would occur when Isabel reached proper age, to 57 satisfy "le traict^ de p£s entre les gentz de nostre tr£s cher seigneur, roy de France, d ’une part, et les gentz le 62 roy d’Angleterre, d ’autre."

The betrothal agreement, negotiated on 20 May 1303 by

Prince Louis, the dukes of Burgundy and Brittany, and

Pierre, sire de C h a m b li, representing France, w i t h the counts of Savoy and Nicole representing England, granted her a dowry of £18,000 Tours until she should come of age to be married. The terms were simply to uphold those of the Treaty of Montreuil . The betrothal ceremony was done by Father Gile, archbishop of Narbonrie. Papal dispensation was g r a n t e d 27 N ovem b er 1305 by Clement V, "nou n c o n - trestant le quart et le tierz degre de cosinage entre 63 e u x . "

In January, 1307, Cardinal Peter of Spain was sent to

England to conclude marriage arrangements. Having been betrothed four y e a r s, Edward II on 6 November 1307 ap­ pointed a commission of eight, including the bishops of

Durham and Norwich and the e a r ls of Lincoln and Pembroke, to negotiate terms and serve as proxy in a marriage cere­ mony. They also had proxy to arrange dower, which meant

Isabel would succeed to Margaret’s dower from Edward I.

Early in 1308, the king journeyed to France where he and

Isabel were m a r r ie d on 25 January in the company of French 65 nobility and royalty. 58

MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS: PHILIPPA OF HAINAULT

Negotiations which finally resulted in the union between Edward III and Philippa of Hainault began in 1319 when Edward II sent Walter Stapeldon, bishop of Exeter, to inspect the daughters of the count of Hainault for a pos­ sible bride for young Edward. At that time, the choice may have been an older daughter Sybella who died shortly afterwards.^ The immediate preliminaries to Philippa's marriage were involved in her future mother-in-law’s political and military ambitions. In March, 1325, Isabel traveled to Paris, where she was joined by her son the prince of Wales in September. In December, Countess Jeanne of Hainault, accompanied by her daughter Philippa, arrived 67 in Paris, also, to visit her brother, the French king.

By the next summer, Isabel and the prince were in

Valenciennes seeking aid against their husband and

William would grant Philippa dowry "worthy of a queen of

England" and, in return, demand that Philippa receive

£10,000 sterling if the marriage did not take place.

Isabel provided a guarantee that, if the ceremony did not occur on time, she would provide as hostages ten knights until it was concluded. The duke of Kent and Roger 69 Mortimer promised to expedite the marriage. Because Edward and Philippa were third-degree kin, sharing as great-grandfather Philip III of France, papal dispensation was necessary. To that end, a delegation including Adam Orleton, bishop of Hereford, Bartholomew de

Burghersh, and Hugh de Astale went to Avignon in March,

1327. They were joined there by Abb£ de Vicogne and Michel de Lin^e, seigneur de Pontoit, envoys of William of Hain- 70 au1t . Twice Pope John XXII responded unfavorably to their requests and sent Burghersh back to England . He feared the alliance between Edward and Philippa would cause

England and the empire to be too friendly, Count William being father-in-law to Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, and would create too favorable trade opportunities for Flanders which had been under papal in terd ict since A November 1326. He also looked with disfavor upon the crea tio n of what might become a large European coalition against France, "fille 71 §in£e“ of the church and papacy.

After two reje c tio n s, Edward III wrote John XXII on 15

August urging his approval. A few days later, William of

Hainault promised to consider the Pope’s interests even at the expense of those of Lewis of Bavaria. On 30 August, 72 the pope responded by granting dispensation. In October,

Roger of Northborough, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield,

* led a nine-man delegation, including two knights banneret and two clerics, to Valenciennes to effect the marriage 60 contract. The delegation carried complete royal authority, with "plenam potestatem and mandatum speciale, Sponsalia,

5eu 11a t r i moni urn, p e r verba de praesenti " Tor the king and m his name. 73

A proxy ceremony was held on Wednesday? 28 October

1327, in the count of Hainault’5 chapel, beginning at 11:00 a.m. The chapel doors were l e f t open so more public could view the proceedings. Attendants included John of Luxem­ burg, king of Bohemia; Gerhard, count of Juliers; William of Berchaim, his son; Jean, count of Namur; and John of

Hainault. After examining the bull of dispensation, Bishop

Roger and Count William had it read by notary Arnold of 74 Sa i nt-Ghi s 1 a i n.

The bishop next announced that he had been sent by

Edward III as procureur extraordinaire to contract the marriage and that the annual dower would be £15,000 Tours.

He showed to all present the relevant letter patent which was then read by his clerk Walter de Chilterne. Then he took Philippa’s right hand in his and declared that he took her "a femme et a loiaul espeuze de no dit signeur le roy. •'

Then Philippa replied that she took Edward as "loiaul signeur et mari." The formal document of the proxy 75 marriage was drawn up by John de Revino, notary.

Philippa and Edward were formally married in York on 24 76 January 1328 by Archbishop Helton. 61

MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS: ANNE OF BOHEMIA

Thomas of Kent, Edmund of Cambridge, Albert de Veer,

Hugh Segrave, and Simon Burley were appointed on 26 De­ cember 1380 to treat for Richard II in his marriage ar- 77 rangements with Anne of Bohemia. The f ir s t envoy from the emperor came to London in that same year and, in the sprin g, Wenceslas visited A ix-1 a-Chape11e , where he r e ­ ceived from Charles V the proposal that Anne should marry the dauphin. The emperor responded by sending an envoy to 78 London to n eg o tia te with Richard. Emperor Wenceslas appointed on 23 January 1381, as Anne's representatives,

Lord Przim ifiaus, the duke o f Teschen, Conrad Kreyer, and

Peter of Wartenberg. The same men were appointed to discuss

7 9 the schism with Richard. On 30 January 1381, Anne’s mother Elizabeth appointed Sdenkins de Waldensteyn, Hermant de Kussuyk, and Martin Canon Olomucensis to represent her 80 daughter. Also in 1381, Pileo di Prata, archbishop of

Ravenna and bishop of Padua, traveled to England to ne- 81 gotiate for the emperor about the marriage. He met with

Simon, archbishop of Canterbury, William of London, William of Wynton, John of Hereford, Bishop Ralph Sarum, John of

Lancaster, Richard Arundel, Hugh Stafford, William Sarum, and William of Suffolk.

The fin a l treaty was approved 2 Nay 1381; it had been negotiated by only three imperial procurators and, for Engl and» Edmund earl of Cambridge? Hugh Segrave and Albert de Veer. The terms of the agreement dealt more with p o l it i c s than with marriage. The emperor and Richard agreed on a mutual defense and trade pact even if it alienated previous allies and to unite in opposition to the opponents of Pope Urban VI. They also agreed that the emperor would equip Anne for her marriage and travel and

Richard would see her crowned and treated as other queens 83 of England had been. This betrothal effectively ended an old alliance France’s ruling house had had with the Luxem- burgs. That fact, plus the fact that the betrothal was urged by the Roman Pope, angered the French King Charles V to the extent that he tried to prevent the union by inter-

BA cepting the v e s s e ls which would carry Anne to England.

MARRIAGE NEGOTI AT IONS: ISABEL OF VALOIS

The negotiations for Isabel of Valois began as over­ tures, instead, for a Spanish bride. In February, 1395,

John Pritiwell, one of Richard II’s sergeant-at-arms, went to Paris to secure safe conducts to Aragon and Navarre for

Sir William Elmham and John Gilbert, bishop of St. David’s.

Their mission was to treat of marriage for Richard with a 85 Spanish princess. In March, a French embassy came to

England to meet with Richard to offer him a choice of three

French brides. At the end of A pril, Bishop G ilbert 63 returned to confer with the king, Elmham remaining in

ParD 1 5 .86

In May, Robert the Hermit came to England, bringing with him a letter from Charles VI to Richard, suggesting plans which would accomplish an Anglo-French peace, an end

07 to the schism, and a defeat to the Turks. This letter accompanied "Epistre a Richard II" by Philip de Mdzieres, former tutor to Charles VI. The "Epistre" suggested that a ll the French king’s wishes might be accomplished by a marriage which would make the king of France and the king gg of England become fath er and son. Richard, whose p o si­ tion in France had recen tly been weakened by a rebellion in 87 Aquitaine, accepted the king’s offer of his daughter. In

July, after Robert the Hermit’s return to France, Richard

90 began to negotiate for the king’s daughter Isabel. He sent ambassadors authorized to decide "as the king himself" in contracting the betrothal and treating of dowry and dower. They could a lso fix terms, places, and methods of payment, as well as dates. The commission included the archbishop of Dublin, the bishop of St. Davids, the earls

91 of Rutland and Nottingham, and Lord Beaumont.

In ad d ition to a c t iv it ie s rela tin g to the marriage treaty, the ambassadors were instructed to handle other diplomacy as well. They were to make a sincere request for peace and protest against treaty violations. They were to demand ransom arrears for King John, plus some territo ry in

Pont ivy and Guyenne. They were further to demand that

Isabel be conducted to Calais at her father’s expense and

with a guarantee of three million francs if she refused the marriage when she came of age. Any male heir of the

marriage was to be assured title and property, even to the extent of a French and English coalition to put one on the

throne of Scotland. In return, Isabel would receiv e the same dower Anne had received and England was in terested in

a second alliance between the two royal families, this one

between the count of Rutland with a daughter of Charles VI.

The English wanted Boniface IX to be involved in the

tr e a4- ty . 92

Charles Vi's counselors were divided in opinion about

the wisdom of this marriage alliance. Responding to their conflicting counsel and, perhaps, to his own mental unpre­

dictability, Charles equivocated, saying that although pleased by the English king’s interest he believed Isabel

was too young and that other negotiations at that time in

progress should be concluded before he could embark on a

93 new one. The embassy took this response home to Richard.

By the end of October, Rutland had returned to Paris,

this time to meet with the king’s brother Louis and his

uncles, the dukes of Burgundy and Berry, who had full power

to make the marriage contract in his name. By the end of the year, Rutland was joined by Segrave and William le

Scrope, lord of Man, who held the same powers from Richard.

After negotiations, the representatives agreed to a mar­ riage trea ty . The dowry was s e t at 1,100,000 francs to be paid in installments of 300,000 at the marriage and 100,000 annually until the total had been reached. Isabel was to be allowed to enjoy this dowery fully whether residing in

England or France. The French king could reclaim 500,000 francs of the dowry if Richard died without having an heir from this marriage or if Isabel died with no or only female progeny. If at age twelve Isabel should refuse marriage,

Charles could reclaim the dowry only if the refusal was caused by something about Richard. The English princes agreed that, in the event of Richard’s death, Isabel would be allowed to return to France with all her personal property, including jewels. Isabel renounced all suc­ cession through her father but retained rights through her mother Isabeau of Bavaria. Both sides agreed to a twenty- eight year truce, with further discussions of ransom to be handled by a special commission. Finally, the King of

France would escort Isabel to Calais with a trousseau worthy o f an English queen.

After concluding all the above terms with Richard,

Rutland, Nottingham, and Scrope returned to Paris by Febru­

ary, 1396, where they were again received with elaborate 66 h o s p ita lity . The contract was approved on 11 March 1396, on the seine day as the twenty-eight year truce. The n egotiators for each had been the same. The final clause of the truce stated that non-execution of the marriage would not interfere with concluding the truce. Charles VI sent Vicomte de Mewlun and William de la Fons to get ratification from Richard who gave it on 9 May. 95 Both popes having granted d ispensations, a proxy marriage occurred on 10 March 1396 in a palace chapel, with

the patriarch of Alexandria officiating. Thomas Mowbray, earl of Nottingham acted as Richard’s proxy. At a solemn mass, a r t ic le s of the contract were read and the English ambassadors swore on the Bible to insure execution of the

it. Then the young queen was given a marriage r in g . The celebration afterwards included, in addition to Isabel and her parents, Queen Blanche, widow of P h ilip VI, and Louis of Anjou. In November, Richard traveled to C alais for

the formal ceremony conducted by Thomas Arundel, archbishop 97 of Canterbury, who had officiated at Anne’s funeral.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Upon the choice of consorts rested the future of the

kingdom. Indeed, according to one commentator, the fir s t 67 six years of Edward II’s reign was defined solely by his union with Isabel of France:

He has achieved nothing laudable or memorable) save that he has married royally and has begotten an heir to his crown. 90

Therefore* fourteenth—century queens were selected with great care to continue or unite bloodlines* as well as to conclude or sustain peace. The procedure for their selec­ tion, involving numerous magnates, both lay and clerical, often occupied years of travel, meetings, treaties, and ceremonies. The ingredients of the marriage contracts of the era usually included the marriage portion, or dowry, paid by the bride’s father, and the dower or jointure, settled on the new bride by her husband. The queens were typical brides of the century in this respect, although the 99 moneys involved were substantially larger than average.

[See Chapter 5: The Queens’ Authority in Practice— Income and Wea1th . 3

Having been chosen from an abundance of royal or noble candidates and through a process dignified by the people and efforts involved, the queens consort of the century clearly were identified as among the most important per- sonnages of the era. Their charisma would, then, be enhanced by the mystique of coronation. 68

CHAPTER I I : NOTES

* According to Giles, . li rois et li princes doivent entendre dili jausent a cen que lour femes soient de noble lignie et de gentille et qu'eles aient mout des aais et suit de richeces. . . u and ". . . soient nobles et gentiz et qu’elles soient puissantes d’amis et aient plentd de richeces, et qu’eles soient beles et granz et qu’eles soient chastes et ateaprbes et facent euvres qui ne tournent a viJennie ne a servage.” Li Livres du Ghuvpi neeent des Rois A X11 Ith Century- French Version of Eoidio Colonna’s Treatise “De Reoimine Princioua." ed. by Samuel P. Molenaer (New YorkiAHS Press, Inc., 1966), pp. xvi, 160, 161-5. Edward II had a copy of this work, as did his youngest son Thoaas of Woodstock and Siaon Burley, mastei to Richard II. Nicholas Orae, F,oa Childhood to Chivalry: the Education of the English Kings and Anstonatv, 1066-1530 (Lonrir.ni Methuen, 1934), pp. 93-97.

J. N. Palaer, “The Background of Richard II’s Marriage to Isabel,8 BIHR 44(1971):1.

3 It has been suggested that Anne’s iaperial background affected Richard’s reign adversely, causing hia to claim to be "entier eaperour de son roiaulae." Mathew, Court, p. 16. 4 Brantinghaa, Issue Roll, pp. 134, 352.

JBlack Prince’s Register, p. 73.

^Michael packe, Kino Edward III, ed. by L. C. B. Seaman (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983), p. 3.

7CPR (131,5-1348) 8 October 1346, p. 517. 0 George P. Belts, Memorials of the Most Noble Oidei of the Garter (Inndon.-William Pickering, 1841), P- 3A-

’cCR (1389-1392) 2 July 1389, p. 6.

^McKissack, Fourteenth Century, p. 29.

^Flores Historiarur», 3:217. Of course, he was not at the time father-in-law to the English king. 12 He was later to be among the enemies against whoa Edward 111 and the Black Prince campaigned. As regent for Margaret, heiress in Hainault, John would later switch sides and help France against England. Packe, Edward III, p. 27; and Tout, Chapters, 3:4 « 4:84.

^ardy, Philippa, p. 98. 69

14 E. W. Safford, “An Account of the Expenses of Eleanor, Sister of Edward III on the Occasion of her Marriage to Regnald of 6uelders,“ Arched on i a 7?( 1928): 1 IE.

15HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. n9; and Packe, Edward III, p. 96.

I6HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 130. 17 Eulooiue, p. 198; and Packe, Edward III, p. 196.

' Boedera, III:i* 170-1-

^Mathew, Court, p. 16.

20 Hardy, Philippa, p. 149; and Packe, Edward III, p. 204.

21CPR (1345-1348) 22 October 1345, p. 555 Hardy, Philippa, p. 149; and Foedera, III:i:65.

22Foedera, IIl,i,61.

23Ibid., p. 80; and CPR (1345-1348) SO April 1346, p. 70.

24CPR (1345-1348) 20 April 1346, p. 71.

25Foedera, III:i:83.

26Foedera, IIl:ii:764, 779, 788, i 850.

27Hardy, Philippa, pp. 149 4 282.

22Foedera, III:ii:947.

27Pe Reaiaine. pp. 137 4 163. 30 ”. . . the Queen’s divinely blessed fertility helped assure integrity and the continuance of society itself." Ridgway, "Soae Inquiry into the Constitutional Character of the Sueen- Consort," EdinburghR pvipw (Septeaber, 1014)s451, 452, 456; and Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Tun Bodies: A Study in Hpdiaeval Political Theology (Princeton, Mew Jersey: University Press, 1957), p. 314; and Safford, "Account,* p. 71. 31 Kantorowicz, ring's Two Bodies,p. 539. The concept that the king never dies is vital to the legitimacy of heirs.

32Foederai 1: it-795-796. 33 "Inter cetera que regnorua alioruaque principatuua jure successorio sanguinis delatorua felicius firaant regiaina est principanciua hujusaodi prolis fecunditas ex aatriaonio legitiao derivata, per qual, exdusis nedua extraneis set collateralibus suis et legitiais heredibus, successiones hujusaodi directa linea deferuntur," Foedera, VlI:815-7. See also DuBoulay and Barron, Richard M. pp. 89-30, and Usk, rhronicon, 139. Adaa of Usk calls Anne "our aost gracious queen, howbeit she died without issue." 70 34 The Diplomatic Correspondence of Richard II. ed. by Edouard Perroy, Camden Society Third Series #48 (1933) o. 207 i Foedera, VII:8ii; and HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, pp. 475-476. fl ^George Holies, The Later Hiddle floes 1272-1485 (New York: N. W. Norton 6 Co., Inc., 1962), pp. 104-6.

^Pope Boniface VIII "pronounced among other things that a marriage should take place between the king and flargaret daughter of the King of France." Bury Chronicle, p. 153; CChN (1244-1326) 14 June 1304, p. 224; and Foedera, I:ii:912.

^‘Brut, 1:194; CPR (1317-1321) 1 August 1318, p. 201; Knighton, Chronicon, p. 10; Mirot, "Isabelle," p. 558; Foedera, I:ii:962; and Tout, Chapters, 4:272. Edward 1 later claiaed in a letter to John of Hastings, his Gascon seneschal, that his son’s aarriage Hould ". . . super omnibus & singulis discordiis, guerris, litibus, controversiis, causis, quaestionibus, caapnis 6 mjuriis, inter dictua Regea & nos dudua exortis, de alto & basso extitit compromissum." 38 G. P. Cuttino, English Diplomatic Administration, 1259-1339 (Oxford: University' Press, 1940), p. 12; Antonia Fraser, The Lives of the Kinos and Queens of England (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975), p. 81; and Tout, Chapters, 4:272. 3° 'Count William and his brother John raised a force of 700 sen of arss, most of thee from Hainault. Peter F. Ainsworth, Jean Froissart and the Fabric of History: Truth, Hvth, and Fiction in the “Chrenioues" (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 227 ; Murisuth, Continuatio, p. 281; and Petit, “Manage," p. 377. n £|0 William made diplomatic alliances through the sarriages of his other children, also. His son William married Jeanne de Brabant and daughters Margaret, Jeanne, and Isabelle married, respectively, Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, the Count of Juliers, and Jean de Brabant. Hardy, Philippa, p. 98.

^DNB, 1:420.

‘'Ibid.; and HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 146. 43 Later French King Charles V would marry a Bavarian princess and, thereby, acquire a balance of German support. HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 427; Mirot, "Isabelle," p. 548; and Workman, Uyclif, 1:17. 44 "Digna frui manna datur Anglis nobilis Anna,’ sed scrutantibus veiua videbatur non dari sed potius emi. Nam non modica pecunia refundebat rex fingliae pro tantilla carnis portione. John Malvern, Continuation of "Polvchronicon", ed. by J. R. Lumby, R.S. (1886), 41:9:12. 45 Hutchison, Hollow Crown, p. 160; and Mirot, "Isabelle,” p. 554.

46The marriage of Isabel’s parents had also crossed the schism, with Charles VI obedient to the Avignon Pope Clement VII and Isabeau of Bavaria fro* Urbanist territory. Mirot, "Isabelle," p. 557. 71

47 Ranulf Higden, Polvchronicon Ranulphi Higdon Monachi Cestrensis. ed. by J. R. Lumby. R.S. (1833) 41:8:288. 48 Knighton. Chronicon. 1:332. 49 The betrothal to the Haid of Norway had passed the dispensation and contract stages, but the bride died en route from Norway. Philippa of Flanders was held captive by the King of France until hei death, by which time her betrothal to Pr inc^ Edward had been annulled by Boniface VIII. and in the next year Edward was betrothed to Isabel of France. William C. Dickinson, Scotland from the Earliest Times to 1603 (London: Thomas Nelson I Sons Ltd., 1961i pp. 145-146; Annales Sandansis (Annals of Ghent), ed. by Hilda Johnston (London: Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd., 1951), pp. 8-9, 84, 87; and Foedera, I:ii:?2l! 827, 352, 856, 894, 904, 949.

J^Both Margaret and Eleanora of Aragon had received papal dispensation. Petit, "Manage," p. 377; and Foedera, ll:i:381, 437, 543, 573.

51Foedera, 11:612, 615-618, 623, 625-626, 630. 52 fit a time of popular displeasure concerning Anne’s dowry, it was said that she had been chosen "though the daughter of Barnabas Duke of Ni 1 Ian was offered with a farr greater Dower." Euloqium. 3:355; HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 146? Foedera, IV:60; and Sandford, Genealogical. p. 193. 53 Richard II wrote to Charles VI raising the topic of a marriage alliance and mentioning three French princesses as possible brides, Isabel of Valois not among thee. H. V. Clarke, “The Wilton Diptych;” in Four teenth Century Studies, ed. by L. S. Sutherland and May HcKisack (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 19681, p. 282; Eulooium. p. 355; Mathew, Court, p. 149ff.J Mirot, "Isabelle," p. 558; Palmer, "Background," pp. 3 , 5, 13, 14; Foedera. VIII:484, 490; and Usk, Chronicon. p. 151. 54 The English delegation sent to negotiate a marriage treaty between Henry III and Eleanor of Provence were given a series of procurations fro* which they could select whatever circum­ stances dictated. In each, the amount of dowry they were empowered to accept decreased, fro* 20,000 marks? to 15,000; then 10,000; then 7,000; then 5,000; then 3,000; and, finally, none at all if negotiations deadlocked. Pierre Chaplais, "English Diplomatic Documents to the End of Edward Ill’s Reign,” in The Study of Medieval Records, edited by D. A. Bullougb i R. L, Storey (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), p. 43. Foedera. I:ii:9Q5. ". . . nobilem viru®, fimadeu®, comitem Sabaudie, consanquineum nostrum, prelibati domni patris nostri ad hoc accedente tonsil10 et assensu, nostrum facimus, ordinamus et constituimus veru* et legitimum procurator* et nuncium specialem ad contrahendum pro nobis et nostro nomine, sponsalia cum Isabella predicta; ac ipsa sponsalia juramentis et penis certis firmandum; et jurandu* pro nobis in animam nostra*, quod- libet genus liciti juramenti; et ad omnia, et singula facienda que nos faceremus, vel facere possemus, si nostra adesset presencia personalis, etiamsi mandatu* exigent specials: latum et firmum habentes et habituri quidquid per prefatum comitem in premissis et eorurn singulis, nomine nostro actum et gestum fuerit, seu etiam procuratum. See also Mirot. "Isabelle," pp. 561-4; and Tout, Chapters. 4:2.

JJMarion Facinger, A Study of Medieval Suoenship. Cacetian Francp 987-1237. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1968) p. 10; and Packe, Edward III, p. 10. 72 “^Fgednra., I:ii:795-6.

“^Ibid., p. 795-6.

J^Ibid.? p. 904.

J^The Gascon Calenda? of 1325; ed. by G. P. Cuttino, Camden Society Third Series #70 <1949), p. 8j Henry S. Lucas, “A Document Relating to the Marriage of Philippa of Hainault in 1327,” in Etudes d’Histoi?& d^dides k la mfooire de Henri Pitenne oar ses anciens Aleves (Bruxelles: Nouvelle Socidtdd’Editions, 1937), p. 200; William Rishanger, Chronica et Annales, ed. by H. T. Riley, R.S. (1865), 28:389, 39A.

^Boniface is said to have decided upon the amount of dower. CPR (1301-1307! 27 May 1305, P. 368! and Tout, Chapters. 5:272; Strickland, Lives, p. 122-3.

^Chaapollion, Lettres, p. A3.

^ Foedei a. I:ii:95A.

63Bliss, Paoal Registers, 1:576; DNB 10:501; P. Doherty, "Date of Birth of Isabella Queen of England 1308-1358,” BIHR AB(November 1975):2A8; Gascon Cal., p. and William E. Lunt, Financial Relations of the Papacy with Ennland to 1327, (Cambridge, Mass.: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1939, p. 558; and Foedera, 111:22.

^ Feedera. II:i:12.

^Hardy, Philippa, p. 32; and Strickland, Lives, p. 122.

^Petit, "Manage,“ p. 375. 67 King Edwaid, at the same time, as usual working at crossed purposes with his queen, was negotiating a marriage treaty with Infanta Eleanora of Aragon, an attempt which failed because of differences concerning dower. Cook, Her Majesty, p. 71; Hardy, Philippa, p. 23; and Petit, "Mariage,” p. 376.

69Petit, “Manage," p. 377.

^Bliss, Papal Registers. 11:260; Lucas, "Document," p. 200; and Petit, "Manage," p. 378. 70 Petit,“Manage," p. 379.

^Petit, "Manage," p. 380; and Foedera. 11:712, 714.

72 ". . . quod ex dicta consanquinitate prevent, aliquatenus non obstanet, hujusmodi matri- moniua invicem contrahere liberd valeatis. Auctoritate apostolic^ de special! gratia, dispens- amus prole suscipiendam ex hujusaodi matrimonio legitimaa nuntiantes." CPR (1327-1330) 8 October 1327, p. 197; Doherty, "Date of Birth," p. 248; Lucas, “Document," pp. 200, 203," Ldon Mirot and Eugdne Ddprez, “Les Ambassades Anglaises pendant le Guerre de Cent Ans: Catalogue Chronologique (1327-1450)”, BibliothAque de TAcole des Chartres. 60(1898):556; and Foedera, II:ii:7I9. 73 *7 3 Lucas. “Document," p. £00. 7i Four notaries witnessed the proxy ceremony. Henry S. Lucas, "The Machinery of Diplomatic Intercourse," in The English Government at Work. 1387-1336, Vol. I: Central and Prerogative Administration, ed. by William A. Morris and Joseph fi. Strayer (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Mediaeval Academy of America, 19A7), p. 329.

7jLucas, "Document," p. £00; and Petit, "Mar iage." p. 380. 76 Ramsey, Revenues, p. ISA.

*1*1 "DNB, 1:420; Hutchison, Hollow Crown, p. 85, and Foedera. Vll:880-S8i. 78 Mathew, Court, p. 17; and Edouard Perroy, I 'Anoleterre et le grand Schisee D’Occident (Paris: Librairie J. Monnier ,1933), p. 143. 70 Mathew. Court, p. 17; and Foedera, VII:283. In 1385, the dauphin married another German princess, Isabeau of Bavaria. With his marriage to Isabeau, Charles acquired his own German support to respond to the English-Bohemian alliance.

8QFoedera, VII:£8£. 81 Usk, Chronicon. p. 139.

8EFc,edera, VII:29E. 83 DNB, 1:420-421; Mirot, “Isabelle,“ p. 548; and Usk, Chronicon, p. 140. 84 Palmer, “Background," pp. 8-3. 85 During this mission or another one prior to July, 1395, Geoffrey Chaucer accompanied others to negotiate the betrothal. C. J. Given-Wilson, “The Court and Household of Edward III 1360-1377“ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of St. Andrews, 1975), p. 133. 86 Anolo-Norman Letters, p. 78. 8"? Palmer, “Background," p. 18.

88Ibid., p. 16. 89 Mathew, Court, p. 149; and Foedera, VI1:80S. 90 Mirot, "Isabelle," pp. 560-1. 91 The ambassadors and their suite of 1800 gentlemen were entertained at Charles Vi's expense at a cost of 800 crowns or £500 Tours per day and received gifts and entertainments from other nobility as well. Mirot, “Isabelle," p.561-2, 564; J. 3. N. Palmer, England, France, and Christendom 1377-99 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978), pp. £56-7; and Tout, Chanters, 4:2. 74

^iioti “Hariage/ pp. 567-70; and Foedera; 711:25; 52; 529. 93 Usk; Chronicon; p. 210. 9 L Mirot j “Manage/ p. 571-2. The 300,000 francs was received on 9 Noveaber. An install- sent of 100,00 was received on 7 Noveaber 1397. On 9 October 1398; Richard appointed Thoaas; Bishop of Carlisle; and John de Hontecute as coaaissioners to request payaent of the 100,000 then due. There is no record it was ever paid.

95DN|, 10:506. 96 Hutchison; Hollow Crown; p. 163. 97 Hook; Lives; pp. 929; 939; and Usk; Chronicon; p. 210. 98 HcKisack; Fourteenth Century; 31; Vita Etlwardi II; ed. by Hilliaa Stubbs, Chronicles of the Reions of Edward I and Edward II; R.S. (1865) 28:39-90. 99 The asounts were frequently generous. In addition to the sua spent by Isabel in in­ vading England; Count Hilliaa provided his daughter Philippa with “bales of rich stuffs and handsoae hangings/ along with jewels. Hardy; Philippa; p. 97; and G. fi. Holaes; The Estates of the Higher Nobility in Fourteenth-Century Enoland (Caabridge: University Press; 1957); p. 93. Chap ter I I I : The Coronation

Marriage to an English king traditiona1 1 y entitled the q u een consort to a coronation and its concomitants of practical and theoretical powers. Through coronation, a king's wife b ecam e a queen, which implied a p o litic a l o f f i c e b e y o n d that of wife. Although the term q u een r e ­ tained parts of its orig in a l meaning of w if e (cwen) . other terms, s u c h as domina, also w e r e applied to the consorts, to s u g g e s t greater s ta tu s than merely spouse.* Of the fourteenth-century consorts, only Margaret did not have a coronation; but she o w n ed crowns and wore them on c e r e - g monial occasions. Philippa, Anne, and Isabel of Valois married reigning kings and were, therefore, crow ned alon e 3 after their marriages. The coronation of Edward II and

Isabel of France was combined for king and q u een consort and b ecam e the model for all coronations during the next

375 years, including the portion of the c e r e m o n y d ea lin g specifically with the queen. During the fourteenth c e n - ury, this model grew into the fuller L. , her Regal i s . u s e d in the coronation of Richard II and that, later, of A n n e of Bohemia.H

75 The crowning of q u e e n s in Britain has had a long and dignified h i s t o r y . Before the Conquest'. Anglo-Saxon queens consort had coronations and "sate with Kings in seats of

5 state." When Charles the Bald’s daughter Judith married

Ethelwulf, king of Wessex * in B56, Ethelwulf sum moned representative© from all over his kingdom to endorse her coronat ion, ^ There appears to have been no use of insig­ nia other than the crown in this ceremony; but, w hen it was placed on her head, the prayer spoken was taken partly from 7 the ritual for consecrating a bishop. The service for

J u d ith 's marriage and coronation is the oldest s u r v i v i n g g English coron ation ordn . Nothing in thecerem on y su g g ests * that Judith b e c a m e a consort as, later, the wife of the king would, receiving automatical 1 y certain preroaat i ves, privileges, and exemptions. Judith acquired, with the 9 office, "royal dignity but not royal power." The prayers

in her coronation were for honor, fruitfulness, exemplary

life and conduct, but not for power, authority, or effec­ tive leadership • 10 The ceremony did, on the other hand,

include her recognition toy the magnates of the kingdom, as well as the, toast pro f o r ma, linkage between her office

and the church, which clearly would enhance the authority of

the offic e . 1 1

Since th e - time of Judith’s ceremony, six recen©iQris of

the English cOronation c e r e m o n y have survived:

1 . The Dunstan ordo, w ritten between 9 6 0 " 9 7 3 77 E. The Edgar or do for Edgar’s coronation in 973

3. The Anselm ordo for Henry I ’s coronation in

1 100

h. The Liber Recial is , used in t h e coronation of

Richard II in 1377 but evolved from the

se rv ice for Edward II and Isabel of France in

1 3 0 8

5. Drdo for the coronation of J am es II in 1685

6. Ordo for the coronation of William III and

Mary II in 1689 which has b e e n u s e d since IE that time

□ f those six, ord ines two and four contain procedures for the coronation of a consort. The Edgar ordo , lik e the one for Judith, did not make the q u e e n a consort but did in­ clude her formal recognition by magnates and her crowning.

In addition, in this service the q u e e n is anointed and presented the a d d e d insignia of the ring. A variation of th is ordo from about 1000 A.D. retained the queen’s . 13 role.

The Anselm ordo ignored the role of queen; but, in

1308, the service for the combined coronation of Edward II and Isabel of France reflec te d a return to the Anglo- 1 Saxon traditions. In this ceremony, the queen becam e quite clearly a consort to her h u sb a n d through the citation of her Biblical antecedent Q ueen Esther who influenced King

A h a s u e r u s and was, in her own right, a political force. 1 5 T he term consort had, a lso , b eco m e a part of the service- 78

After 1308» all medieval coronations were celebrated

according to some version of this, the fourth, recension.

With Richard II, this service had evolved to its fullest

form in the Liber Reaalis.^ An excerpted version of this

ordo e x is t s for the coronation of Anne of Bohemia, which

occurred in January, 1388, after her marriage to the 17 reigning Richard II.

The fourteenth-century coronation ceremony was a

carefully orchestrated series of activities. For con­ sorts, it began with their reception in England, since none

of the consorts of the century were English-born. "For the receaving of a Queene out of a strang land and the corona­

tion of her as ensueth" (Bodleian Ashmolean 1116, fo 8 Ab.),

though perhaps of later date, seems to describe many

fourteenth-century practices. [See Appendix I:"For the receaving of a Queene out of a strang land and the corona­

tio n of her as ensueth" and Appendix J: T ran sliteration of

Appendix I.D The document has been set down in secretary 18 hand of the time of Queen Elizabeth. However, its contents, along with the list of other articles which

together form the second of three folio manuscripts in this catalog volume, suggest an e a r lie r o rig in . CSee Appendix

K: List of Articles] The final of twenty-one articles in

the manuscript is entitled "Thinges used by kinges Henry

, L L . I . L . the iiij & v ." "For the receaving . . ."is the second 79

article in the manuscript; and its contents, in many instances, duplicate events and circumstances detailed in chronicles and coronation records of the fourteenth cen­ tury .

The document begins by stating that the king must make certain specific arrangements for the new queen’s arrival in England. He must provide lords and ladies to meet her ship and escort her to the place to be married and, then, to London f 1ines l -6 >. According to The Chronicle of Bury

S t . Edmunds:

Margaret, queen of England, landed at Dover on the Tuesday before the N ativity of St. Mary. She was r e ­ ceived from the boat by the king’s son and the earl marshal with a gallant band of soldiers. On the next day she was taken to Canterbury. The wedding was celebrated on Thursday 19 morning.

Her reception also included both French and Spanish nobil­ ity with too many mules and horses to count and too much ornamentation to describe. 2 0 A commission to receive Anne of Bohemia had been appointed by Richard II and included

John of Holland, the k in g ’s brother, John o f Montagu, steward of the king’s household? and Simon Burley, the king’s chamberlain.^^ 80

Upon the queen’s arrival in London* the men of the city were to receive her more than two miles outside its boundary "in the most royal 1 manner" and convey her to the

Tower {lines 7-10). Margaret was met four miles outside of the city by 600 citizens in red and white livery with emblems of d iffe r en t g ild s embroidered on their s le e v e s .

They escorted her through streets d e c o r a t e d with hanging * * P£ tapettes and arras of si IT and other rich cloths.

Isabel of France and her escorts were similarly received and escorted through a London adorned lik e a new Jerusalem 23 with golden tapettes. Philippa a r r i v e d in London just before Christmas, accompanied by her u n c l e John of H ai- nault, the bishops of Norwich and H e r e f o r d , and a number of dukes. Her entourage was greeted very formally bv the mayor and burghers of the city who served as honor guard to escort the queen to the home of the bisM°P of Ely, near

Holburn, for a celebration. The new q u e e n was sent most splendid gifts by the mayor and community of London, including wax, venison, fish, and a v a r i e t y of tributes in

Pm silver and gold as well as victuals. Anne of Bohemia came to London through Southwark, hence over London Bridge, and was met on Blackheath. She was esco rted to her wedding and coronation:

And the people of the city, that i 5 to say, the mayor and the aldermen 81

and all the commons, riding against her to welcome tier ? and every man in good array, and every craft with his minstrelsy in the best manner, met with her on the Blackheath in Kent, and so brought her to London through the c it y , and so forth in to West­ minster, unto the ling’s palace; and there she was spoused unto King Richard, well and worthily, in the Abbey of West­ minster ; and there she was crowned Queen 25 of England.

So many citizens appeared on London Bridge to see the new queen that some were crushed and trampled to death in the overflow crowd, among them the prior of canons of Estsexia 26 and a noble matron of Cornhill.

Isabel of Valois traveled to England with her new husband Richard II; so their party was received perhaps even more royally than had the queen traveled alone:

. . . the c itiz e n s Cof London! being warned, made out a certain horseman well appointed in one livery of color, with a symbol embroidered upon their sle e v e s, whereby every fellow ship was known from others, with the mayor and his brethren clothed in scarlet, met the king and the queen upon Blackheath, and after due sa lu ta tio n and reverent welcomes unto them made, by the mouth of the recorder . . . and upon the 82

morrow following, she was conveyed through the city, with all honor that might be devised, unto Westminster, 27 and there crowned queen. According to "For the receaving . . . after spend­ ing the night at her le isu r e in the Tower, the queen would, on the next morning, be escorted to Westminster for the crowning {lines 10-13}. The Brut details this procedure with the young Isabel of Valois as follows:

And then afterwards the queen was brought to the Tower of London, and there she was all night. And on the morrow she was brought through the c ity of London, and so forth to West­ minster, and there she was crowned queen of England. Then was she brought again unto the king’s palace, and there was held an open and a royal festival after her coronation, for all 28 manner of people that thither came.

No description of the fourteenth-century consorts’ litters survives. However, according to the Liber Rega 1 i s , the

"lofty seats" which would hold and transport the monarchs to coronation were to be "suitably adorned with silken 29 cloths of gold" and to be carpeted and cushioned.

Part of the reception of the new queen was to be public festivities (lines 30-39}. The citizens of London 30 received Philippa with a solemn dance of honor. She was 83

grandly received by the king- the queen mother, and all great nobility: lords, dukes, counts, barons, knights, la d ie s , maidens? and ladies in waiting with three weeks of celebrations, including jousting, dancing, singing, games, 3 1 and good foods.

According to "For the receaving . . . on the day of the coronation the queen was to wear her hair hanging loosely, with only a rich circlet on her head {lines

49-961. The L_iber Rega 1 i s s t a t e s the queen on this oc­ ca sio n "must be bareheaded, and her hair must be decently let down on her shoulders. And she shall wear a circlet of gold adorned with jewels to keep her hair the more con- 32 veniently in order upon her heed."

The two dukes of "For the receaving ..." who were to meet the queen at her chamber door and bring her to the coronation procession {line 461 are, in the L i ber Reaa1 i s , 33 two nobles who would be carrying her sceptre and crown.

Her dress, in the manuscript, should be a short jacket and mantle of purple velvet. In the Liber Regal is■ "the tunic 34 and robe shall be of one c o l o u r , that is purple. . . "

Both sources say the queen traveled to Westminster in a ■x planned procession of prelates and nobles on a path of ray 35 cloth (lines 49-551. In Westminster, the queen, again according to both sources, knelt while the bishop anointed 36 and crowned her. (lines 56—59}. Afterwards, according to 84

"For the receaving . . . ," all the ladies and gentlewomen would kneel on her right hand, while the greatest, who would bear her train, would sit behind her throne (lines

61-631. The Liber Reaalis similarly assigns places and duties to the ladies according to rank:

And the noble women of the realm shall follow her, the noblest where­ of shall always attend on the queen, as is afo resa id , to accompany and relieve her . . . 37

After presentation of crown and other regalia, the queen would receive mass from the bishop at the high altar (lines 38 69-751. Afterwards, she would be escorted back to her chamber to begin a period of celebratory functions (lin e s

76-851, including a feast. Documentary evidence survives that Edward III had his tailor Nicolas of Wight create a 39 velvet suit for him to wear to his consort’s coronation.

With so many sim ilarities between the recorded fourteenth—century procedures and the Bodleian manuscript,

it is possible to speculate that the manuscript records fourteenth-century queens’ coronations, either as they occurred or as they evolved into later ceremonies. The elements of the manuscript which cannot be verified by other sources are essentially attractive embellishments,

including the materials from which the queen’s litter was constucted, some descriptions of pageantry, and an 85

occasional fashion note. The overall program and most of the individual steps within it coincide closely with other contemporary sources, suggesting that "For the receaving .

. may be considered as descriptive of activities in­ volving fourteenth-century queens consort.

One element preliminary to all the queens’ coronations was the proclamation which would give the information of time, schedule, persons, etc. Typical of such orders was that, in 1396, for sheriffs of London to have proclaimed th a t:

. . . a ll who by tenure or otherwise owe and are bound to perform serv ices on the coronation days of the queens of England be present at the coronation of Isabel now queen at Westminster on Sunday the morrow of the Epiphany next, ready to perform the same with meet honour and reverence. *♦0

Interestingly, when the coronation of Isabel of Valois was proclaimed, the text referred to her as "nunc Reginae

Angliae, consortis nostrae carissimae," suggesting that her marriage had already given her the status of queen and consort so that anointing and crowning might be super- flu-r-, o u s .

For a king, the ceremony began on the evening before

the coronation, for he was supposed to spend a sleepless 86 night in prayer and meditation. The consort, however, was spared this duty. Her activity began on coronation day, all facets of which were precisely planned, including wardrobe, words, and walking.

On the day of the ceremony, the procession from the palace at Westminster to the church of St. Peter at West­ minster was made on a carpet of ray cloth or burell.* The order of the procession was as follows:

F ir st would come the TREASURER i f a bishop or abbot or, if not, another bishop, carrying the paten. The CHANCELLOR would come next, i f a bishop or abbot or, if not, another bishop, carrying the stone chalice of St. Edward.

Two DUKES or other noble earls of the realm, preferably princes of the blood royal, would follow, carrying the sceptre with the small cross and the oolden rod with the dove.

Next would come a NOBLE appointed by the king, carrying the gilt spurs.

Three EARLS carrying swords would follow— the earl of CHESTER with Curtana the e a r ls of HUNTINGTON and WARWICK with other swords. 87

Next the KING would appear, accompanied by the BISHOPS of DURHAM and BATH, or two other bishops if they were not available. The king would ride under a canopy of purple silk, with four silvered lances and silver bells supporting it, and each lance would be carried by four BARONS of the CINQUE PORTS.

Next, three NOBLES would appear, carrying

the ivory rod with the dove, the sma 11 sceptre with the dove, and the oueen ’ s crown.

Following them would come the QUEEN, bare­ headed except for a gold c ir c le t to keep her hair neat, dressed in purple tunic and robe with long and hanging fringe, without embroidery.

The queen would also be accompanied by two BISHOPS appointed by the king, all under a silken canopy carried by BARONS of the CINQUE PORTS.

The procession would conclude with the queen’s LADIES-IN-WAITING, eith e r riding on cream-colored horses or carried on chairsW • **3

For the king, the f ir s t step upon arriving at the abbey, was for the officiant to turn to all four sides of spectators and ask their wishes regarding the consecrating 88 of the king. Traditionally? the crowd had to shout their

assent before the service could proceed. Following this

acclamation, the collaudat i o ? the king would be conducted

by the bishops through a series of prayers, anthems,

presentations? and other activities. While the king was

completing the first part of the ceremony alone? the queen

would be seated at the left side of the altar on a fald­

stool.* Her insignia would have been carried to the altar

by her attendants so that all items later identified with

her and her office could share in the blessings of this

part of the ceremony. The queen? herself? knelt during

prayers? but she remained seated during other portions of

this section of the ceremony.

After the king’s enthroning, the ceremony was di­

rected towards the queen who, according the Liber Reqalis.

was led through the following steps:

PRAYER When the king and queen were crowned during the same cere­ mony, a fte r the king was en­ throned, two bishops would escort the queen to the high altar where she would pros­ trate herself on carpets and cushions as Deus oui solus habes iininortalitatem was spoken over h e r . When the queen was crowned alone, the first prayer 89

was Omnipotens sempiterne deus fons at the church door, and Deus gui solus habes immortal- i tatem would come a fte r . The altar area was hung with gold silk for the occasion. ANOINTING The kneeling queen was anointed on her head and breast in the form of a cross? with oleum sanctum when crowned with the king? and on the head only with chrism when crowned alone. The Litany of Saints was recited during the ano i nt i ng. PRAYER The prayer after unction was Omnipotens sempiterne deus

af f 1 uentem RING The ring would be consecrated before it was presented to the queen. PRAYER The prayer after ring presenta­ tion was Deus cuius est omnis p o te sta s . CROWN First a close-fitting linen coif was placed on the queen's head to protect the sacred oil. Then the crown? having been consecrated? was placed upon the coif. At this same moment? the peeresses present would put on their coronets. PRAYER The prayer after crowning was Officio nostre indignitatis. 90

SCEPTRE The scep tre was handed to the and queen’s righ t hand and the rod ROD to her l e f t . PRAYER The prayer following presenta­ tion of sceptre and rod was

Omnium 8 . domine fons bonorum. ENTHRONING The queen was led on ray cloth , by the bishops, to a throne cov­ ered with silk and cushions, smaller and lower than the k in g ’s throne which would be to her right. She curtseyed to the enthroned king as she passed. She was accompanied by the peeresses. LAUDES If the queen was crowned alone, Te deum laudamus was sung. If the cor­ onation was combined, th is anthem would have already been sung to accompany the king’s enthronement and would not be repeated here.

The remaining portions of the ceremony were performed by both the king and queen together:

MASS Removing their crowns, the king and queen would kiss the gospels and make an offering of gold at the small altar. They, then, would return to their seats for the following prayer. PRAYER The prayer at this point in the service might vary. PAX The celebrant would bestow the kiss of peace upon the bishop who had carried the gospels; and he, in turn, would bestow it upon the king and queen. 91

COMMUNION Returning to the altar, the king and queen would receiv e communion from the same cup. Then they would re­ turn to their thrones for further anthems and prayers. EXIT After the king had changed vestm ents, both the king and queen would receive other crowns and, carrying only scep­ tre s, would leave the a b b e y .^

The ceremony for a consort crowned alone d iffered in only four ways from the content of the queen’s portion of the combined coronation:

1. The king would proceed her in the pro­

cession only "if he be pleased to be

p resen4. t. „ V 7

2. The queen would be anointed with chrism

instead of oleum sanctum.

3. The rod would be omitted and the sceptre

alone would be presented to her.

. Te deum laudamus followed her enthroning.

In addition to the verbal and ceremonial content, the essential differences between coronation of king and queen

in the ceremony clearly indicate that direct constitutional authority was not present in the o ffic e of con sort. The collaudatio, which was the king’s first experience upon entering the abbey, was omitted from the procedure for queen alone. And, although the queen shared in the total 92 coronation by her presence when the two were crowned in the same ceremony) the popular acclamation was addressed to the king alone. Dating from acclamation by the senate and army of Rome> this part of the coronation gave the ruler popular consent and) therefore) implied authority. Further> it linked the new king with a tradition of loyalty and strength. Without the co11audatin. the queen could reg­ ularly wield authority only indirectly) as will be shown she often did.

Similarly) the queen’s insignia lacked those pieces most closely associated with direct authority. The king, but not the queen> received a sword which represented his strength to defend his kingdom; the mantle which) with its four corners) signified that the entire world was subject to the power of God and suggested the king’s role as God’s emissary; the armils* representing sincerity and wisdom; and the spurs emphasizing manhood. The king received) as did the queen, a crown> a ring, a rod) and a sceptre. In the king’s case> however, these insignia represented additional dimensions of authority, having been associated in the service with kingly dignity and power through the bishop’s words when consecrating and presenting them. The k in g ’s crown represented honor and fo r titu d e . The king’s ring signified his role as protector. The king’s rod represented virtue and equity. The king’s sceptre was the 93

sign of power to govern) as well as to protect the innocent

i!+9 and punish the guilty. The ceremonial presentation to the queen excluded such terms as fortitude, protector, equity, power to govern, as well as any reference to judging guilt and innocence. Instead, the queen’s crown was "next unto virginity" and would help her be virtuous.

Her sceptre and rod together would give her high dignity to accomplish good works. ^ All terminology implied lesser real authority invested in the insignia and, hence, in the o ff ic e .

The queen received insignia and prayers, but she was not required to make promises in their receipt. The king, but not the queen, promised to keep the laws and customs granted by ancient kings; to observe God and the church with peace to clergy and people; to cause equal and right

justice to be done; to be merciful and truthful; and to 51 hold, keep, defend, and strengthen the laws and customs.

He, then, confirmed his promises by taking an oath at the 52 a lta r, before all present, to keep them. Finally, although the queen was anointed, only the king received unction on hands, between shoulders, and on both elbows.

Each position was symbolic of some authority not granted

the queen.

Although, adm ittedly, endowed by it with lesser and fewer powers than the king’s, the queen’s coronation did, 94 indeed? set her far above her subjects? even the noblest of them? in terms of authority. A look at the inclusions rather than exclusions of the queen’s coronation proceed­ ings indicates clearly the strengths which this ceremony added to those already her right by marriage. Through links with the church? possession of insignia? and anoint­ ing? the consort received authority which must have im­ pressed her contemporaries of all social levels. A spec­ tator could obviously not have considered the queen only another lay person.

Each part of the queen’s coronation linked her posi­ tion effectively with divine support. The prayers invoked

God to give her qualities of impressive Biblical females

— Sarah? Rebecca? Rachel. Throughout the ceremony? the important presence of the church was felt through the numerous prayers and benedictions. At the anointing? the queen knelt at the altar while the Litany of Saints was recited. This process? in its impressive setting? could have intertwined the queen with apostles and martyrs in the medieval mind. After anointing? the queen received commun­ ion? making her coronation a ritual of the church. The clerical counterpart of the co1 1 audat io ? the 1 audes ? were an acclamation of legitimacy? on the part of the church? of those crowned. The 1audes were chants which implied the newly crowned were acclaimed by choirs of angels and saints °5

which, in turn, showed the more practical ecc1 e sia stic a 1 suppor t .53

In addition to the ceremonial steps, the queen’s insignia were impressive. The ring of faith linked her not only with previous English tradition but also with the power of Christianity over its adversaries. Beginning with

Isabel of France, the queen was exhorted to receive the ring in order to avoid heresy, convert non-believers, and 5^ recognize truth. Both the rod and the sceptre were recognized symbols of royal authority. In the case of fourteenth—century consorts, both of these items were surmounted with doves, which ty p ified the power of the Holy

Ghost which had descended on the recipient at the time of the a n o in t in g .^ The sceptre, add i t iona 1 1 y , was surmounted by a cross, an obvious link to Christian church influence.

In addition, the crown in western Europe, by this time, had long been regarded as at least quasi-sacramental because Df the liturgical associations with its presentation and altar wearings. This concept had been brought to England by

William the Conqueror, who traveled to cathedral towns to celebrate holidays with crown-wearings. He had Mathilda anointed and crowned immediately on landing in England in 57 106S. The medieval English attached enormous signifi­ cance to the crown as symbolic of the office. According to the Annals Londoniensis: 96

Homage et serment de ligeance est pluis par la reson de la corone qe par la reson du persons du ro i , at p lu is se lie a la corone qu a la persone; e ceo piert qar avartt ceo qe l ’esta t de la corone s o it des- cendu nuil ligeance nest ala persone ^ 58

Finally? all these regalia were delivered to the queen by a

high church official, usually the archbishop of Canterbury,

assisted by other bishops and abbots, in Westminster Abbey,

the cathedral of kings.5 9 And, as part of the proceedings,

these important church leaders led the purple-clad and

c r o w n e d consort to her own throne, n e a r e s t to the king and,

th e re fo r e, at le a s t a ssociated with any prerogatives he had

received alone*

Perhaps the most awesome though ambiguous coronation

authority the queen received, however, came from her

an oin tin g. Trad i t ional ly , the act of anointing was asso­

ciated with sacred rites: baptism, confirmation, conse­

cration. It implied cleansing and purifying which, in

turn, elevated the recipient nearer to God.6<'> Indeed, some

considered the recipient to have gained divine power in the

p r o c e s s . 61 The anointing of royalty can be traced to the

Biblical King David. With some Byzantine influence, Pepin,

Who wanted "to colour his usurpation w ith a sort o f 97

r e lig io u s p r e s t ig e ,” became the f ir s t French king to 62 receive unction from a priest. In the eighth century, the Frankish custom was borrowed by Ecgferth who became the 63 first Anglo-Saxon king to be anointed. Egbert, son of

King Offa of Mercia, was anointed by h is father in the presence of two papal legates, linking the act with both dynastic continuity and church authority. The ceremony

included voicing Sod’s commandment "Touch not mine anoin­ ted."6^

In the thirteenth century, Henry III asked Robert

Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, for an account of the precise grace unction gave. The bishop replied that unction conferred the sevenfold gifts of the holy ghost:

the gift of fear to avoid illegal acts the gift of true godliness to defend the distressed the gift of knowledge to make good laws and abolish bad the gift of might to repel attacks and not fear death the gift of understanding to know the rational order of the world and to discern the order of the company of angels the g i f t of wisdom to know God and be a pattern to the world the gift to raise the dignity of a king . . . even to the level of . . . a pr iest 98

However, G rosseteste continued, anointing did not give the power to perform any office of the priesthood.^ The anointing was, therefore, associated with wisdom, strength, and dignity, but did not instill sacerdotal powers.

When Hincmar anointed Ermentrude, wife of Charles the

Bald, in the ninth century, he extended this hallowed custom to consorts. Hincmar’s spoken prayer was that this special blessing would equip the queen to perform her functions better, with "cleanness of mind, safety of body .

. . Eandl holy fruits. Coronation for queens was,

therefore, to some extent a kind of fertility charm both protecting and blessing the integrity of the royal line.

In England, the tradition of anointing queens consort had begun at least during Anglo-Saxon times, although there was an interruption in the ninth century when queens lo st

the right because Eadburga of Mercia poisoned her hus- 67 band. The Edgar ordo called for anointing the queen but did not establish a tradition immediately. By 1000 A.D.,

anointing was no longer a part of the queen’s ceremony.^

When William the Conqueror had Mathilda anointed immedi­

ately upon her arrival, he gave as his reason that, as the queen had been placed by God among people, he had made her 69 a sharer in royal power. With omission of the consort

from the Anselm ordo continu ity of proof of the queen’s 99

anointing is interrupted. However, by early fourteenth century it had become a permanent part of the coronation

ceremony.

Borne of the aura and ambiguity associated with anoint­

ing was linked with the specific oil used because of certain legends which purported to detail its provenance.

The holy virgin is said to have appeared and given to the exiled Thomas £ Becket some of the sacred oil with which

7 0 Charlemagne had been secretly anointed. However, coro­ nations in England under the Anselm ordo continued to use

only oil of catechumens, eschewing even chrism which,

having been blended and consecrated by a bishop, was 71 considered holier. In a thirteenth-century bull,

Innocent III made a distinction among the oils, saying that

7 2 the holier should be reserved for bishops, but by that

time the king of England joined the king of France in

7 3 ignoring his decision and both used chrism. The Caro-

lingian o1 eum sane turn resurfaced in the fourteenth century

in England. Edward II claimed to have refused an offer of

Charlemagne’s holy oil made by his brother-in-law John,

duke of Brabant. John’s s is t e r , the countess of Luxemburg, 7A had had a cut hand healed by it . Later, Edward asked

Pope John XXII if a second anointing, th is time using the

special unction, would help solve his problems. The pope

replied that "... neither anointing nor anything else 100 p ro fiteth at a ll unless y0u are well disposed towards

God." 7 5 From Edward tpraugh Ricnard II, claim s for the miraculous quality of the o i 1 were made, but th e church denied them. How ever, popular t.nowledge must have included awareness of the claims, leading to some belief in them. And that belief wou Id clearly have encompassed all persons anointed, at ]ea5t with chrism, for the claim of powers had not been s e l e c t i v e only o f reigning monarchs.

However, queens were o ften not given the same unction as were kings. As a rule* after Edward II, the king could have either o 1 eum §jnc turn or c*">rism while the queen had o 1 eum sane turn only when crowned with the king which hap­ pened only once durjng t h e century. Chrism was ordered for

Anne’s coronation in 1382 and, presumably, was used.''

From Liber Regal is in5tnjC t ions, it may be inferred that

Isabel of France rece jvecj o 1 eum ^ n c turn as did Edward II.

Although some subjects miQht have been aware of the subtle d ifferen ces among the u n ct io n s , most would doubtlessly have been impressed suf f jc j en t I y by the f a c t of anointing, the ceremonial connecti0n of -the monarchy with i t s Christian influences, regardless Qf the nature of the oil used. Most of the queen’s 5 ubje c t 6 ^ould simply have thought of her as having been anoints^ wj th holy oil, without regarding the finer distinctions 0f the o il’s composition and provenance. 101

Some difference, however, in authority received from 1 anointing was implicit in the spots to which the oil was ' applied. A decretal of 120A stated that the difference * between episcopal and royal power was that bishops received ^ anointing on the head with chrism while royalty should be * anointed only on the arms and shoulders with oil of cate- r 78 chumens. However, anointing heads of kings was the older ( tradition, suggesting bishops had only later become peers 79 to royalty. By the time of the Liber Regali s, it had ! become customary for the consort to be anointed on the E 80 head. That queens of England regularly received anoint- c ing on the head, and at least o ccasion ally with holy oil, 1 is convincing suggestion that the queen’s wisdom and authority would be equated by some with those of kings and bishops. Anointing the consort’s head was then part of a E tradition to which adhered much mystical meaning. The visible sign would remain with the queen for over a week after crowning for she, like the king, would continue to be t coifed to protect the sacred oil. In the coronation of

Edward II and Isabel in 130B both king and queen were anointed on the head with the same oil and both wore c o if s 81 for eight days. The fact of anointing, the ambiguity of < the oil, and the nature of the spots anointed added to the < queen’s mystique and, hence, to the theoretical power of c the office. And what emerged was a degree of 102

thaumaturgica1 power based on the medieval b e lie f in miraculous healing, which was closely associated with royalty, usually kings.

The rite of touching for scrofula, the King’s Evil, apparently began in France and came to England in the early Q2 twelfth century. Around 13^0, William of Ockham in Qcto

Quaestiones de Potestate et Dionitate Papal i claimed that, through unction, kings receive "the grace of spiritual g i f t s ." Among Ockham’s proofs was c ite d the healing of 83 scro fu la by kings of France and England.

Sir John Fortescue, in A Defence of the Rights of the

House of Lancaster (circa 1-460) > claimed that, because queens consort did not receive unction on the hands, they

8 ^ t did not have healing touch for scrofu la. Fortescue’s claim did not refute the tradition that the consecrated o il possessed power to heal. In fa ct, it was swallowed by persons about to be subjected to tria l by ordeal because it was thought to be effective against all threats to the body- The countess of Luxemburg surely credited the oil alone with healing her cut hand. By mid-fifteenth century, the attribution of miraculous nature had shifted front the o il to the monarch, on the way to being thought d ivin e.

However, by the sixteenth century, the power of curing scrofula and other diseases by touching was "assumed by humbler hands," including seventh sons of seventh sons, at 103

least one ninth son of a ninth son in Devonshire, and "an

Irish gentleman of good family," the latter succeeding 05 where the king had previously failed. So, clearly, the fourteenth century could ha^e believed the queens, who had b e n e fit of anointing* might have efftively participated

in the healing process.

The miraculous healing powers of royalty involved not only touching for scrofula but also the distribution of cramp rings, which were believed to restore health. The

ritual of making consecrated coins into cramp rings was renewed by Edward II in 1323, perhaps as an attempt to

improve his popular image. The tradition was to continue to the death of Mary Tudor and w o u ld include thauma turg i ca 1 powers tor- queens. 8 6

From Edward II into the Tudor era , annually on Good

Friday, the English monarch would p la c e precious metals on

the church altar and afterwards a r tis a n s would create from

them r in g s with curative powers a g a in st e p ile p sy , convul­ sio n s, rheumatism, and other muscular pains. Apparently', only the king could place gold; but the queen, also, could place silver. on March 30, 1369, less than five months before her death, Philippa accompanied her husband through

this rite at Windsor, repeating the traditional gestures after him. She, too, placed money °n the altar and re­ deemed it so that medicinal rings might be made from it. 104

Marc Bloch theorised that the queen could participate fully because current beliefs attributed the mystical properties of the rings to the metal’s having been sanctified at an altar rather than to the role or office of the specific person involved. Bloch believed that Queen Philippa’s a c tiv ity c ite d above would have been duplicated often by QV other queens of the century.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Among the pageantry which punctuated the lives of fourteenth-century royalty, the coronation ceremony was pre-eminent. It provided continuity, linking the heritage of past strengths and traditions with the legitimacy of future heirs. It blended secular and religious authority.

For queens consort, this ceremony reinforced the quality of their position by linking it directly with the powers of the reigning monarch, the linkage acknowledged in stan tly by clerics and magnates participating.

The consecration of the queen consort in this ceremony had enormous impact on her reception by contemporaries. H.

G. Richardson concludes that the fact that Eleanor of

Aqu i ta i ne:

. . . a fter betraying her husband, after flight, humiliation and cap­ tivity, should under the reigns of 105

her sorts* return to honor and power, greater than she had ever enjoyed, must be to some extent a tribute to the authority divinely conferred 8 8 upon her by her consecrat1 on.

A fourteenth-century parallel might be found in the almost legendary escapades of Isabel of France. In addition to all the enormities attributed by Richardson to Eleanor,

Isabel added treason and complicity in the king’s death.

Yet, she was accorded political strengths in her son’s m inority, plus honor and respect in her remaining long life. Some credit for her survival and success must be given to the solid foundation of the role of queen consort among her contemporaries. As Donatus taught, the office, not the person, carried the intangible worth.

A king became king on the date of his accession. A queen consort became queen on the day of her marriage, for

Margaret was never crowned and Isabel of Valois wascalled queen before her coronation. Yet, only from the ceremony of coronation could the office of queen consort acquire the strengths associated with royal and religious ceremonial tr a d itio n . Through this ceremony, the queen was trans­ formed from the king’s bedmate to a sacrosanct office­ holder, with social, political, and religious responsi­ bilities. The institutionalization of the office of queen brought new position and authority. The regalia, the 106 words? and the anointing joined to provide the anagoge of queenship? a dimension beyond its literal sense. 107

CHAPTER Ills NOTES

^Anglo-Saxon queens consort had been referred to as cwen or hlafdioe (lady). Judith, queen to Ethelwulf, broke with that tradition in being called reqina. Eapress Mathilda decided reqina ■eant aerely wife to a king and used as her t i t l e doaina because it ieplied broader authority. Edward A. Freeaan, The History of the Korean Conquest of England, Its Causes and Its Results, The Reign of Hilliaa the Conqueror (Oxford! Clarendon Press, 1876), p. 766. See also Percy Schraat, A History of the English Coronation, tran s. by L. G. U. Legg (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937), pp. 16, 57.

The Close Rolls cite payaents to ta llin g £54.9.8 for jewels for Margaret’s crown. Strick­ land, Lives, 2:115; and CCR, (1302-1307) 20 January 1306, p. 361. 3 Isabel of Valois was crowned with a gift froa Richard II, “un sercle de dyaaans rubiz et perles tres riche," Chromcoue de la Tralson, p. 111. See also Jones, Crowns, p. 292; and Schraaa, Coronation, p. 84.

A This version is also known as the L ittlinqton Missal a fter Nicholas L ittlin g to n , Abbot of Hestainster, and ruaored to have been the bastard son of Edward III. Biven-Wilson and Curteis, Bastards, pp. 136 & 179. It is now housed in Hestainster Abbey. See also John Bruckaann, "The Drdines of the Third Recension of Medieval English Coronation Order," in Essavs in Medieval History Presented to Bertie Hilkinsnn. ed. by T. A. Sandquist and M. R. Powicke (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969), p. 100.

'’Hilliaa J. Thoas, The Book of the Court (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1844), p. 66.

6Lois Huneycutt, "Medieval fiueenship," History Today 39(June 19B9): 16; and Jones, Crowns, p. 261 . n 7 Schraaa, Coronation, p. 16. Q Ibid. . p. 233; and Jones, Crowns, pp. 260-261.

9 H. G. Richardson, "The Coronation in Medieval England: The Evolution of the Office and the Oath," Traditio 16(19601:128.

^Jones, Crowns, p. 261 n

^Richardson, "Coronation," p. 122.

G. Hickhaa Legg, English Coronation Records (Hestainster: Archibald Constable, & Co. Ltd., 1901), pp. xviii ff; and Schraaa, Coronation, pp. 79, 233-238. Schraaa id en tifie s fifty - five ordines, all variations of the six recensions. 108 13 Judith Elaine Abbott, ‘Queens and Queenship in Anglo-Saxon England, 954-1066: Holy and Unholy Alliances’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1989), p. 138; Richardson, “Coronation,” p. 122; Schrae*, Coronation, p. 233; and Pauline Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: The Kino’s Wife in the Early Middle Aaes (london; Batsford Acadeaic & Educational Ltd., 1983), pp. 46-97.

14 Hurray, Crowning, p. 98.

*JHuneycutt, "Queenship," pp. 21-22; and Foedera, II:i:3 5 .

^Bruckaann, "Ordines,” p. 100.

17 Schraaa, Coronation, p. 84.

18 Catalogue of the Bodleian Library, pp. 831-2 & 839-40.

19 Bury Chronicle, p. 153; and Peter Langtoft, Chronicle, ed. by Thoaas Height , R.S. (1866), 47:2:319. 20 Rishanger, Chronica et Annales, pp. 394-5.

glFoedera, IV:36; and CCR (1381-1385) 30 Noveaber 1381, p. 97.

E2Fabyan, Concordance, p. 401.

23 Annales Londoniensis; in Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward 1 and Edward II, ed. by Hilliaa Stubbs, R.S. (1882), p. 152.

24 Annales Paul ini, pp. 338-9.

25 Brut, p. 339; and Fabyan, Concordance, p. 540. OL Historia Vita et Reoni, p. 136.

27 Fabyan, Concordance, p. 540.

PR Brut, p. 350.

29 Legg, Coronation, p. 114.

30 Knighton, Chronicon, 1:446.

31 LeBel, Vraves Chromaues, p. 80.

32Legg, Coronation, pp. 122, 128; and H illiaa LeHardy, The Coronation Book: The History and Heanino of the Cereaonies at the Crowning of the Kino and Queen (London: Hardy & Reckett, 1937), p. 38.

33 Legg, Coronation, pp. 122, 128-9. 109

^Ibid.» p. 128.

35Ibid., pp. 128-9.

36 Ibid., p. 123.

3?Ibid., p. 124.

30 Ib id ., pp. 125-6, 130.

39 Ib id ., pp. 114, 130; and Stella Mary Newton, “Bueen Philippa’s Squirrel Suit;" in Docmenta Textilia: Festschrift fflr Siorid MBller-Christensen, ed. by Mechthild Flury-Leaberg and Karen S to lle is (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1981), p. 347.

40 CCR (1396-1399) 4 December 1396, p. 73.

41 Biven-Hilson, Royal Household, pp. 137, 298; Foedera, VII:B48. According to Froissart, Chronicle, 6:189-190, "... by vertue of procuracyon the erle Harshall fyaunced and espoused her in the naae of the kinge of Englande, and so she was called fro thensforthe quene of Englande."

42 Legg, Coronation, p. 113.

43 Legg, Coronation, pp. xxvi f f ., 115, 122; and LeHardy, Coronation, p. 25. Le Hardy includes the description of the consort’s litter, with white daaask and doth of gold, in his discussion of queens whose coronations involved soae version of the Liber Reoalis. This description is not included in that source, however; so i t aay be anachronistic. Legg says of the coronation of Eleanor of Provence that the canopy of purple silk was supported by staves with b ells and was carried by barons of the Cinque Ports and a ll walked on ray cloth or burell. 44 Ernst Kantorowicz, Laudes Reoiae: A Study in Liturgical Acdaaations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946), p. 76.

45 Legg, Coronation, p. 122; and LeHardy, Coronation, p. 42.

46 Legg, Coronation, p. 122-127; and LeHardy, Coronation, pp. 34.47. The coif aust later be burned.

47 Legg, Coronation, p. 128.

48 According to Kantorowicz, collaudatio and laudes were two exaaples of the saae activity; and, after the cereaony of anointing becaae traditional, the latter, which the consort shared, was aore iaportant that the foraer. Ridgway suggests that the coronation, itself, bestowed constitutional authority on the consort. By crowning, the queen was recognized as "the channel through which this authority is to be transaitted in succession to the next generation." The coronation of the queen was necessary ". . . as a public recognition of that, for which alone the dignity of queen ex ists in the reala, the . . . older of succession to the crown. . . . The coronation of the aonarch alone would not satisfy the intent of the cereaony . . . because . . . her light to give heirs to the reala is not so auch derived froa hia, as froa the people’s recognition of her as their queen." Whether Ridgway’s theory is acceptable or not, it is obvious that the coronation cereaony did not iabue the office or person of the consort with direct 110

authority. She reaained subject to the king* albeit often first aaong others. Kantorowicz, Laudes, pp. 74, 78-80; and Ridgway, “Inquiry," p. 451.

49 Legg, Coronation, p. xliii.

50Ibid., p. 123.

^H . 8 . Richardson, “The English Coronation Oath,* Transactions of thp Roval Historical Society, 23(19411:129.

52 An early tradition in Ponthieu, which subsequently was part of the consort’s dower prop­ erty, was for people to take an oath f i r s t to the queen and then to the king her husband. Richardson, “Coronation,*, p. 114; and Hilda Johnston, “The County of Ponthieu, 1279-1307,“ EljR, 29(19141:441. However, the fact that the English consort did not take such an oath cay not have been overly iiportant to the aedieval person to whoa the anointing would have had greater signif­ icance.

53 Kantorowicz, Laudes, pp. 82, 90; Le Hardy, Coronation, p. 50; and Foedera, ll:i:3 5 .

54 Foedera, 11: i :35. “Accipe anulua fidei, signaculue sinceritatis, quo possis oanes here- ticas pravitates devitare, & barbaras gentes virtute Dei preaere, 4 ad agnitionea veritatis advocare." See also Schraaa, Coronation, p. 22.

‘Sruce S. Ingraa, ed., The Illustrated London Npw s: Coronation Record Nuaber. London: Illustrated London News and Sketch L td., 1911.

^Kantorowicz, Laudes, pp.93, 97.

57 Schraaa, Coronation, p. 29.

58 Annales Londoniensis, p. 153; and Ridgway, “Inquiry,“p. 451. Ridgway d a ia e d the crown syabolized the rig h t of the queen’s children to succeed and was, therefore, a constitutional syabol.

59 Hurray, Crowning, p. 98. Isabel and Edward II were crowned by Bishop Woodlock of Win­ chester because Archbishop Uinchelsey was i ll . Jones, Crowns, p. 199, says th at the archbishop was “out of the re ala."

^Schraaa, Coronation, p. 4.

^Ingraa, London News, p. 7,

62Marc Bloch, The Roval Touch. Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in Enolanrt and France, trans. by J. E. Anderson (New York: Dorset Press, 1989), p. 37; and Kantorowicz, Laudes, p. 56.

63 Schraaa, Coronation, p. 15.

64 Bloch, Roval Touch, pp. 38, 266. Ill

i j Jones, Crown, p. 198; Kantorowicz, Laudes, p. 63; and Legg, Coronation, pp. 66-68 .

66R. H. Sawyer and lan N. Wood, eds., Early Medieval Kingship (Leeds: U niversity Printing Service, 1977), p. 68 .

67 Jones, Crowns, p. 861^ Huneycutt, “eueenship," p. 14; and Stafford, Bueens, p. 96.

68 Schraaa, Coronation, p. 22. LO Ibid., p. 29.

70 Facinger, Bueenship, p. 19; Legg, Coronation, pp. 73 -4 ; and Walter Ullaann, “Thoaas Becket’s Miraculous Oil,* Journal of Ther.looical Studies, n .s. 0(1957), p.129. This oil was believed to have been brought fro» heaven for the baptist of Clovis.

71 Dictionnaire de thSolooie catholigne (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et And, 1931)

72 Jones, Crowns.. p. 292.

73 Bloch, Roval Touch, p. 116.

74 Legg, Coronation, p. 74.

75 Ibid., p. 75.

76 J. W. McKenna, “The Coronation Oil of the Yorkist K ings,” English H istorical Review. 82(1967), p. 102.

77 Schraea, Coronation, p. 85.

7R Ibid., p. 120.

79 Kantorowicz, Laudes, p. 63.

80 Jones, Crowns, p. 292; and Legg, Cnronation, p. xxxv. ‘F°r receaving . . ." says the abbot anoints the queen on back, breast, and head. [See Appendices I andJj

8 *H. 6 . Richardson and G. 0. Sayles, "Early Coronation Records,* BIHR. 16< 1938-1939):6.

82 Bloch, Roval Touch, p. 47.

83 U illiaa of Ockhaa, Opera Politics, ed. by J. 8. Sikes (Manchester: University Press, 1940), vol. 1: Octo Ouestiones de Potestate Papae, p. 166.

DA By inference, queens would have powers, such as those related to the distribution of justice and the protection of the reala, associated with those body parts on which they did receive unction. Rayaond Crawfurd, “The Blessing of Craap-Rings," in Studies in the History and Method of Science, ed. by Charles Singer (Oxford: Clarendon P re ss, 1917), lsl71» and Raymond Crawfurd, The Kino’s Evil (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911), p. 45. 112

95 As late as 1686* in the tria l of the duke of Monaouth for high treason? one proof used against h ii Has his claim to be able to cure the King’s Evil by Touching. T. B. Howell? A Complete Collection of State Trials and Proceedings for Hioh Treason and Other Criaes and Hisdeaeanors froa the Earliest Period to the Present Tiae (London: Longaan? Hurst? Rees? Orae? & Co.? 1811)? pp. 103b? 1059? 1066. See also H.-Frangois Delaborde? "Du toucher des dcrouelles par les rois d’Angleterre?" in Hdlanaes d’histoire offerts A H. Ch. Bdaont par ses as is et ses AlAves (P a n s : Librairie Fdlix Alcan? 1913)? p. 178? and Edward Law-Hussey? "On the Cure of Scrofulous Diseases Attributed to the Royal Touch?" The Archaeological Journal. 10(1852):210.

86 Bloch, Roval Touch ? p. 3? 99ff.

87 Ibid., p. 102-3. 88 Richardson? "Coronation?" p. 122. CHAPTER IV: THE QUEENS’ AUTHORITY IN THEORY— PREROGATIVES, INFLUENCE, AND RESPONSIBILITIES

Behind the diplomacy and pageantry, and occasionally eclipsed by them, there was, with fourteenth-century queens consort, an office which had privileges and influence, as well as obligations. Having been selected by appropriate diplomatic processes and for appropriate dynastic reasons, and having been validated through marriage and coronation ceremonies, the queens occupied that office, unique among women of their era. Their role carried inherent rights and responsibilities which clearly set the queens apart from and above all of their contemporaries except the king h i m se1f .

Actually, according to some theoreticians, there was at least an approximation of equality between the king and queen. According to William Perrault, whose De Eruditione

Pr i nc ipum was popular in the era, a prince’s wife "should be his equal."1 Giles of Rome addressed the same issue and, taking the middle ground, agreed that there should be

113 114 a degree of equality between the prince and his wife in lineage, friends, and wealth because "trop grant desequat£ 2 fet trop granz dissentions et mult de maus en mariage."

Ridgway, an early nineteenth-century authority on the history of queens consort and their constitutional author­ ity, agreed to a large extent. He placed the queen histor­ ically far above the peerage, but not quite as high as the king, in saying that the queen:

. . . so far partakes of her husband’s dignities, as not merely to precede the peers, but to receive a sort of homage from them and th eir w ives: her l i f e is protected in a peculiar manner; she is 3 in rank a l l but equal to the so v er eig n .

The special protection referred to by Ridgway dated from the time of Philippa and the enactment of a statute in 135S making the queen consort’s person as inviolate as that of L, the king. This statute made imagining, plotting, or perpetrating her death, as well as defiling her body, treasonous. In the latter instance, if the queen had consented to the act, both she and her partner would be charged.5

Even in the matter of fidelity, there was at least minimal equality in theory. According to Jaques de Ces- soles’ De Moribus Hominum et O fficiis Nobilium super Ludo

Scaccorum. "The P rince should have only one w ife , and 1 15

should devote all his attention to her . . . In 13H6-

13S7, Walter de Milemete presented his Aristotelian treat­

ise on the education and duties of princes, Secreta Secret-

orum. to Edward III. This treatise was very popular during

the era and instructed:

. no glory shall be to the if thou governe the afte ye lyvynge of beasts without reason . . . Cso3 in c lin e not to lech er y of •7 Women for it is a swinish life.

Giles agreed that a royal marriage should be based on faith

Q and loyalty which, in turn, guard the relationship. Of

course? in reality if not in theory, a double standard

existed. Kings and princes whose attention strayed may have t>een considered sw in ish by t h e o r e t ic ia n s , but they

were n ot found treasonous by lawyers.

The law, however, was supportive of the queen’s

special privileges in some areas. Unlike other women, a queen consort had been considered since Anglo-Saxon times a

"feme sole" rather than a "feme covert" which, in legal

proceedings, gave her privileges associated with single

9 rather than married women. She could purchase and convey

lands, make leases, and grant copyholds, all without the

king’s concurrence. She could hold and dispose of goods other than lands in the same way.10 Although other alien wives were not dowable of land in England, the consort 116

was. She could sue at common law in her own name as no

1 2 other married woman could. In litigation involving the abbot ofCirencester in 1343, the queen was called "a person of so high estate she shall have a writ in all points such as the King would have ..." It was concluded

that the king and queen did not have to find surety to prosecute suits.• i. I3

As queen, she could not, however, be sued by writ. In

1336, a writ was brought against the dowager Queen Isabel.

Her counsel objected on the grounds that the queen was:

. . . a person of dignity and excellence, so that she would not have to answer to a writ but suit by petition would be made 4.to ^ her. 1 *

The plaintiff’s request for an adjournment so he could talk with the queen’s council was denied because it would establish a precedent giving the plaintiff the right to be answered.

Another "illuminating example of medieval justice being circumvented by court influence" involved Queen

P h ilip pa and p roperty. Edward I had ejected Antony, bishop of Durham, from h is manor in Wark on Tyne during the bishop’s absence in Rome. When subsequent bishops sued for

the manor’s retu rn , they were told th a t, on 24 November

1328, Edward III had granted custody of it to John Darcy. 117

When a former royal secretary Richard de Bury succeeded to

the see of Durham, Darcy decided his ultimate loss of the manor was inevitable. So, in 1336, he sold his rights to

Philippa who, he believed, would be more certain of success

in any litigations over the property. Actually, a verdict

in Bury’s favor was reached in 1338; but the Durham see never recovered total rights. The Liberty of Tyndale remained with Philippa until her death.

The re fr a in "second only to the king" appears f r e ­ quently in documents related to the consorts. The queen’s authority is illu str a te d by the manner in which she held properties. Isabel and later Philippa had in the hundreds of North and South Erpingham (Norfolk) "such liberty . . . that no sheriff or minister of the king could enter them to

1 fa take away any p r o fit." In 1353, the k in g ’s escheater was, indeed, refused the opportunity to function in Phil- 17 ippa’s manor of Great Stanbrugge (Middlesex). Philippa held the manor of Middleton (Kent) "as fully as the king would hold the same if it were in his hand, and with all 18 the righ ts he would have therein." S im ilarly, Anne held a ll of her dower lands "as f u lly as the king if he had 19 retained the premises." Her liberties in Norfolk and

Suffolk were such that "no sheriff or minister of the king shall enter the premises . . . save upon default of her or her bai 1 i f f s . 118

Many of the queen’s properties were held of her in chief. The statement in the sources is occasionally modified to imply the holding is of the king in chief but in the hands of the queen. For example* the manor of

Shirfeld (Southampton) was held in chief of the king of his 21 manor of Odiham "whereof Queen Margaret is dowered." And the manor of La Brave by Dover was held "in chief as of the 22 castle of Lewes in Queen Isabella’s hands . . ." How­ ever, sometimes the statement is simply that the holding is of the queen in chief. For example, Hentishalgh manor with the forest of Lowes (Northumberland) was held o f Philippa 23 in chief by service of one knight. And two parts of the manor of Brokenhurst in the New Forest (Southampton) were

"held in chief of Philippa, queen of England, by service of two parts of a grand serjeanty, viz. of finding an armed man with a horse in the king’s army in Scotland for forty

2 ^ days at his own expense . . ." Similarly, the manor of

Juvynton (Sussex) was "held of Lady Philippa, queen of

England, in c h ie f, as of the honour of Laigle . . . by 25 service of fifteen and a half knights’ fees . . ."

Even when not held in chief, the properties were held by the consorts with considerable powers and liberties. In the hundreds of Milton and Marden (Kent), Philippa claimed:

. . . very full powers of franchise, including return of writs and view of 1 19

frankpledge* justice over thieves with * the right to tumbril, pillory, and gallows, to many profits of jurisdiction which ordinarily would belong to the king, and also to a number of dues such as pontage * and stallage. Moreover, for herself and her tenants she claimed freedom from similar dues in all her lands ^

Philippa’s specific authority in the liberty of High

Peak (Derby) was described as:

. . . touching lands, wardships, marriages, rents, services, escheats and forfeitures, chatties of felons and fugitives, knights’ * fe e s and advowsons and wayf and stray, pertaining to her, occupied by others and concealed, divine services and alms in religious houses of her patronage withdrawn, * usurpations of liberties, trespasses of vert and venison, bondmen of the said queen in those parts dwelling in lordships of others, oppressions by ministers, lands acquired in mortmain without licence, unlawful assemblies and felonies, and goods of outlaws in that 27 1 ib e r ty .

In administering her properties, the consort could appoint her own household and officers. And some areas of the queen’s affairs were supervised internally only by her and her representatives, including manor bailiffs, and other manor officers. So the queen’s administration had S3 extensive powers of independent action. ESee Chapter 6 : 120

The Queens’ Authority in Practice—Administration and

S ta ff. :

In addition to legal and property rights, the queen

was entitled to specific exemptions and received certain

other p r io r it ie s and p r iv ile g e s . She was exempt from * 29 paying tolls and from amercements in court. She, along

with the king, enjoyed the prerogative of being first

s a tis fie d in regard to debts owed them. In 13^0, a com­

mission of three men was appointed to see that, among other

things, Isabel and Philippa would be s a tis fie d before any

others from the ninth of sheaves, lambs, and fleeces in the 30 archdeaconry of Norfolk. In 1362, the mayor and sheriffs of London were ordered to stay the execution of any judg­ ment for the debts of John de Glanville until Philippa had 31 been "contented of debts due from John to her." The queen’s markets were given priority over other markets, as was Isabel’s in Aylesham, Norfolk, every Saturday. John

Gros, knight, who held a market at his manor of Worsted, near Aylesham, "to the injury of the queen’s market," was ordered to appear in chancery to defend his right to do 32 s o .

A number of miscellaneous privileges were also ac­ corded the queen. She was e n title d to the t a il of any beached whale, "a royal fish," to furnish her wardrobe with whalebone. She could ride a white horse, a sign of 121

sovereignty. According to 1337 sumptuary laws, only the king, queen, and their children could wear clothes made 33 outside of England.

Symbolic of authority, the consorts possessed and used personal and official seals following a long tradition dating back at least to Edith (Matilda), first consort to 3*t Henry I. The face of Margaret’s privy seal featured a figure of herself standing, crowned and holding a sceptre, surrounded by the arms of England, France, and Brabant.

The reverse featured the arms of England surrounded by fleurs-de-lis. She also had a small signet featuring arms of both England and France, as well as the lions of Bra­ bant. Margaret was the f ir s t queen of England to combine 35 her arms with those of her husband in one escutcheon.

Isabel of France had possession of the king’s great seal, after her successful coup d’etat, and used it. Her privy seal had her e f f ig y in a fur cloak, with crown and sceptre, and the arms of England, France Ancient, Navarre, and

Champagne. She also used an exchequer seal and a small 37 sig n et. Philippa had and used a great seal l e f t in her custody in 13**5, an exchequer seal, and a secret seal. Her 30 privy seal quartered the arms of England and Hainault.

Anne had a great seal delivered to her at Havering on 15

November 13B9. Her privy seal displayed the two-headed 122 eagle of Bohemia impaled with the k in g’s arms, against a 39 background of tracery and foliage.

The queen’s position led to privileges through the

church as well. In June, 1315, Queen Isabel asked the

Christ Church Priory in Canterbury to contribute to her

relic collection a bone particle reputed to be of St.

Thomas 6 Becket. Archbishop Reynolds recommended the prior grant her request. In 1327, Pope John XXII authorized

Isabel’s confessor to commute her vow of pilgrimage to

h 1 Compostela. Other special considerations to Isabel from

the pope included indults that her confessors could absolve excommunicate members of her household and that her person

A2 and chapels might be exempt from excommunication.

Indults to Philippa allowed her to choose her own confessor

and have mass celebrated before daylight. Additional

indults allowed her confessor to administer eucharist and

extreme unction and hear confessions in her household, to

have a portable altar, to be allowed to relax penance, and

to grant dispensations to all persons at her table to eat

flesh meat on lawful days. In 13*tA, her physician of eight

years, William of Excestre, was given the privilege of not

residing in his benefice so he might be in close attendance ^3 on her. It was in that year that daughter Mary was born.

The queen’s most significant influential authority

came through her husband. Bracton said that the king of 123

England "non habet superiorem" and gave him the title of

"vicarius Dei" . Added to her own coronation aura, the

queen, through her influence with the king, shared his power. For example, the king’s administrative network

could be used to insure the queen’s privileges, often

leading to a degree of conspicuous self-indulgence. Queen

Isabel of France used the national exchequer for the A5 collection of her debts. On several occasions, the king ordered the sheriffs to provide Isabel of France with

carriages and other n e c e s s itie s as she traveled around

England.^ In 131A, the queen, with the countess of

Warenne and some other la d ie s, made a round trip between

London and Appledore (Kent) using up twelve days and with

an entourage of twenty carts with three horses each and

twenty-eight carts with two horses each. Also in 131A, the

king covered Isabel’s expenses for apples to feed her pet A7 porcupine. On one occasion, a construction planned in

London was cancelled because:

. . . if it should happen that the queen should pass along that road in her chariot, such building would . . . be a nuisance there, on having to turn the chariot, or in case of her meeting another chariot AB th e re .

Many examples exist of special protection for queen’s servants and messengers. Contemporary records frequently 124

list names for whom queens requested protection while

accompanying them on tra v e ls or travelin g for them. On 23

August 1304, John, prior of Pritelwell, was protected while 49 going beyond seas on Margaret’s a f f a ir s . In 1309,

Stephen de Larriens, prior of Orkelee, was granted pro­

tection going beyond seas on service of Isabel of France.^

The king ordered, on 30 July 1344, the mayor and bailiffs

of Dover to give free passage to Benedict, bishop of

Cardiff, who was going on pilgrimage in the name of Phil­

ippa."** In September, 1348, Philippa’s men and merchants

of the town of Galway, Ireland, received sp ecia l protection

for two years to trade in England, Ireland, Wales, Gascony, 52 Flanders and all the king’s dominions. In addition to

protection , other p r iv ile g e s were a v a ila b le a lso to queen’s

people. Isabel of France’s serjeants-at-arms were exempted

from a ban on swords and other arms within the city of 53 York. In 1363, Andrew Destrer of Bruges, Philippa’s

cithern player, was granted a license to export cattle for 54 Flanders duty free.

Through the king’s o f f i c e , sp ecia l work was often done

for queens. In 1301-2, chambers were constructed for

Margaret’s apothecary and washerwoman. Prior to that time,

Edward had had York House prepared for the queen by b u ild ­

ing a hall and other chambers. In 1306, while she stayed

in the bishop’s castle at Wolvesey, London master 125

carpenters were sent to construct a painted throne with gilded and silvered nails and lay out an enclosed garden with water running through it.^ In 1351, the king issued an order for as many laborers as necessary to enclose

Isabel of France’s park at La Fastern (Wiltshire) to stay there as long as the queen pleased.New apartments were b u ilt in 1328 for Philippa in the palace of the archbishop 57 of York. In Windsor Castle, in the 1360’s, Philippa had constructed:

. . . a first chamber, a second chamber with a l i t t l e chapel, a chamber with mirrors, and a chamber called 'la daun- k , 58 syng chambre .

In 1332, while awaiting b irth of Isabel of Woodstock at

Clarendon (Wiltshire), Philippa had hall, chambers, and 59 buildings repaired by the king at a cost of £126.

The consort’s influence with the king also provided opportunities for economic benefits for others, as well as for herself. She could make grants which, once confirmed by the king, were considered for purposes of aid to be 60 granted by the king. The number and variety of grants made by the consorts seems limitless. Margaret gave three acres called Milnecroft to the prior and friars of Kingston upon Hull.6* She also arranged permission for the prioress and nuns of St. Helen’s, London, to have a weekly fair at 126

t h e i r manor o f B r a y n f o r d , Middlesex, and a y e a r l y f a i r o n 62 the vig il and feast of St. Laurence and four days after.

Isabel of France arranged a charter for the hospital of St-

Peter, York. 6 3 She, also, reached across the channel to provide the keeping of the priory of Lappeley and its l a n d s , goods, and chattels which the king had taken into his hand among other alien priories for duration of the war with France for Baldwin de Spinalo, monk of the monastery o f St. Remy, Rheims, prior of Lappeleye. It was through

the good offices of Anne of Bohemia that Simon Burley was granted a castle in recompense for services and costs , 6 5 involved in conducting the queen from the continent.

The queens’ subjects enjoyed exemptions and similar

benefits from the queens’ influence with their husbands,

also. A typical exemption was obtained by Margaret for th e

Minorite sisters without Aldgate from the first two tenths

granted in 1305 and supplemented in 1309.66 At the request

of Isabel of Frarice, dozens of men °f Spaldyng and their

h e ir s were made q u i t of paying toll, pavage, pontage,

stallage, lastage, and murage from their own goods and

merchandise, in the town of Boston during the Boston 6 7 fair. Guy de 1® Vale was nominated by Isabel of France

not only to the church of Maidenstone in 1313, but also to

numerous commission5 relating customs and other govern­

ment service . 6 0 A letter, dated 13 January 13A3, from 1 2 7

Jacob van Arteveld to Philippa* whom he calls 'tres ex- celente and tres chiere Princesse,’ asked her to have returned to some merchant friends of his cargoes siezed and held in England. John Kemp of Flanders, cloth weaver, came to England with apprentices to establish wool manu­ facturing in Norwich with royal protection and assistance, through Philippa’s invitation. She often visited there and arranged f e s t i v i t i e s to support them. She also supported coal mines in Tynedale and Newcastle, trade in Bristol, and

Norwich m anufacturing.^

The queen’s influence with the king could be felt in government and politics, as well as in economic affairs.

Isabel of France, especially, was politically active. She supported the barons’ cause against Gaveston and helped secure a reconciliation between them and the king three times between 1312 and 1318, first with the earl of 71 72 Gloucester, second with the earl of Hereford, and 73 f in a lly with the earl of Pembroke. According to

Walsingham, she mediated between the king and the barons in 74 1321, a lso .

Beyond England’s borders, Isabel served as Edward I I ’s ambassador in 131A on a mission to France to negotiate 75 regarding homage. Again, in 1325, she returned to

France, ostensibly to mediate a dispute between her husband and brother over Gascony. It was her refusal to return 128 from this trip that caused her exile by Edward II, which 76 further angered the French king. While on the continent,

Isabel was welcomed by European leaders, including William, count of Hainault, who gave her money and military support 77 for her return to England.

Isabel’s political influence was evidenced on her return to England, with the invasionary force, when she numbered among her awaiting a l l i e s Henry of Lancaster;

Roger Mortimer; Thomas Rosselyne; John de Gisors; Richard de Bettoyne; William Trussel1; John of Cromwell; John de

Ros; Henry Percy; Thomas Wake; Thomas of Norfolk; Edmund of

Kent; Simon Berford; the Count of Tylers; the bishops of

Lincoln, Hertford, Dublin, Ely, Winchester, Bath and Wells; 70 and the Archbishop of Canterbury. Although the large number of influential followers may be attributed more to anti-Edward and anti-Despenser feeling than to pro-Isabel sentiment, they may also reflect both the continuation of the queen’s influence accrued from the king and a prelude to that which she would enjoy as mother to the future king.

On 26 October 1326, an assembly of prelates, earls, 79 barons, and knights s e le c te d Isabel to keep the kingdom.

The great seal was committed to her and Prince Edward, the

latter referred to at this point as "duke" rather than king. In parliament on 7 January 1327, an oath was taken to "guard the persons o f Our Lady Queen Isa b ella , by the 1 29

grace of God Queen of England, and of Edward her son."

During the months immediately following the coup, but

b efore Edward I I ’ 5 death, Isabel issued patents both in her own name and combined with that of her son. She issued

proclamations and convened parliament. Among the first changes made in administrative personnel by Isabel, along with Mortimer, was replacing nine of twenty-five English

00 sheriffs. Alone she granted Prince Edward custody of

lands late of John of Hastings and Aymer de Valence during

the minority of their heirs. Other appointments, grants,

and presentations went out over the signatures of "the 81 queen and the king’s firstborn son."

As regent, along with Thomas of Brotherton, Edmund of

Woodstock, Roger Mortimer, and Adam Orleton, bishop of

Hereford, Isabel appropriated two-thirds of the country’s 82 revenues to support herself and her cause. The rolls,

inquisitions, and other memoranda of the chancery had been earlier taken by the anti-king forces and brought to the 03 queen. The queen consort had, in fact, become a queen

regnant, but apparently with more power than wisdom. Even a fte r her son had become king, Isabel and Mortimer behaved

so outrageously that their followers soon turned from them,

resulting in their downfall.8 h

In Edward I ll’s frequent absences, Philippa ful­

filled a number of administrative roles. She was left in 130

1346 as regent, in association with eight-year-old Prince

Lionel* when Edward III and the Black Prince went on

campaign on the continent. She was assisted by the earl of 35 Kent, brother to the Fair Maid. Then, in 1359, the king,

with the Black Prince, Lionel, John, and Edmund, sailed for

France leaving as "guardian of the realm" four-year-old

Thomas, meaning Philippa once again was r e a lly in a p osi-

4tion. • of- c authority. . , . , 86

In 1348, Philippa successfully opposed Edward I ll ’s

taking the imperial throne because she knew from her sister

Margaret, the dowager empress, of the complexities of

imperial diplomacy and she feared a trap set for Edward by his enemies. Also she feared it would exacerbate the

already sharp family divisions between Edward III a n d her

s i s t e r s ’ husbands over the inheritance from her brother B7 W i1l i a m .

One of the most colorful expressions of the queen’s

political influence was circulated in the contemporary poem

"Vows of the Heron." Written by a partisan of Robert of

A rtois, the poem puts into Philippa’s mouth the promise not

to let her unborn ch ild be d eliv ered u n less her husband

successfully pressed his claim to the French throne*

According to the poet, the queen said:

. . . I vow and promise to the God who created me, 131

That the fruit shall never issue from my body Until you have led me to the country over there To perform the vow your body has vowed. And if it should be ready to issue when it will not be need» With a great knife of steel my body shall slay itself: 08 My life be lost and the fruit perish.

The queens were also influential with their husbands

in the "traditional queenly role of intervention on behalf 89 of the oppressed." At Margaret's request, pardons were granted to the abbess of Thlanthler, acquitted of twenty marks trespass for f e llin g the king’s oak and carrying it 90 away; and to Galfrido de Coigners for taking and conceal- 91 ing Robert Bruce’s crown on SO March 1307. She had also interceded to get the king to excuse the debts of the 92 goldsmith who had made the crown. When Bernard Pereres, the king’s hostage from Bayonne, escaped from the mayor of

Winchester, in whose care the king had placed him, the king retaliated by depriving the citizens of Winchester of liberties and imprisoning the mayor until he could pay a f in e of 300 marks. At the town’s request, Queen Margaret interceded successfully, citing a charter from the king 132

entitling her to all fines levied on the citizens of 93 Wi nchester.

Isabel of France convinced two kings to be lenient.

At her request, her husband pardonned Cicely, wife of Peter le Taverner of Aulton for deaths of four foreign merchants in her house. She had been tried and sentenced by the justices in Winchester, but had received respite before 94 because of pregnancy. When Edward III pardonned John de

Mautravers and Llewellyn ap Kenwrick in 1329, he cited during the order that the respective incidents involving the two men had occurred during the quarrels he and his mother had had with the Despensers and that h is pardon was . . . 95 hers as wel 1 .

Philippa successfully pleaded for mercy for the negligent carpenters who had built the tournament stand in 96 Cheapside that collapsed with her on 21 September 1331.

At her request, Edward III also pardonned William, baron of

Greystoke, for leaving h is post as warden of Berwick on

Tweed, allowing the Scots to capture it on 2 February 1358.

Philippa pointed out that William had accompanied Edward to 97 Calais at Edward’s command. The most famous pardon at

Queen Philippa’s intercession may have been for the six burgesses of Calais in 1347. The six burgesses offered their l iv e s to save the c ity of C alais from further sieg e.

They were brought b efore Edward, hungry and bound with 133

ropes about their necks. The king refused Sir Walter

Manny’s request for mercy. At that point, Philippa, as

usual pregnant, is said to have fallen on her knees, begging her husband to show mercy as proof of his love for

her. The king could not, and did not, refuse; the bur­ gesses were spared. P hilipp a did not go unrewarded in this

instance. When one of the burgesses, John Daire, refused

to swear allegiance to Edward III, his houses were granted 98 to the queen.

Queen Anne followed tradition in requesting a general

pardon as one of her first acts as consort. Richard II responded by granting "grace and pardon in general" and

ordering it be proclaimed by sheriffs all over England. 99 Some of Wat Tyler’s fo llo w e r s were pardonned. Anne also

interceded with Richard to secure pardon for Godschalk von

HanKon for damage, including broken arms, to the images of

the king and queen on a conduit in London.^® She was

instrumental, in September, 139S, in having a fine imposed

on London remitted, the mayor and sheriffs released, and

the city liberties restored. The citizens had refused a

loan to the king and had almost mutilated the Italian merchants who then offered to supply it. The queen me­

diated; and the king r e le n te d. ^ 1

Richard II pardonned, at the supplication of Isabel of

Valois, a number of convicted felons, including Thomas 134

Enlenewyke and William del Parke. Through the young queen’s agency, he also restored rights, liberties, and privileges to the citizen© of London after they had risen against his supporters.

Much of the queens’ influence resulted from the kings’ need to honor and protect their consorts. When Isabel, while on pilgrimage to Canterbury in 1319, was refused admission to Leeds Castle by the wife of Bartholomew

Badlesmere, she complained to her husband. Edward rode with a large body of men and seized the castle. For revenge, he had the male defenders slain, the castellan

Thomas Culpepper hanged and drawn, the women sent to the 103 tower, and the treasure placed in his own household.

Edward III honored Philippa in less dramatic ways.

Kingborough, on the Isle of Sheppey, had been an old

Anglo-Saxon stronghold and was part of the property con­ ferred on Philippa in 13£0. Tbe king had its castle r eb u ilt in 1361 and renamed Queenborough in honor of

Philippa so she might use it conveniently as a stopover en 10A route to visits in Hainault. The king’s galley, prob- 105 ably built at Lynn in 1336, was "La Philipe."

Certainly, the queen©’ subjects recognized their influence with their husbands and tried to take advantage of its availability to them. According to Gesta Abbatum, some people of St. Albans rose against the abbey in an 135

effort to gain Isabel of France’s sympathies and, thereby,

Edward II’s. Their designs were frustrated by chance because the queen could not speak their language and could 106 not, therefore, understand their requests. The church also w illin g ly used the queen as a pathway to the monarch.

The pope wrote to both Isabel of France and Philippa to urge them to use their influence with Edward III to restore to the Hospitalers properties confiscated from the Tern- 107 plars.

Despite possible public beliefs to the contrary, there were limits to the personal influence of consorts on their kings and, therefore, to the queens’ resulting authority.

Much of the limits with Isabel and Edward II came as the result of his relationship with sycophants. In addition to the rumored g i f t of Isa b e l’s trousseau jewelry to Gaveston, by August, 1309, the king had given him properties equiva­ lent to the queen’s dower. During their troubles, the king seized all of Isabel’s holdings in England and Males, ordered under secret seal his subjects not to carry her messages, and ordered all sheriffs, admirals, constables, etc., to receive her peacefully only if she came peace­ fully. But, he added, if she came armed, only she, Prince

Edward, and the earl of Kent were to be saved; and everyone 108 else with them should be treated as the king’s enemies. 136

Like Isabel with the king’s favorites, Philippa found

her influence on her husband diminished e a rly in her reign by the presence of the king’s mother, soon back in his

favor, with all property restored. For the first four years of Edward Ill’s reign he was dominated by his 109 mother. Robert of Avesbury described the situation c le a r 1 y :

. . . idem rex multis postea temporibus per dictam dominam Isabel lam, matrem suam, praedictumque dominum Rogerum de Mortuo mari totaliter ducebatur.

Testimony to her dominant p o sitio n are orders issued in her name, such as alterations made in palace apartments. *^ At her coronation, Philippa received 1000 marks for her chamber while 10,000 marks from the annual Scottish tribute 1 IB went to Isabel. When together with Isabel, Queen

Philippa was referred to as the "young queen" and named after her mother-in-law. For example, according to ftnnaies

Pau1i n i , in December, 13S8:

. . . dominus rex cum domina Isabella matre su a, et domina Philippa regina junior, et dominus Rogerus de Mortuomari - , . , U 3 vemt Londonias . . .

For over thirty years, Philippa shared her life, pres­

tige, and power with the queen mother. In the very early years of Philippa’s marriage, the popular perception was 137

that the Queen Mother and her paramour Roger Mortimer were de f ac to rulers? leaving the young consort in an unenviable position as queen. Letters from the Popes John XXII and

Benedict XII, 13S8 and 1335, respectively, were addressed to both Philippa and Isabel. Philippa was excluded from the pope’s exhortation to make peace, but he did ask her to 1 14 influence the king to forgive Isabel. She did not receive a separate household until A p ril, 1330, just two months before the birth of her f i r s t ch ild .

Later in her life, after Isabel was no longer alive to dilute her authority, Philippa was met with a constant stream of king’s mistresses. They seem, in most cases, to have had no effect upon either his relations with his consort or her influence with him. His final mistress,

Alice Perrers, who had been linked with the king prior to

1 1 & Philippa’s death, may have been the exception. Edward 117 bestowed gifts upon her lavishly. Perrers’ biographer

George Kay suggests that Philippa, aware of her approaching death, may have deliberately selected Alice as a successor, 118 with typically "self-effacing nobility of spirit." More probably, the mortally ill fifty-five year old mother of twelve thought less of her romantic rival and her spouse’s amatory future than of her own immortal soul.

Anne and Isabel of Valois were cherished by Richard

II. Their influence on him would have been limited 138

primarily by his divided attentions because of continuous popular and political strife in the waning century. And,

in Isabel’s case, her tenure was so brief that little could be accomplished by her, even through the powerful office of the king.

Aside from the king, the church represented the greatest field for the queen’s influence. Eleanor of

Provence had claimed that every newly created queen of

England had the right to nominate one nun in every re- 119 ligious house of women in the realm. In addition to nuns, queens were responsible for a large number and variety of preferments. Evidence in papal registers shows that almost 25y. of Pope John XXII’s provisions to English benefices were made at the request of Edward II, Edward

III, Isabel of France, or Philippa to their own clerks and

1 2 0 acquaintances. Even when the king had a favorite, the queen occasionally prevailed, as in 1316 when Isabel convinced Edward II to select her nominees instead of his own for the sees of Durham and Rochester. The candidate for Durham was the queen’s cousin Louis de Beaumont in whose support magnates gathered in the church during the 121 election to prevent any other choice. William of

Wykeham was a lifelong trusted friend to Philippa, and it was largely credited to her influence that he rose to

1 2 2 bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England. Anne’s 139

influence became useful to the followers of John Wyclif whose ideas she assisted in transmitting, becoming a 123 forerunner of the reformation.

Often the appointments added up to an embarrassment of riches for the royal clerks. Isabel of France’s clerk

Thomas de Garton was provided with the canonry of Wells, with reservation of a prebend, despite the fact that he was rector of Oure. At Philippa’s instance, Edmund de Rammes- bury was provided with the canonry of Salisbury, with reservation of a prebend, even though he was rector of

Blyston and had both the deanery in the free royal chapel

1 2 ^ of Walingford and a portion of that of Windsor. Plural­ ism was frequent among royal appointees. In 1366, Pope

Urban V made an inquiry into pluralism in the English church and the returns for the province of Canterbury su rv iv e. Twenty-four members of th e cathedral chapter made retu rn s and, o f them, tw enty-one liv ed in London. Of the twenty-one, nine were resident canons attending daily to services of St. Pauls, including three royal clerks and one ecclesiastical lawyer. Of the remaining twelve civil servants, three served the Black Prince, one served Phil- 125 ippa, and one was later connected with John of Gaunt.

Not all the queens’ influence with the church was devoted to assisting the currently or potentially great and powerful, however. Philippa was successful in obtaining 140

a b so lu tio n for William Cosin who, as a youth, had defended himself with his feet and a small knife against an abusive cleric who was holding Cosin’s head between his legs. Not knowing he had received automatic excommunication for attacking the cleric, Cosin was later ordained and held a benefice valued at one mark when he learned that he had 126 been, for most of his life, excommunicated.

Occasionally, friendship with church personnel brought additional privileges to consorts. Philippa’s personal friendship with Prior Crauden of Ely Cathedral and her frequent visits with him resulted in the building of both the quire gallery in the main church and a raised gallery

in the Lady Chapel as pews for her. Both galleries were approached by an elaborate system of passages, suggesting

their purpose was to accommodate a person too famous to appear on the floor of the church. He also built to the west of the galleries a hall connected with his own dwel­

ling, since called "queen’s hall." Philippa gave the prior

the robe that she had worn at her churching after the birth of the Black Prince.1^

Just as in influencing kings, the queens’ influence with the church was not without limiting aspects. First, not all royal nominees to religious houses were accepted automatically. In 13S9, Queen Philippa requested that the nuns of Polsloe Priory take the king’s cousin Johanete de 141

Tourbevyle as a lay sister. The nuns refused, in a docu­ ment showing anxiety for their economic survival and phrased so as, hopefully, to avoid offending the queen.

Bishop Grandisson of Exeter included the refusal in his register and supported it:

And if it please your debonair highness to know our simple estate, we are so poor (God knows it and all the country) that what we have suffices not to our small sustenance, who must by day and n ig h t do the service of God, were it not for the aid of friends; nor can we be charged with seculars without reducing the number o f us r e li g i o u s women, to th e diminution of God’s service and the perpetual prejudice to our poor house. And we have firm hope in God and in your g r e a t bounty t h a t you w ill not take it ill that this thing be not 128 done to the peril of our souls . . ■

And, often, when the queen could influence the church, i t was not without a price. Through petition on 5 March

1315, the parson of Devizes got Margaret to pay tithes on the pasture of Devizes which had not been paid since 1282, 129 a yearly value of 22 shillings. Isabel of France gave to John XXII an incense boat, a ewer, a gold buckle with pearls and other precious stones, a total value of 142

£300.0.0. All had been obtained for her by the I ta lia n 130 banking family* the Bardis.

Outside government and religion, the consort’s in­

fluence was felt in the worlds of fashion and art, both in her own and in subsequent times. Indeed, she was expected

to set the fashion for lesser females, as Giles said.

According to De Regimine, the wife of a king or prince must

be more adorned than the wife of a common citizen for whom 131 such ornam entation would be van ity. With P h ilip p a ,

trend-setting was sometimes a matter of volume. When she

appeared at a great banquet shortly after the birth of

Prince Edward in 1330, she wore a five-layered outfit, embroidered with gold, lined with pured or trimmed min-

1 32 ever. Her entourage from Hainault continued to mul­

t ip ly la y e r s and garments u n t il, by 13S7, they had created 133 a controversy. At other times, a queen established specific styles. Philippa who reportedly had stood at the head of soldiers defending against the Scots during one of

Edward I ll’s absences, influenced the popularity of dagger pens and cloth-helmet headdresses among the noble

ladies. 13^t She was first to use three ostrich plumes in her plate, a symbol later adopted by the Prince of 135 Wales. Anne is blamed for introducing piked shoes which during the next century became so exaggerated in length 13

credited with two-pointed hats, two feet tall and gauze

covered. The hats are said to have saved the lives of a

wagonful of the queen’s 1 adies-in-waiting when crowds on

London Bridge caused their wagon to overturn. Her Bohemian

followers introduced the sidesaddle with bench and steps 137 and the ordinary pin.

The queens’ influence extended beyond fashion into the

world of art, literature, and music. Among items listed in

Isabel of France’s household inventory at her death in 1358

were panel p a in tin g s, including some by Lombard a r t i s t s ,

called "the earliest documented examples of North Italian 130 influence on English work." Also listed in this inven­

tory are three missals, a breviary, two antiphonals, two graduals, and a martyrology. She was also interested in

secular literature and is credited with responsibility for privy wardrobe receipts of over 160 books between 1322-

1341, among them fifty-nine romances, including a "Perceval

and Gawain" which la ter was in Richard I I ’s lib r a r y . These

volumes seem to have circulated among members of the royal household, suggesting the nucleus of a royal library within 139 the Tower of London. The books and rolls of Isabel’s

wardrobe were often characterized by real beauty, both in handwriting and in decoration. The title of her first

wardrobe book was enclosed in an ornamental frame with

floriated initial letters. Even a roll of her pantry and 144

buttery had e la b o r a te i n i t i a l s in the h ead in gs. Some of 1^0 her accounts were "of exquisite finish and clearness."

Philippa was patron to a group of Walloon men-of-

letters, the most famous of whom was Froissart who said 141 "elle me fist et crea." Prior to her patronage of

Froissart, Philippa had requested a lament to be addressed to her, on the occasion of her father’s death, by poet Jean de le Mote, considered as one of the prominent poet- musicians of her day. She commissioned illuminated man­ uscripts. She was familiar with a wide range of chanson and romance figures. Her New Year’s gift to Edward III in

1333 was a silver and enameled cup and ewer, embellished with figures of Julius Caesar, Judas Maccabeus (Matter of

Rome), Charlemagne, Roland, O liver (Matter of F rance), and

1 ^ 2 Arthur, Gawain, and Lancelot (Matter of Britain).

Philippa’s influence may be credited with the king’s

1 ^ 3 maintenance of splendid minstrels. The young queen nursing her first son became a favorite model for English and Flemish artists in their madonna and child paintings

1 and sculptures. She continued to patronize the sculp­ tors of her home country, including former French court artist Hennequin de Li£ge whom she commissioned to create her tomb. In fact, one of her most lasting contributions to art was her tomb, which introduced into England realis­ tic treatment of the human form in such monuments. So 1 4 5

realistic was the work that it has been called "an unkindly

faithful representation of the heavy body of an old woman

in her fifties." It was to influence the alabaster tombs 145 into the fifteenth century.

As mentioned earlier, Anne’s family had a long tradi­

tion of patronizing the arts. Her own most lasting contri­ bution to artistic patronage was to Geoffrey Chaucer who is

said to have patterned the patient and lovely Alceste after her. In addition, the Liber Reaalis illuminations may have

been painted by a Bohemian in the service of the Queen

Anne.1^ Chaucer also wrote to young Isabel of Valois,

c a llin g her "smal" v o ic e and making an e a r ly manuscript of 147 Troilus and Crisevde for her. Isabel’s interest in the

arts can be illustrated by her own musical ability— playing *i . 148 the harp.

While the consort received impressive prerogatives and

advantages either automatically, along with her crown, or

influentially, in the world of power and creativity around

her, she also received obligations and responsibilities with them. The consort had been exhorted by Giles of Rome

to be more chaste than most. [See Chapter II: Selecting the

Consorts.! The queen’s virtue was essential because

children produced by royal unions had to be more perfect

than other children: 146

Et cen doivent fere les rois et les princes cum plus doivent avoir enfanz biaus et granz et plus parfez que les 1^9 a u t r e s .

Because th ese ch ild r en must be more p e r fe c t and because their future responsibility would, theoretically, be so great, the prince and his wife together, according to

Perrault, "should look after the education of their fam­

ily.The responsibility to assist in education and upbringing appears to have crossed biological maternal

lines, for the widowed Margaret journeyed to Boulogne with her stepson Edward II for his marriage to Isabel. Later,

Philippa would take initiative in training numerous chil­ dren of both family and friends, including her sister-in- 151 law Eleanor.

Isabel, in turn, exemplified another responsibility

typical of the consort’s role when she was instrumental in selecting a bride for her son. That bride, as Queen

Philippa, in her turn was influential in the marriage diplomacy which brought illustrious and powerful spouses 152 for her children. For example, in 136^t, in negotiations over a marriage between Edmund, earl of Cambridge, and

Margaret, daughter of the count of Flanders, Edward prom­

ised to them continental territory claimed for Philippa 153 upon the death of her brother. In that same year, the

Holland estates ruled that Philippa could not inherit. 147

Perhaps for this reason, the proposed marriage did not take

place and Edmund, instead, married Isabella of Castile.

Though concerned in upbringing of both sons and

daughters, Queen P h ilip p a in c h r o n ic le s , and perhaps in the

popular mind, seems to have been more closely associated

with the daughters than with sons. In 1349, when young

Prince William was buried, he was identified as "the King’s

son" for purposes of paying fifty shillings to poor people 154 carrying torches with his body. A later reference to

tombs fo r P r in c e sse s Mary and Margaret r e fe r to "daughters

of the queen. Since contemporary gender roles required

that girls be taught those things which would make them

more perfectly women and boys those things which would make

them more perfectly men, it is to be expected that the

ed u cation , liv e s , and i d e n t i t i e s o f daughters would be more

closely linked with their mothers.

The queen consort’s duties extended beyond those to

her immediate family to include the church. In 1328, from

Avignon, the Pope John XXII sent congratulations to Phil­

ippa on becoming queen, pointing out her duty to love the

king and a s s i s t him in defending the r ig h ts and l i b e r t i e s

of church and in protecting the poor, to exercise herself

in good works, and to have recourse to the pope as . , 157 needed. 148

Like all devout Christians of the era, queens were eager to pave their way to a more perfect afterlife.

Fourteenth-century consorts were generous in their response to their religious obligations. Some opportunities to serve the church were traditional to the o f f i c e of queen and fell to each successive holder. For example, the hospital of St. Katherine without the Tower of London had been founded originally in 11^8 by Matilda of Boulogne, consort of King Stephen, and refounded in 1273 by Eleanor of Provence who:

reserved for herself and succeeding queens of England the full and free power of ordaining or providing a su ita b le master or keeper in that hospital . . . and also of changing certain articles in the said founda­ tion for the amelioration of that hospital . . .

Isabel exercised her rights to support this foundation by arranging a royal commission in 1327 to "enquire touching 159 defects . . . including changing officers there." The hospital occupied much time and interest of Philippa who, in 1333-133A, successfully asserted her right as patron in place of Isabel, without interference from the king.

Philippa greatly enlarged the hospital, rebuilding parts of it and o f the church of St. K ath erin e. She a ls o had a se t 1A9

of regulations drawn up for it* decreeing each sister should have daily two kinds of meat or fish to the value of

l-l/£d, as well as one white and one brown loaf.*^ In addition, she founded a chantry and contributed £10 yearly to provide a chaplain to celebrate divine service daily.

On 9 December 136B, Philippa gave a tenement in Lombard

Street, St. Mary Walnoth, London, "[to Sir John de Her- merthorp], ward of the hospital and the brethren and 162 sisters serving God there." After Philippa’s death, a visitation commission learned that a corrody had been bestowed successively on five of Philippa’s damsels without ever having been provided for by the queen. The commission found that there were insufficient funds to support a corrody; so it was presumably discontinued. Since the kingdom was without a consort at the time, there was no person of sufficient authority to act effectively to save 163 this fringe benefit for queens’ attendants.

Margaret was a principal founder of the Franciscan church of Greyfriars in Newgate begun in 1306 at her expense by Master Walter of Hereford, chief mason and master of the works. It was the largest friars’ church in

England and prototype for the great rectangular town churches of the later middle ages. Isabel of France and

Philippa were also actively involved in the church’s 16^ welfare. Margaret and Isabel were buried there. 150

In addition to continual support, the queens gave individual donations frequently, as well. Margaret arranged for the Friars Minor to receive additional lands. On 13 June 1345, in a typical gesture, Isabel of

France alienated to brethren of the gild of St. John the

Baptist, Coventry, a plot of land in Coventry called

"Babbelake," 117’ x 40’, to build a chapel for two chap­ lains daily to celebrate divine service for Edward III,

Isabel, Philippa, the Black Prince, and their souls after death, along with the souls of Edward II and John of

Eltham.*^ On 21 June 1346, she alienated to the Sisters

Minoresses of London the advowsons of churches in Ker- singland and Frammesden (Suffolk), and Walton-on-Trent 167 (Derbyshire). On 1 December 1334, Philippa alienated rents in Pontefract to found a hospital with oratory and 168 houses for a chaplain and eight poor. On 19 February 169 1347, she was cited as patron of church of Wodyngton.

Philippa, at her death, was cited as "great benefactour unto the chanons of Seynt Stephans chapel 1 at Westmyn- 170 ster." The paintings for the chapel depict Philippa’s entire family at the time. [See Plate VI.3

Other contributions by queens consort to the church were to support education. The e a r lie s t valid endowment of

King’s Hall was reversion of the advowson of a church in

Fakenham (Norfolk), held by Isabel.On 10 May 1339, 151

Philippa granted oaktrees from her forests of Sappele and

Hundone to the king’s scholars at Cambridge for repair and 172 construction of their house. Testimony to the respect university officials had for queens’ efforts came in

February, 1334, when Oxford University wrote to Philippa to request her assistance against the upstart Stamford Uni­ versity’s attempts to siphon students from Oxford. The queen, with the bishop of Lincoln, convinced Edward III to enter into this academic schism on the side of the older 173 inst i tut ion.

Among Philippa’s most important benevolences was

Queen’s College, Oxford. Her chaplain and confessor Robert

Eglesfield desired to found a college there and Philippa, in 1341, urged the king to support his effort. On 18

January 1341, the king’s charter was granted to "construct and found a collegiate hall of scholars, chaplains and others, under the name of the Hall of the Queen’s Scholars 174 of Oxford" In the orig in a l charter, Queen Philippa is mentioned only as namesake and only by t i t l e , not by name—

". . . sub nomine aule scholarium Regine de Oxon." In

1350, in another charter, the queen is cited as having 175 founded the college.

Eglesfield conferred upon Philippa the advowson of this new foundation; and, in doing so, he placed it per- 1 *7h p etu a lly under the patronage of queens consort. 152

Philippa formed the center of the original seal which she ordained in February, 1341, and which was the official seal until 1586 and Elizabeth I . 1 7 7 CSee Plate III.D The college obituary book, prepared under Eglesfield’s d irection , c i t e s 15 August in commemoration of "Domine

Philippe quondam Regine Anglie fundatricis nostre," and 170 that date since has been observed as Founder’s Day.

Originally called Queen’s Hall, the group was intended

"to consist of a provost and twelve scholars, in imitation of our Lord and his Apostles," and was to maintain twelve poor boys who would be eligible to fill vacant fellowships but would receive no preference. It was Eglesfeld’s aim to strengthen the church in the wild regions o f Cumberland and

Westmoreland; so preferences for vacant fello w sh ip s would be given to natives of those counties. Also thirteen poor men and women were to be fed in the hall daily and broth distributed at the gate daily. The scholars were to receive a generous table allowance between eighteen pence and two shillings weekly, "at the discretion of the Col­ lege." They were also to be provided with ample servants; plus "a staff of thirteen Chaplains was to be maintained for service of the College Chapel" or any futu re impro- 179 priated church in the immediate vicinity of the college.

Philippa continued in her support of this fledgling institution financially, including donations of advowsons 153

of the churches of Spersholt and in Burgh-under-Stainmore

(Westmoreland)» Blechesdon (Oxfordshire), Newbold Pacey

(Warwickshire), and Knight’s Enham (Hampshire), plus some other properties including lands, a mill, and rent. In addition, the pope appropriated for Eglesfield a benefice

in the gift of the bishop of Winchester, valued at "forty 180 marks with cure of sou ls or th irty marks without." In

1342, at the queen’s request, Pope Clement VI confirmed the college’s foundation and provided then and, later, in 1346 some financial support. Philippa, in 1347, granted to the provost and scholars an annuity of twenty marks from her

Richmond estates until other provision might be made for 181 their sustenance. In addition, Philippa arranged, in

1349, for the exchange of some property contiguous with the provost’s dwelling for the advowson of Donnington manor church (Berkshire). The property was used to construct a c h a p el.

Philippa was instrumental in the royal endowment of the college with the wardenship of St. Julian’s Hospital, commonly called God’s House, in Southampton, its most valuable endowment during these times. By letters patent of 18 November 1343, at Philippa’s request, the king granted wardenship of the hospital to the provost and scholars. Parcels of the hospital included tenements, a toft, land of at least twenty acres, and at least two 154

183 acres of meadow. In 13A7, alien enemies attacked

Southhampton, burning the hospital, its charter of lib­ erties, and other muniments. Again, at Philippa’s request, the king granted to the "provost, warden, scholars, breth­ ren and sisters" of the hospital that:

they and their successors shall hold the said hospital and all its lands, possessions and appurtenances from * the king and his heirs in frank almoin, and shall be quit and discharged of toll, * pontage, pavage, murage, cheminage, prise of corn, hay, carts, carriages, victuals, and other goods and chattels belonging to the said h o sp ita l, which sh a ll not be made by the purveyors of the household of the king or his heirs or of the households of the said queen or children, or by any other ministers of the king, queen, or their children; and shall also be quit of taxations, tallages, wools, custody of * the seashore, scutages, aids, grants, con­ tributions and any other charges falling to the king or his heirs by reason of the 1 lands or goods of the said hospital.

Anne appears not to have taken much interest in this college, which is surprising in light of her literary interests and attainments. On 16 May 138A, the King

Richard granted protection for three years to the provost and scholars "who are maliciously impleaded touching divers 155

portions of old time belonging to the college) and so much impoverished thereby that they cannot maintain divine service." At this time) custody was granted to some of the king’s officers to dispose of the portions as seemed best 185 to them for the benefit of the college. The queen) who had only been in the country for about two years> did not participate in any of the activities at this time or , apparently) at any time during her life in England. She did) however) serve as patron of the convent of Bromholm and of other organizations. The fraternity of Corpus

Christi was one of her interests) as it was of Richard II and had been of Edward III) Philippa) and the Black Prince.

Originally an organization formed by the skinners of

London) it was not wealthy as the organizations of grocers or mercers; but royal support added to i t s prestige and 18& growth. By 1363) the gild had loaned £A0 to Edward III.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The consort) despite prerogatives inherent in her office) was always in a dependent position. Before mar­ riage) she was a pawn in the game of international diplo­ macy. On at least two occasions) fourteenth-century con­ sorts were literally pawns in situations where being born 156

to privilege did not help. In February, 1340, at a low point in Edward I ll’s wars, he:

. . . lessa la reigne dame Phelipe illoges en hostage, et ses enfauntz 107 en la garde le duke de Braband . . . while he returned to England to try to get money from parliament. Allowed by his European creditors to go only because it was that or nothing, he left his army as guar­ antors of his return and Philippa, with children Isabel and

Lionel, in Ghent as personal surety. And the century’s last consort, the young Isabel of Valois, was detained in

England for months while the two perpetually warring countries decided what to do with her dowry. Once the financial agreement had been reached, the young widowed queen, no longer necessary to affairs of state, returned to her native country to be forgotten .

Of the four fourteenth-century kings, two were deposed and murdered; while the consorts, excepting only young

Isabel of Valois, lived relatively long and honored lives.

All of the century’s consorts died naturally. The kings had received full sovereignty through inheritance, crown­ ing, and anointing; but, in the end, their power was only as stable as their lives.

A consort’s authority, emerging from the ceremonies of marriage and coronation, was only as secure as the life of 157

her husband. As daughter, sister, wife, mother, and widow, she had her identity defined always in terms of someone e ls e . Although she would retain the quality of royalty until her death, she would at the death of her husband lose much of the tangible assets she had enjoyed and would be transferred in dependency to his male heir, perhaps even subject to the generosity of that person. As Ridgway was to assert, the consort "does not transmit these honours, or indeed any title of her own by descent; her issue by the 108 King taking everything as his children."

The reality of the consort’s authority, and a con­ tinual limitation on it, was the total lack of continuity to the role. Each consort began anew upon accession and did not, in any way, prepare for a successor. Each began and ended as an individual entity. The office existed only when there was an officeholder, and it did not evolve.

Margaret and Isabel of Valois, although separated by a century in which their world changed enormously, had almost identical potential, the only real variable being life expectancy of queen or king.

Throughout her life* however, each consort could and did make full use of the strengths accruing to the office, either to divide the country, as did Isabel of France, or to unite it, as did Philippa. And, while queen, each would 158 benefit from enormous income from grants, gifts, and fees,

including the royal dower lands, the most visible asset. CHAPTER IV : NOTES

Of course? there is a wide range of disagreement about the degree of equality allowed. According to Thoms? Book? p. 65? the queen . . in general? unless where the law has expressly declared her exempted . . . is upon the same footing with other subjects? being to all intents and purposes the King’s subject? and not his equal." On the other hand? Thomas Hocdeve? in “Of the Regiment of Princes"? written in 1412 for the prince of Wales? stated that a husband ought to be ruled by h is wife in order to have peace: Goode is he suffre? therby pees may spring? Housbondbs ppes is pesible suffryng. Hocdeve’s Works? ed. by Frederick Furnivall? E.E.T.S.? 1897? vol. 3: The Reoiment of Princes A.D. 1411-15? p. 187. See also L ester K. Born? “The P erfect Prince: ft Study in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century Ideals?" Speculum 3(19281:487.

^Be Reqjfiine? p. 151. This treatise was written in the latter thirteenth century? flour­ ished for over one hundred years? and was the basis of the Hocdeve work cited above from the early fifteenth century. Encompassing the fourteenth-century on both sides of the English Channel? this work must clearly reflect that century’s ideals. 3 Ridgway? “Inquiry?" p. 443. 4 John Allen? Inquiry into the Rise and Growth nf the Royal Prerogative in Ena land (New York: Burt Franklin? 1849)? p. 28? Jones? Crowns? p. 260? and Wilkinson? Constitutional History? 3:108-9.

^McKisack? Fourteenth Century? p. 257? and Thoms? Book? p. 66. Vn, “Perfect," p. 492.

7 Walter de Hilemete? Secreta Secretoruia (Amsterdam? N.Y.: De Capo Press? 1970)? and T. C. Skeat? "Manuscripts and Printed Books from the Holkham Hall Library," B ritish Museum Quarterly? 17(19521:26. g “Done selon reson les rois et les princes et chascun homme doit estre o sa femme san: devision por la foi et por la loiaute manage garde." De Renimine? p. 144.

9 A married woman was "under the rod and in the power" of her husband. She could acquire property only through inheritance. Her husband could? on the other hand? dispose of properties without her consent. Robert C. Palmer? "Contexts of Marriage in Medieval England: Evidence from the King’s Court circa 1300?" Sopculufa 59(January 19841:50. 160

^Ridgttay, "Inquiry," p. 458.

B u d n ik Ehrlich, Proceedings Against the Crown (1816-1377) (Oxford: Clarendon Pressi 19E1), p. 206; and Ridgaay, "Inquiry," p. 44S.

13Year Books of the Reign of King Edward the Third Years XVII and XVITI (1343-1344), ed. by Luke Owen Pike (London: Stationers Office, 188b; Kraus Reprint, 1984), pp. 430-434.

14 Ehrlich, Proceedings, pp. 67 and 207.

^ftncient Petitions Relating to Northuaberland, ed. by C. H. Fraser, Publications of the Surtees Society #176 (1966), pp. 7E and 1E8.

^G reat Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Inouisitions Miscellaneous Chancery. 14 Deceaber 1370, 3:S87:762.

*7CPR (1358-1361) 16 Noveaber 1359, p. 603; and Great B ritain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Inouisitions Post Hortea and Other Analogous Docuaents, 9 April 1342, 9:249:376.

1BCPR (1330-1334) 24 Hay 1333, p. 439.

19Ibid. (1381-1385) 23 Noveaber 1384, p. 529.

20 OCR (1381-1385) 22 Deceiber 1384, pp. 518-519.

2 *Inos. P.H., 20 January 1318, 6:14:42.

22CPR (1327-1330) 28 Septeaber 1329, p. 440.

23Inas. P.H., Tuesday a fte r Easter, 1369, 12:280:308.

2i,Ib id ., January 23 1349, 9:351:448.

25Ib id ., 9 Hay 9 1335, 7:471-2:686.

2^(ilda Johnston, "The Queen’s Household," in The English Governaent at Work, ed. by U illiaa A. H orns and Joseph R. Strayer (Caabridge, Massachusetts: The Hediaeval Acadeay of Aaerica, 1947), pp. 290-291.

27CPR (1350-1354) 7 Septeaber 1350, p. 593.

2BJohnston, "Household," p. 251.

29 Thoas, Book, p. 65.

30CPR (1340-1343) 15 Noveaber 1340, p. 21.

31CCR (1360-1364) B Karch 1362, p. 316.

32CCR (1354-1360) 20 February 1358, p. 442. 1 6 1

3^(ardy, Philippa. p. 96; Stricklandj Lives, p. 196; and Thoas, Book, p. 66.

36 Birch, Walter de Gray, Catalogue of Seals in the Department of Manuscripts in the B ritish Huseup (Net: York: 6 . P. Putnaa’s Sens. 1907). p. 55; and Facinger. Bueenship. p. 30.

nr JBirch. Seals, p. 57; and Sandford. Senealoaical. p. 133^.

^ Feedera. I I : i : 666.

37 Birch. Seals, p. 57; Johnston. 'Household.' p. 298; and Tout. Chapters. 5:667.

38 Johnston. 'Household.' p. 299; and Sandford. 6enealooical. p. 158.

39 Birch. Seals, p. 58; and Sandford. Benealooical. p. 196.

60 Register of Walter Reynolds, ftrchbishop of Canterbury. Laabeth Palace Library as f . 66. cited by Wright. Church and Crown, p. 229.

61 Bliss. Papal Registers. 2:279; and Lunt. Financial Relations, p. 528.

b r i g h t . Church and Crown, p. 201.

^ lis s . Papal Registers. 2:260.

^ F . Schulz. 'Bracton on Kingship.* EHR, 60(Hay, 19651:151.

H hrlich. Proceedings, p. 67; and Tout. Chapters. 5:361.

feeder a, Il:i:501, II:ii:728.

^Tout, Chapters. 5:263.

68 Heaorials of London and London Life in the XIIlth. KlVth. and XVth Centuries. Being a Series of Extracts. Local. Social, and Political froa the Earlv Archives of the City of London A.D. 1276-1619. ed. by Henry T. Riley (London: Longaan, Green 6 Co.. 1868). p. 99.

49CPR (1301-1307) 23 August 1306, p. 256.

50CPR (1307-1313) 10 Septeaber 1309, p. 188.

S1Foedera. III:i:1 8 .

^Hardy, Philippa, p. 208.

53CPR (1317-1321) 20 Noveaber 1320, p. 528.

^ Foedera. III:ii:706.

j 3Colvin» King’s Works. 3:862. 56CCR (1349-1354) 25 February 1351, p. 350.

^C olvin, Kino’s Works, 2:891. CD Ib id ., p. 879.

59Foedera, II:ii:829.

^ E h rlic h , Proceedinos, pp. 206, 210.

A1CChR (1300-1326) 6 December 1304, p. 48.

62Ib id ., 23 Deceaber 1306, p. 81.

i3CChR (1327-1341), p. 190.

WCFR (1337-1347) 17 June 1346, p. 473.

^ F eed e ra, VI:500.

^Lunt, Financial Relations, p. 387.

i7CChR (1300-1326) 5 Deceaber 1308, p. 123. LD Foedera, II:i:175.

69 Noraan S. B. Gras, The Early English Custoas Svstea: ft Docuaentarv Study of the In s ti­ tutional and Econoaic History of the Custoas froa the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century (Caabridge: Harvard University Press, 1918), p. 116; and H. Pauu, Cartulaire historioue et o 6n6alooioue des flrtevelde (Brussels: Coaaission Royale d’H istoire, 1920), p. 623.

70 Francis Bloaefield, ftn Essay Towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk (London: U illiaa H iller, 1806), 3:1:83-86; Kaufaan, Queens, pp. 220, 230; and Strickland, Lives. p. 194.

71 Henry of Blaneforde, Chronica et ftnnales Johannis de Trokelowe et Henrici de Blaneforde. ed. by H. T. Riley, R.S. (1866), 28:80.

7EVita Eduardi II, p. 230.

7 ^1cKisack» Fourteenth Century, p. 79; and Strickland, Lives, p. 131.

74 Ualsinghaa, Historia flnolicana, 1:161.

75 Le Livere de Reis de B rittanie & Le Livere de Reis de Enoleterre, ed. by John Glover, R.S. (1865), 42:350.30; and HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 80.

^cK isack, Fourteenth Cpriturv, p. 81; and Flores Historiarua, 3:231. 163

77 *. . . daae, take thoM aery and beth of gode chier’, for the beth aore riche than the wende forto have bene; & tak the thise v barelles of Silver’ that Here sent to the Duthseplers of Fraunce forto quelle thou and thour’ sone Edward; and thenketh hastely forto uende into Engeland; and tak the with thoa S ir’ lohn of Henaude, ay brother, and v c aen of araes; for aeny of thea of Fraunce, in ahoa the haue hade grete tru ste, hade grete deintee thoa forto scorre: and Alaighty Bod grant thoa grace, thour’ eneays forto overcoae.* Brut, 1:235. See also Ainsuorth, Froissart, p. 227.

^Knighton, Chronicon, 1:431; and HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, pp. 80-81.

79 According to Lanercost, p. 165, after preaching that the ’voice of the people is the voice of 6o d ,' the Archbishop of Canterbury ' . . . ended by announcing to a ll his hearers that, by unaniaous consent of all the earls and barons, and of the archbishops and bishops, and of the ahole clergy and people, King Eduard aas deposed. Hoaever, the asseably ahich aade th is decision aas not laaful. In fact, soae contemporaries called it by naaes other than 'parliaaent* to so indicate. Fryde, Tvrannv and F all, p. 197. See also Dunhaa and Hood, ’Right to Rule,' p. 739; HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. B8 ; Foedera, Il:i:646; and Ualsinghaa, Historia Anolicana, 1:181.

80 Saul, Nigel, 'The Despensers and the Doanfall of Eduard I I , ' EHR, 3901January 19841:1.

81CPR (1324-1327) 5 Deceaber 1326, p. 337, and 2 Deceaber 1326, p. 341; and HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 88 .

8 ^Cook, Her Haiestv, p. 74; and Strickland, Queens, p. 159.

CPR (1323-1327) 11 October 1326, p. 337.

S4 Brut, 1:257.

85 Cook, Her Haiestv, p. 80; Packe, Eduard III, p. 148; and Strickland, Lives, p. 187.

H cK isack , Fourteenth Century, p. 212; and Hardy, Philippa, p. 258. Another popular story, probably apocryphal, ahich linked Philippa to governaental activity reainiscent of her aother-in- laa, aas her supposed leading of 40,000 troops at Neville’s cross to defend Neacastle against invading forces of David of Scotland. The occasion resulted in David’s capture and a legend of valor in ahich the queen, on a ahite charger, had saved the kingdoa. Hardy, Philippa, pp. 158 ff.

87 By refusing the throne, Eduard gained the nea eaperor’s good aill and his neutrality in the continuing struggle aith France. H. J. De Sturler, 'One ddaarche politiuue inconnue de Jean H I, due de Brabant, 1337-1338,‘ Revue Beige de Philolooie et d’H istoire 14(1935):1319; DNB, 15:477; and Packe, Eduard I I I , p. 185.

8 *Wdy, Philippa, p. 7. The story in 'Vous of the Heron* is apocryphal but it is, also, an interesting coaaentary on conteaporary thought. 89 HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 269. 164

90CCR (1296-1302) 30 October 1299, p. 286.

91 6reat Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Docutents Relatino to Scotland, 2:509} Foedera, I : i i : 1012} and S trickland, Queens, p. 116.

98 Strii;kland, Lives, pp. 116-117.

93Kauf«an, Queens, p. 176} and Strickland, Lives, p. 117.

"cPR (1307-1313) 14 Hay 1311, p. 179.

fo ed era, Ill:ii:760» 768-769.

9£ flnnales Paul ini, p. 355} Baker, Chronicon. p. 48} Huriauth, Continuation, p. 63; and Stone, Survey, p. 329.

97 Packe, Edward H I . p. 214; and Scot. Ones., 4:2. QD Froissart, Chronicles, 1:331-2; and Hardy, Philiooa. pp. 174-177.

99CCR (1377-1381) 13 Deceaber 1381, pp. 104-105; Knighton, Chronicon, pp. 151, 499; and ' Strickland, Lives, pp. 208-209.

100CPR (1381-1385) 18 Hay 1382, p. 114.

^CCR (1396-1399) 20 Noveiber 1396, p. 44; Cook, Her Haiestv, p. 88 } Du Boulay and Barron, Richard I I , p. 192; Strickland, Lives, p. 216; and Tout, Chanters, 3:481.

^C P R (1396-1399) 1 Deceaber 1396, p. 41, and 12 June 1397, p . 136.

^C P R (1321-1324) 17 October 1321, p. 29; and Capgrave, Chronicle, p. 188. The fact that Badlesaere was part of an anti-Edward party aade the king’s decision to avenge easier. 104 Chaucer Life Records, ed. by Hartin H. Crow and Clair C. Olson (Austin: University of Texas, 1966), p. 124; and Hardy, Philippa, pp. 49, 263. Uilliaa of Uykehaa was active in the reconstruction; and the taster Bason was John Sibbon, ancestor to the historian. Edward III co««issioned three clocks in Queensborough. R. Allen Brown, "King Edward’s Clocks,* Antinuaries Journal 39(1959):283.

Black Book of the Adfiiraltv. ed. by S ir Travers Twiss (London: Longtan I Co., 1871), p. 133ng.

l0i6esta_AbbatuB» 3:347 .

l07 Bliss, Papal Registers, 2:492.

108CCR (1307-1313) 5 August 1309, p. 2S5; CCR (1323-1327 ) 27 Septeaber 1324, p. 223, 2 April 1325, p. 361} and CChU (1844-1326) 3 October 1326, 1:582. 'The king has heard th at his wife is writing to all the cities and coaaonalties of the reals in the sate fora as she did to those of 165

London and soae other places) as the chancellor knows w ell. Mandate to aake letters without delay to London and all the cities and great towns of the reala not to open any such letters but arrest the bearer and send hia to the king without delay with the letters entire? and to each aayor or bailiff to cause this to be cried and each aan to observe it on forfeiture of life and liab? and anyone coaing froa the king’s wife or anyone in her coapany for treaty or parley? even without letter? to be arrested and sent to the king. It is also to be cried that no one shall favour the king’s wife or his son Edward or anyone in their coapany so long as they behave as they do now? but they are to be treated as the king’s eneaies? saving the bodies of the king’s w ife and son and the e a rl of Kent. The sh eriffs are to cry the saae in counties? fairs? aarkets and elsewhere."

10? Johnston? 'Household?' p. 250.

110 Avesbury, De Sestis? p. 283.

^C o lv in ? Kino’ s Works? p. 509.

l l ^aasey, Revenues? p. 158.

113 Annales Londoneniensis? p. 203? and Annales Paul in i ? p. 303. When Edward visited the Tower of London in 1320? the chronicler reported that he case with the queen aother and? also? his consort along with aany other aagnates.

^ B l i s s ? Papal R egisters? 2:093 & 098.

**JTout? Chapters? 5:310.

^Biven-llilson? Court? p. 151. The intiaacy between the king and Alice Perrers probably began around 1366-7.

117 According to CrAton? 'Histoire*? p. 103? Edward III gave soae of Philippa’s jewels to Perrers? including: 500 pearls 3 Is Bd totalling £ 50. 0.0 1700 pearls lOd 70.16.8 59A0 precious stones 5d 123.15.0 1800 precious stones 4d 30. 0.0 2000 precious stones 4d 33. 6.8 13B0 precious stones 6 d 34.10.0 500 precious stones 2 d 4. 3.4 3948 precious stones 3d 49. 7.0 4000 precious stones l-l/ 2d 25. 0.0 30 ounces pearls 50. 0.0 Stones of this quality were probably used for eabroidery. Given-Hilson? 'C ourt?' p. 151? liste d a nuaber of grants Perrers received fro a the king: ■ . . wardship of lands in both England and Scotland? and the aarriage of the heir of Sir Robert T illiol . . . ? a lawn and covert in Inglewood fo rest near Uoodstock? the aanor o f Manilaws in Northuaberland . . . to be held in chief? the wardship of all the lands held in dower by Robert Tilliol’s recently-deceased wife . . . ? the outright purchase of the aanor of Wendover in Buckinghamshire? for £500 . . .? a 166

selection of jewels foraerly belonging to fiueen Philippa . . . ; an annuity of £100 for life at the exchequer . . . ; the aanor of Braapford Speke and other lands and advoasons in Devon . . .; and the wardship of a ll the lands of Sir Walter Hanby . . . ; [and! . . . frequent gifts . . . of robesy fursy and other garaents. See also Foedera y 6:989.

118 Given-Wilsony "Court." p. 153; F. George Kayy Lady of the Sun; The Life and Tiaes of Alice Perrers (New York: Barnes & Noble. Inc.. 1966)y pp. 46 and 91; and HcKisack. Fourteenth Century, p.397. Perrers certainly had influence siailar to that of a consort with the widower Edward 111. When Pope Gregory XI sought intervention in behalf of his brother Roger Beauforty held prisoner in Aquitaine. he asked the Black Princey John of Gaunty and Perrers for assistance. Williaa of Wykehaa also turned to Perrers in his atteapt to secure the king’s pardon and have his teaporalities restored. In the popular aindy Perrers aust have seeaed influential; her tenure with the kingy around eleven yearsy was as long as or longer than any of the century’s consorts except Philippa and Anne.

119 Touty Chapters. 5:265. Edgar’s queen Aelfthryth had exercised the authority to appoint and remove abbesses. Abbotty Bueenship. p. 150. 120 Wrighty Church and Crown, p. 37.

121 Deney Roffensis. p. 359; and HcKisacky Fourteenth Century, pp. BOy 275.

^ ‘lialter Burleyy tutor to the Black Prince and alaoner to Bueen Philippay could have gotten a bishopric through th eir influence had one been available and had he wanted it. A ls o y i t was through Philippa’s influence that the pope( in 1345. conferred a benefice on her five-year-old godson Philip de Beauchaap. Williaa J. Courtenay( Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England (Princeton: Princeton University Pressy 1987)y pp. 135y 145; Hardyy Philippa, p. 238; and Oraey Froa Childhood, p. 10.

123 Hutchisony Hollow Crown, p. 87; and Strickland. Lives, p. 211.

124 Bliss. Paoal Registers, pp. 292 & 294.

125 A R. Myers. London in the Aoe of Chaucer (Noraan: University of Oklahoaa Press. 1972). p. 138.

Bliss. Paoal Registers, p. 292.

127 Thoaas D. Atkinson, "fiueen P hilippa’s Pews in Ely Cathedral." Proceedings of the Caa- bridoe Antiquarian Society 41(1948):60-63i and VCH Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, ed. by L. F. Salzaan (London: Oxford University Press. 1938). 4:69. 79.

188 Cited by Hardy. Philippa, pp. 51-52.

129 Inns, hisc.. 2:206:49.

130 Wright. Church and Crown, p. 283. 167

131 'De Reoiaine,' p. 166; *Et aussi doit la feaae d’un roi ou d’un prince estre aieuz aornee et aienz vestue que la feaae d’un siaple chevalier.* 13? Margaret Rickert, Chaucer’s World (New York: Coluabia University Press, 1948), pp. 94-95; and Pritchardj Graffiti. p. 59 . For the vigil and churching after the birth of the short-lived Prince Uilliaa in 1348, Philippa wore^velvet^gowns, each elaborately eabr^idered and consisting of a variety of aantilletuas, japas, super tunics, tunics, and ghitas. The vigil gown was decorated with 10,000 doublets, 400 large pearls, thirty-eight ounces of saallpearls, thirteen pounds of plate gold, eleven pounds of gold thread, seven pounds of eabroidery s ilk , 8 ,000^ ainiver bellies, and sixty eraine skins. The basic garaent used eight pieces and two ells of velvet, suggesting very long trains. Stella H. Newton, Fashion in the ftoe of the Black Prince: ft Study of the Years 1340-1365 (Hoodbridne, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1980), p. 34. Usually at least 340 bellies of ainiver were sewn together to line a garaent. Newton, 'Squirrel Suit,* p. 343.

133 According to Caxton, 'The Englishaen so auch followed and counterfeated the aadnesse and the folly of the straungers, that froa the first coaayng in of the Henaulters, they dayly chaunged their apparel, soaetiaes long and wide, and at another tia e , cutted, short and streig h t, and altogether unseealy and unhonest. Cited by Hardy, Philippa, p. 94.

134 Strickland, Lives, p. 193.

13j JSir 11. H. Nicolas, *Qn the Badge and Mottoes of the Prince of Dales,* Archaeolooia 31(1846):352 ff. 136 ”Cua ista regina uererunt de Boeaia in Angliaa abusiones ille execrabiles, sotulares scilicet cua longis rostris, Anglice 'cracoes* uel 'pykys,* diaidiaa uirgiaa largiter habentes, its ut oporteret eos ad tibian ligari cua chatenis argenteis, antequal cua eis possent ince- dere.'Historia Vitae et Reoni, DP. 63, 134; and Hutchison, Hollow Crown, p. 858 . fl 137 DNB, 1:481; Kaufaan, Queens, pp. E34-5; and Strickland, Lives, p. S10. 138 Vale, Chivalry, p. 58.

139 Ibid., pp. 49-50; and Orae, Froa Childhood, pp. E6-87. Isabel brought her aaoistra Theophania froa France who aay have had an enculturing influence on the young queen.

140 Tout, Chanters, 5:885.

141 Beltz, Garter, p. xxxiv; Jean Froissart, Le ioli buisson de Jonece ( 6enbve: Librairie Droz, 1975), p. 55; C. Given-Uilson, 'The Merger of Edward I l l ’s and Queen Philippa’s Households, 1360-9,* BIHR 51(1978):878; and Nigel Wilkins, 'Music and Poetry a t Court: England and France in the Late Hiddle Ages,* in Scattergood and Sherborne, p. 190. Another exaaple of faaily influence was that Froissart was introduced to Philippa by her brother-in-law Robert of Naaur.

% ale , Chivalry, pp. 45-47.

143 C. G. Olson, 'The Minstrels at the Court of Edward 111,' PMLA 56(19411:601. 144 Hardy, Philippa, p. 6 6 . 168

145 Given-Wilson, "Court," p. 275} and L. Stone, Sculpture in Britain: The Kiddle fines (London: Pelican Press, 1955), pp. 192, 197; and Vale, Chivalry, p. 47.

^Mathew, Court, p. 39; and Margaret Rickert, Painting in Britain: The Kiddie Aoes (London: Pelican Press, 1954), p. 174.

147 Galway,"Cancelled Tributes," p. 2. Sir Oton de 6raunson’s poe«s «ay also have been directed to the young Isabel. Margaret Galway, "Chaucer, Graunson and Isabel of France," Review of Enolish Studies 24(1948);275.

148v ilk in s , "Music and P o e try ," p . 188.

^ ‘De Reoiaine," p. 171.

^Born, "Perfect," p. 487.

*J*Safford, Account, p. 112.

'^Friedrich Bock, ‘Soee New Documents Illustrating the Early Years of the Hundred Years’ Mar (1353-1356), 8JRL 15(1931):60-69; and CPR (1377-1381) 4 June 1380, p. 313.

153 Foedera, III:ii:750-l.

154 Brantinghae, Issue Roll, p. xxxvi.

155 Ibid., p. xlii-

15A Born, "Perfect," p. 497.

157 Bliss, Paoal Registers, II, p. 489; and Hardy, Philippa, p. 52.

158 OCR (1333-1337) 8 January 1335, pp. 171-2; Catherine Jaiison, The History of the Roval Hospital of St. Katharine by the Tower of London (London: Oxford University Press, 1952), p. xiv; Johnston, "Household," p. 271; and D. U. Robertson, Jr., Chaucer’s London (Hew York: John Wiley 1 Sons, Inc., 1968), p. 55.

159 CPR (1327-1330), 26 Harch 1327, p. 60.

J6°Jaeison, Roval Hospital, pp. 22-24; Johnston, "Household," p. 271; and Newton, Fashion, p . 42.

*^A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds in the Public Record Office (London: Eyre 6 Spottiswoode, 1894), 3:520; and Robertson, London, p. 55.

1&2Inos. P. M., 12:1379.

1A3 CPR (1377-1380) 3 June 1380* pp. 507-8; and Ja*ison, Royal Hospital, pp. 36-37.

164 Colvin, kino’s Works, p. 205; Myers, London, pp. 78-9; and Strickland, Lives, p. 120. 169

^ Reaistrua Fratrua Hinorua Londoniae, ed. by 3. S. Brener, R.S., (1858) 4:1:491.

li6CPR(1345-1348) 13 June 1345, p. 479.

1A7 Ibid., El June 1346, p. 1E5.

I Aft CPR (1334-1338) 1 Deceaber 1334, p. 49. IA9 CPR (1345-1348) 19 February 1347, p. E50.

170 Fabyan, Concordance, p. 480; and DNB, 15:1053.

171VCH C aabridoe, 3:457.

* f oedera. 11: i i : 1081.

173 C. R. L. Fletcher, 'The Stanford Schisa,' in Collectanea (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885), pp. 5-6; and Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle fines; vol. E, pt. 1: Enolish Universities (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895), p. 495.

174 Hardy, Philippa, p. 186; and John R. Hagrath, The Queen’s College (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 19E1), p. 14.

175 Hagrath, Queen’s, p. 15. 'Considerantes qualiter Philippa regina Anglie consors nostra carissifla devocionis fervore succensa quoddaa collegiun scholariua in Oxon in sacra theologia et aliis scientiis studentiua fundavit et creavit. . . * It is interesting that the original charter cited only aula tthile the later one aentioned also colleoiua.

176 Holzknecht, Literary Patronage, p. E89.

177 Hagrath, Queen’s, p. 1; and VCH Oxfordshire, ed. by L. F. Salzaan (London: Oxford Uni­ versity Press, 1939), 6:166.

178 Hagrath, Queen’s , p. i.

179 Rashdall, Universities, pp. 495-8. iso Bliss, Paoal Registers, 3:ES4.

1S1CPR (1340-1343) 83 July 1341, p. 849; (1343-1345) 9 July 1343, p. 103; 80 April 1344, p. 839; 80 April 1345, p. 457; Hardy, Philippa, p. 186; and Hagrath, Queen’s, pp. 16, 18.

182 VCH Berkshire, ed. by John Hautenville Cape (London: Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd., 1983-4), 4:95; and CPR (1348-1350) 88 January 1349, p. 854. I pq CCR (1396-1399) 87 April 1398, pp. 864-5; and VCH Haaoshire. 8:803. 1R4 CChR (1387-1341) 18 Noveaber 1347, p. 70. 170

185gPR (1381-1385) 16 May 1384, p . 401.

18*Elspeth M. Veale, The English Fur Trade in the Later Middle Roes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), p. 10B.

187 The ftnoniealle Chronicle, ed. by V. H. Galbraith (Manchester: University Press, 1927), p . 15.

188 Ridgnay, "Inquiry,* p. 444. CHAPTER V: THE QUEENS’ AUTHORITY IN PRACTICE—

INCOME AND WEALTH

Queens consort in the fourteenth century walked under an umbrella of majesty which they received from a combina­ tion of birth, marriage, and coronation. In addition, and within the same tradition, they enjoyed great wealth. The customary components of a marriage contract at this time were the p o rtio n or dowry, a sum o f money paid by th e bride’s guardian, and the jointure or dower, an income, usually from land rents, settled on the bride by her new husband.1 In most contracts of the magnate class, the dowry was from £665 - £1000, and the dower from £lOO to

2 £^00 in rent. Royal brides, like their commoner equiv­ alents, enjoyed these customary ingredients in their marriage contracts. In addition, the consorts’ dower grants were supplemented in kind, frequently, and joined with p rer o g a tiv e r ig h t s o f queen’s g o ld , amobrogium* and salvage. And, as further supplement, each of the consorts

171 172 enjoyed an assortment of financial miscellany, including gifts and borrowing. The total of all these sources produced a potentially substantial income.

DOWRY

Among fourteenth-century consorts, only Anne of

Bohemia was an exception in that she did not bring with her a dowry. Instead, her husband "loaned" her brother the 3 emperor £15,000. The other consorts appear to have had generous dowries according to the times, though the amounts varied greatly. Margaret did not bring cash. However, her brother the King of France assured property rights in the duchy of Aquitaine to any children produced by the marri­ age. Isabel of France was given £18,000 which had been taken from the goods of the recently dissolved Knights If Templar. The actu a l amount o f P h ilip p a ’s dowry i s not known because it was used by her mother-in-law to finance the invasion of England. However, from other data, it can be inferred that the amount was significantly large. Her sister, Isabel of Brabant, received a total of £1600; and

Philippa’s marriage, as a more important union, should have brought more. Also, Count William promised to provide apparel for her appropriate to the status of her future position, showing that he fully realized the importance of the union. One of William’s vassals is said to have 173

contributed £120 toward it, again suggesting the total would have been large.^ And Isabel of Valois was to have

brought with her a total of 600,000 francs, half at once,

and a third of the remaining half each year for three

years. The total would have been about £270,000.^

DOWER GRANTS

The consorts’ greatest wealth came from dower grants

of lands and customs, in amounts fixed in the marriage agreements but frequently changing according to special

circumstances. The institution of land ownership among 7 royalty is "as old as monarchy itself." Except for a few royal residences and hunting lodges, later medieval English

kings did not retain direct possession of any landed estate. Instead, they used lands, rents, and fee farms

for permanent endowment of the royal family, along with other income sources, such as wardships, which were more s temporary in nature. Most frequently, the practice was used for the endowment of successive queens consort, with 9 rents of demesne lands specifically allotted to them. The resulting development was an English royal family estate,

an "essential attribute to effective kingship."1^

The tradition of assigning crown lands as dower for queens consort began with Eleanor of Provence. Her suc­ cessor Eleanor of Castile was given a slightly greater 174

landed estate, much of it land taken from Jews. With his

second queen, Margaret, Edward I was even more generous in endowing and supporting M is consort w ith ancien t demesne

lands. This by now established practice continued for the entire fourteenth century- Until 1327, the exchequer had

to supplement the consort’s income with an amount equal to her dower lands. From that time on, however, with the endowment of Philippa, never less than one-half of the crown lands were used to sustain the royal family.11

Income from land, and o c c a s io n a lly customs, was fix ed

at a c e r ta in amount in t h e marriage agreement- The o r ig i­ nal dower grant for Queen Margaret, as part of the marriage 12 agreement in June, 1299, specified £3,750. That amount 13 was increased three months later to £4,500. The last augmentation of dower M a r g a r e t r e c e iv e d was in May, 1305,

for a total of £5,000 and a commitment that she would not

lose the additional grants with the death of the king. H i s death came only two years later, and the new king Edward

II, who had not notably honored his father's requests previously, did immediately renew and support his step­ mother’s augmented dower g ra n ts. Margaret kept these assigned lands until the year before her death, when she voluntarily surrendered them at a time when war seemed

lnevitable.• 4. u, 1** 175

The pattern of dower grants for Isabel of France was as peripatetic as was her life. During the first ten years of her marriage, many available dower lands were s t i l l in

1 5 the hands of the queen mother. Isabel’s original grant

"at the door of the church, when - - ■ espoused" was

£A ,500. However, she d id not a c t u a l l y r e a liz e that amount u n t i l Margaret’s death in 1 3 1 0 . Meanwhile, her dower had been augmented in 1308 with revenues from Ponthieu and 17 Montreuil, equivalent to £1,000. Isabel’s dower grant remained constant until open hostilities between the royal couple caused Edward II to confiscate the queen’s prop­ erties "for safekeeping," allowing her only twenty shil­ lings daily for housekeeping and £665 per year for every-

1 8 thing else.

With t h e defeat and death o f Edward II, I s a b e l ’s fortunes reversed dramatically. in 1327, in the largest single grant during the fourteenth century, parliament restored the original grants plus additional to a total of

£13,333:6:0 per year. According to Murimuth, two-thirds of the royal estates went to Isabel and about one-third to the new King Edward III. Most were ancient demesne lands of th e crown, includ ing some held p r e v io u s ly by Margaret.

With th e 1 3 8 7 restoration, Isabel held land or rights in every county in England except Northumberland, Cumberland, 19 W estmoreland, and Durham. 176

Her maximum holdings? at over £13,000? were essenti­ ally the whole of the permanent royal patrimony in lands? rents? and fee farms? with the exception of Welsh? Chester? and Cornish lands? which must have reenforced her image as de facto queen regnant and diminished her so n ’s image and actual authority as king. 2 0 According to the Brut:

. . .hit was nought longe after’? that the quene Isabel ne took into Her’ Honde al the Lordeshipp of Pountfrett’ and almost al the landes that were of value? that perteynede vnto the croune of Engeland? so that the kyng had nought forto dispende? 21 but of his Vsues and of his escheker . . .

Her good fortune lasted only as long as the l i f e of her paramour Roger Mortimer. In 1330? Edward III had Mortimer seized and executed? at which time the queen mother "volun-

22 tarily" surrendered her property in return for a pension.

The king returned £3?000 in properties to her on 1 December 23 1330? with some minor reservation s. In 1334? Montreuil 24 and Ponthieu revenues were restored. By 1337, Isabel’s dower had reached its origin al £4,500 where it stayed until her death in 1358.

As the young bride of a monarch whose kingdom was being governed by his mother and her lover? Philippa did not receive a dower equal to that of either her predecessor 177

or her successor until six years after she became queen.

She had been promised £3,000 in dower within one year of 26 her marriage in 1328. However, it was actually two years after her marriage when, in 1330, influenced by Isabel’s surrendering some property, Philippa received on two 27 occasions a total of £3,000. Meanwhile, in April, 1329, she was made an allowance of £450 and her remaining ex- 28 penses were met by the king. A reassignment of prop­ erties, in 1331, brought an additional £1,000 and, in 1333, 29 another £300. Finally in 1334, Philippa’s dower reached a total of £4,500, where it remained fixed for over a 30 decade. In 1359, she received additional grants to the 31 value of £2,000 for a total of £6,500. This amount was constant for only four years because, in 1363, Edward III resumed r e sp o n sib ility for P h ilip p a ’s household to straighten out what appeared to be fiscal chaos. The reorganization process begun in that year continued until the queen’s death in 1369. CSee Chapter 7: Problems with

Wealth and Property.!

The century’s last two consorts were spared the fluctuations in holdings experienced by their predecessors.

Thirteen years after Philippa’s death, her dower lands were again assembled to form the nucleus of grants for Anne of 32 Bohemia. During the first year of marriage, Anne was assigned grants sufficient for all except £280 of the 178

33 £4,500 she had been promised. During the twelve years of

her reign, the specific properties totalling this amount 3 4 . changed periodically, but the amount remained constant.

Isabel of Valois, likewise, enjoyed constant dower holdings

during her brief reign. She was endowed at marriagewith

Pembroke and Mortimer lands to a total of £4-, 500, the same 35 as Anne had held. This amount remained th e same for her

three-year tenure.

The £4 ,500-£ 13 , 000 dower fo r queens was greater than

income o f other a r isto c ra ts of th e century. Newly created

earls were endowed in lands and rents on an average of £450

per year. Royal e a r ls and dukes received double that 36 amount. Only John of Gaunt would ultim ately equal or 37 surpass the consorts with a total of £1 2 , 0 0 0 endowment-

From 1350-1530, lords of households numbering over f i f t y 38 members averaged in yearly income £2,465. The consorts’ potential wealth was clearly enormous.

In extent, as in value, the queens’ holdings were

impressive. During the fourteenth—century, queens consort controlled properties in thirty-eight counties, in addition

to the city of London, Ireland, Wales, and the continent of

Europe. ESee Appendix L: Queens’ Properties.! Much specific information about these properties cannot be determined. Often records contain only such general * * descriptions as "lands," "tenement," or "messuage." It 179

is possible* however, to locate and provide some data about many of the queens’ holdings. Additionally, it is possible to determine which properties were held by more than one of the consorts, approximating an hereditary holding by queens.

Although details of size and composition are sparse, occasionally contemporary records contain interesting, and even precise, descriptions. Included in the composition of queen’s holdings in Cookham (Berkshire) were two acres of wood called "Maydenhytheslong," a plot in "le Waterdell," an acre called "le Voreacre," a croft called "Clothames- croft," an acre of wood called "Terryes 1 and," with other 39 lands totaling thirty-four acres. In some instances, the streets on which queens’ properties were located are identified by name. Anne’s holdings in Bristol (Glou­ cestershire) were a suburban messuage on Le liersshstrete

( w o r t h 10 shillings) and a second messuage on Wynchestrete AO ( w o r t h S3s8d). Included in the manor of Glatton (Hunt­ ingdon) was a village, the extent of which was eleven * # hides, each hide measuring five virgates, and each virgate

A1 twenty-four acres. The information about Benhale (Suf­ folk) manor included not only its description but also the goods and services attached to it, including hundredworks in w inter, sixtyworks in autumn, and f iv e ploughing ser- AB v ic e s . In contemporary records, manors are often 180

described in terms of their components. For example, Step- allarynton (Wiltshire) consisted of a watermill; two carucates containing 1 1 0 acres; eight acres of meadow; common pasture for four horses, twelve oxen, and 400 sheep; two virgates of villeins’ land; a half-virgater; six cottages; a court; a weekly market; and twenty-nine 43 shillings rent of free tenants. Occasionally, a manor is identified by dimensions, as with Costeye (Norfolk) which was determined to be an area of about two leagues in c ir - 44 cumference.

Often the queen’s income from the dower holdings came as farms, either of entire cities and towns, as with

Norwich (Norfolk) 8 £125:18:4, or combinations, as with

Cambridge town farm and eight other small farms 45 8 £68:4:10. Town farms were combined with other v a r ie t ie s of farms, as with C a r lisle (Cumberland) town farm 46 with mills and the Eden River fishery 8 £80. No amount was too small for the queen to claim or at least share, as with her part of the Derby town farm which amounted to 47 £6 : 10: 0.

Other items promised the queens in dower were rents from parcels of property. The amounts could be relatively large, as with Boham (Cambridgeshire) manor 8 £100. Or they could be quite small, as with Bray (Berkshire) lands 8 48 5 shillings. Occasiona11y, the rents were quoted in some 181

form other than cash. Roslaston (Derbyshire) manor in- A9 eluded rent of a pair of gilt spurs or 6 d per year.

Sutton-upon-Trent (Nottinghamshire) manor rents included one pound of cumin and one pound of p e p p e r .^ And, "from time out of mind)" the manor of Halfnakede (Sussex) counted among rents due at Christmas the second best tree and the second best pig for the house of lepers called Lodesdoune and another pig with two trees for the house of lepers at

St. James without Chichester

The dower properties held in tr in sic sources of income of undetermined but potentially great profit to the queens.

Such extras as fairs, markets, mills, fisheries, and bakehouses might have added greatly to revenues. All of the queens received fines, ransoms, and amercements levied by ju stic es on eyre nominated by the consorts to hear and determine p leas of her f o r e s ts . They also received a ll *52 profits of wastes, assarts, and purprestures. For example, in 1359, Philippa received £10 for the dead trees 53 in Savernak Forest and another £10 for underwood.

Whether the queens a ctu a lly realized sig n ific a n t wealth from these sources may only be speculated. The difficulty the consorts had collecting their various revenues will be addressed in a later chapter. [See Chapter 7: Problems with Wealth and Property.] At this point, one may only surmise that potential income was considerably larger than 182

the amounts sta te d as total dower grants. It has been estim ated that Isabel of F ra n ce’s lands in 1327, which

totaled just over £13,000, actually yielded as much as

£15,000.

Often s tr a te g ic sub-grants of dower properties added

to the queens’ revenues. Philippa, on 1 May 1349, granted to Thomas de Tettebury, the manor of Stratton (Wiltshire) at rent of £53:6:8, which was its total value in dower. In her grant to him, however, Philippa reserved:

. . . knights’ fees, advowsons, wards, * marriages, reliefs and escheats, im­ provements of w astes, f is h e r ie s in stews, stanks, lakes and dykes, * harshes, mar lp its (if any), vert, venison, swans, conies and peacocks, royal liberties, forfeitures, chattels of f e lo n s and f u g it iv e s and other f o r ­ eign profits not falling in the extent 55 of th e manor . . .

In addition, she required that her tenant:

. . . pay all rents due of right or Custom, . . . keep the houses, mills, stanks, stews and closes in repair and surrender the premises in as good a state as now, or better, and if the rent fall in arrear for one month the queen’ s minister may re-enter the manor 55 u n til the arrears be paid. 183

Contemporary records are replete with examples of such potentially lucrative arrangements. Some possibilities were not so great, of course. For example, the poor people who resided in her house on Spitell Othe Street in the city of Lincoln owed Queen Anne 6 s 8 d in rents.^

Although no estate was ever permanently reserved for the consorts, certain royal lands tended to be assigned 57 successively to them. Isabel got the bulk of Margaret’s

lands in 1318. After the 1330 redistribution of Isabel’s properties, £3,850 in value went to Philippa immediately and £8,000 came later, in 1359, with Isabel’s death. Of 50 Philippa’s lands, £4,500 were reassembled for Anne.

Some properties, however, were held by only one of the consorts. Of the thirty-eight counties in which queens’ properties may be identified, only one—Devonshire—was connected with one queen only— Isabel of France. Simi­ larly, Isabel was the only consort who held in Ponthieu and

Montreuil. Philippa of Hainault held property in her native territories of Hainault, Holland, and Zeeland. The other three consorts had no continental holdings. Isabel,

Philippa, and Anne also held some forest properties indi­ vidually. Isabel controlled Pendle and Trawden Forests, while Philippa was granted Lowes, Ogden, Pevereleswode,

Sapley, and Stowood Forests. Anne was the only queen of the century to hold Sherwood Forest. 184

All other counties, as well as London, Irish , Welsh,

and continental European territorities, contained proper­

ties held by at least two queens, usually in succession.

Margaret and Isabel of France held Porchester Forest.

Isabel of France and Philippa of Hainault had holdings

successively in Cumberland, Huntingdon, Lancashire,

Northumberland, Stafford, Kinver Forest, Wauburgh Forest,

Whittlewood Forest, and Calais. The English sites in the

above list were in the north country; so continual conflict

with Scotland may have prevented their being part of the

more regularly granted dower lands. Philippa and Anne of

Bohemia held the lordship of Richmond, su ccessiv ely , the

former holding it for her minor son John. Properties held

by two queens but apparently not by the person whose reign

interrupted the continuity of their reigns included proper­

ty in Ireland which was held by Philippa and Isabel of

Valois, but not by Anne.

Many properties were granted to three queens, again

usually in succession. Margaret, Isabel of France, and

Philippa held properties in Herefordshire, Somersetshire,

Surrey, Warwickshire, Knaresburgh Forest, New Forest,

Pewesham Forest, and Savernak Forest. Isabel of France,

Philippa, and Anne held properties in Bedfordshire, Corn­ w all, Derbyshire, L eicestersh ire, London, Rockingham 185

Forest, Salcy Forest, Scarborough Forest, and Whichwood

Forest. In addition, Margaret, Isabel of France, and Anne

held rights in Shropshire, while Philippa, apparently, did no t .

Some properties were held by four of the five con­

sorts. All except Margaret had holdings in Middlesex and

Wales. All except Isabel of Valois had holdings in Berk­

shire, Buckinghamshire, Cambridgeshire, Cheshire, Dorset­ shire, Essex, Gloucestershire, Hertfordshire, Kent, Kings- wood Forest, Lincolnshire, Macclesfield Forest, Melksham

Forest, Norfolk, Northamptonshire, Nottinghamshire, Oxford­ shire, Southamptonshire, Suffolk, Sussex, Wiltshire,

Worcestershire, Yorkshire.

Isabel of France, whose total holdings were greatest among the consorts, also held property in more locations than did the other queens. Isabel had properties in thirty-seven of the shires, excluding only the lordship of

Richmond. She also had holdings in London, Wales, and

Europe, but none in Ireland. Philippa, whose holdings

included Ireland as well as London, Wales, and the con­ tinent, had property in all counties except Devonshire.

Anne did not have holdings in Cumberland, Devonshire,

Herefordshire, Huntingdonshire, Lancashire, Leicestershire,

Northumberland, Somersetshire, Staffordshire, Surrey,

Ireland, and Europe. Margaret did not have holdings in 186 fourteen of the counties: Bedf ordsh i r e , Buckinghamshire,

Cornwall, Cumberland, Derbyshire, Devonshire, Huntingdon,

Lancashire, Middlesex, Northumberland, Nottinghamshire,

Richmond, Staffordshire, Westmoreland. She also did not hold in Wales, Ireland, and Europe. Isabel of V a lo is, whose b r ief career allowed only the i n i t i a l dower grants o f

Pembroke and Mortimer lands, naturally had her territory almost exclusively in Ireland and Wales- It should be remembered, however, that of the century’s consorts only

Anne came immediately into her full dower grant. Had

Isabel survived as queen, she might have had additional territories, including those by that time traditional to consort holdings, added to enhance her wealth.

An example o f a property which during the century evolved into an approximation of hereditary queen’s land is the ancien t royal demesne manor of Havering atte Bower 59 (Essex) . This manor with i t s park, f o r e s t , and other appurtenances was included in the original dower grant to

Margaret of France on 10 September 1299 3) £1A0.6° It was confirm ed to her on 13 October 1305 by Edward II as Prince of w a l e s . 61 With Margaret’s death, the property was

6 ? granted in dower to Isabel o f France 3) £1 A0 . With the

132A sequestration of Isabel’s holdings, this manor was apparently not granted elsewhere. However, in Isabel’s

1330 surrender of property, the king granted keeping of the 187

63 manor during pleasure to Henry de Aumeney. By 20 May

1332, the manor was held by Queen Philippa who gave to Amy

Gaveston several parcels of land totaling 25A-1/2 acres plus a messuage and £2:16:2 rents and services. Two years later Philippa granted other portions of the manor to

John de Dovere, including a messuage, sixty acres of land, four acres of meadow, and £A:5:1-1/2 rents in Gosaye, for 65 thirty-seven shillings annually.

As a royal manor of ancient demesne, the rents and services had been fixed in 1251 and, since that time, had been "an unrestricted tenant economy." Its many towns and manors included e s ta te s of Hornchurch priory, Dagenham, and

Giden Hall; the towns and v illa g e s of Havering a tte Bower, the ancient parish of Hornchurch, and the market community of Romford which supplied London; and the manors of Romford and Goshaye. [See Figure 1 : The Queens’ Liberty at

Havering.! In 1352, the landed population totaled 2,200, with 187 customary tenants and five freeholders. Around

1355, a temporary lull in assarting was caused by plague depopulat. 1 4. -ion.

Data from mid-century give an excellent description of this property at the height of Philippa’s queenship. The royal manor, which stretched north from the River Thames for eight miles to the village of Havering atte Bower, totaled 16,000 a cres. Of that amount, there were 5,200 188

acres in the manor; 1,730 acres in assarts; 600 acres of cotlands, ex-service holdings, and ex-demesne; 1,9£0 acres in freeholds, l,15^t acres in the royal park, and the rest in commons. Most of the land was in separate fie ld s , ranging from three to twenty acres. In its southern portions, and going north from the Thames, the land began with marshes and then gradually changed into poor, low- fertile, gravelly soil. Going north from Romford, in the approximate center of the manor, the terrain blended heavy

London clay and dense woodlands, the latter enclosed in a royal park. The largest money-making a c t iv it y was grazing for cattle, sheep, and pigs, but also there were crops

(oats, rye, barley, wheat, legumes, and hay) and crafts 6*7 (leather and charcoal making).

One of Philippa’s two favorite residences, Havering 60 atte Bower remained with her until her death in 1369. It reverted to the king and was leased, in 1377, by Richard II to Ralph Tyle, his yeoman, 3) £116, a decline of £2*+. It is p ossib le that leveling o ff of population had caused a de- 69 cline in land value. By 1380, this lease had passed to 70 Alan de Buxhall, knight, for five years at the same rate.

As soon as Richard had a consort to hold i t , Havering atte

Bower manor became part of her dower. It was granted to 71 Anne of Bohemia on 2*+ May 1382 8 £100. The manor had not suddenly declined again in value. Apparently, all of 189

traditional queen’s part of the property was not available in May because six months later the deficiency was made up by an augmentation grant? bringing the total yearly value 78 to Anne to £180. Anne held the manor until her death in

139A for, in that year, she granted 100 shillings yearly of 73 i t s issues to John Parker. The property was not among

Isabel of Valois’ dower grants but presumably might have been had she continued as queen.

SUPPLEMENTAL GRANTS

No matter how generous dower landgrants appear on paper to have been, queens consort of the century seem frequently to have needed additional revenues. So dower grants were often supported with supplemental grants, made usually for a specified term and purpose. Supplements took a variety of forms, including wardships, customs, cash awards, other lands, and other uses of lands.

Queens consort had major r e s p o n s ib ilit y for any minors in their charge, including their own children and minor wards for whom they had custody. Usually such custody lb included the minor’s marriage as well. When minors in th eir wardship were endowed with land, the queens received both responsibility for and income from the properties until the heir came of age. Similarly, when minor royal children were endowed with land, the queens were made 190

guardian and received both responsibility for and revenue 75 from the properties. It is impossible to determine total income queens derived from wardships, but it may have been substantial. Wardships were negotiable; so queens could occasionally realize profit in a short time. For example,

Margaret was granted custody of lands late of Robert de

Tateshal i tenant in chief. She sold custody to William de

Carelton for £5^6.13.^.^

Margaret was granted on l^t August 1301 the manors of

Bokenefield and Borle (Essex) for the use of herself and 77 her son Thomas. In addition, she was granted wardship of the son and heir of John de Albianaco 78 and o f the daughter and heir o f John de Wauton; marriage of the son and heir of both Gilbert de Clare and 79 Warin de Insula; up to £A,000 of king’s current marriages and custodies, including heirs of John Trenchard, Thomas de

Wodhull, William Heved, Roger de Tang, Giles de Plazz, SO Robert Bertram, Thomas de Tovecote, and John de Trailly; issues and profits of land and marriage of the heirs of

Hugh Bardolf, Hugh de Sancto P h ilib e r to , and Hugh de Mortuo

Marm l • •81

In 1320, Isabel of France had charge of lands in Wales 82 to satisfy needs of her daughter Eleanor. Additional grants to Isabel included wardship of Johannes de Gancto 191

Philberto, Elizabeth daughter of Hamon de Galton, and daughter of Theobold de Verdon, the latter valued Q3 S> £58:15:7; marriage of son and heir of John de 8 ^t Staunton; custody of lands, tenements, and marriage of 65 the son and heir of James de Bohun; custody of lands and tenements of the heirs of John de Kent and Thomas de Monte

Caniso; custody of lands, with farms, knight’s fees, advowsons, reversions and all other rights of the heir of 87 John Wake, tenant in chief.

Philippa’s numerous offspring inspired a multiplicity of supplemental grants. In 1331 and again in 133*t, issues of Chester were granted to support the Black Prince and the king’s sister Eleanor, later enlarged to support also

88 daughters Isabel and Joan. A grant, also in 1331, for sustenance of children provided £1 , 0 0 0 each year for two years of customs and subsidies from amounts collected by merchants to whom the king had granted all his customs and 89 subsidies. In 1335, Philippa received custody of lands la te of John de Multon during the minority of her son John 90 of Gaunt, With custody and full power as guardian of minor children John, Lionel, Edmund, Isabel, and Joan,

Philippa was given issu es of the earldom of Richmond with castles, manors, lands, and all other appurtenances to support them. The grant of properties late of John de

Warenne, earl of Surrey, which was made to Philippa while 192 she had custody of the young Edmund of Langley, illu s tr a t e s the extent of potential value of such holdings. All castles and lands north of the Trent which had belonged to

Warenne were placed in P h ilip p a ’s custody* and she would be required to render nothing for them. However, she would

"receive herself or by her ministers all issues, emoluments and other profits" and would "present to churches and other benefices of the collation of Edmund by reason of the lands," and would "have f u ll power of appointment and removal of all bailiffs and ministers." The value of this 91 grant was stated as £61.19.10. In 1396, Philippa was granted custody of all lands in Ireland which had belonged to the late William, earl of Ulster, father of her daughter-in-law Elizabeth. Both Elizabeth and her young husband, Prince Lionel, were in his mother’s charge while 9E m inors.

Often, before his trips, the king gave special supple­ mental grants to Philippa to assist her during his absence.

In 1395, before starting for France and war, he granted

Philippa ££,000 to be paid her within two years for the

"charges and expenses of the sustenance of the King’s 93 c h ild r e n .

In addition to her own children, Philippa populated her home with other minors under her custody and tutelage.

The Issue Roll of Thomas de Brantingham records payments of 193

fifty shillings to the "master of the children lately in the custody of [Queen Philippa!" suggesting they were resident wards. It is known that, in addition to her own children, Philippa raised John de Montfort, Olivier de

Clisson, the orphaned grandson of Roger Mortimer, and her granddaughter Philippa, only daughter of Lionel of Antwerp 95 and Elizabeth de Burgh, a fte r E liza b eth ’s death.

In addition to royal offspring and resident wards,

Philippa had a number of other custodies, including from

1335-1368 lands and heirs of John Bardolf, John Beauchamp,

John Carreu, Reynold de Cobham, Walter de Coleville, John

Darcy, P h ilip le Despenser, William Deyncourt, Henry de

Farraris, Walter de Fauconberg, William FitzWarin, Joan

FitzWauter, William de Gyney, John de Keynes, William

Latymer, John Lillebon, Anthony de Lucy, Stephen Malewell,

John M eriet, John de Multon, John de Drreby, William de la

Plaunk, Richard Playce, John St. Clare, Geoffrey de Say,

William le Scrope, William de Stelleye, David de Strabolgi, 96 Peter de V eel, John de W ill, and John de Wylyngton.

Custodies and wardships, then, were lucrative ventures to

Queen Philippa who averaged at least one supplemental grant for each year of her reign. Although realized income from this source cannot be calculated, from the wardship of the

Walter de Fauconberg heirs she would have received two- thirds of the value which to ta led in rents alone 194

£6 . 1 1 s .6-3/4d, ten horseshoes, one horse nail, and nine 97 barbed arrows, in addition to se rv ic es.

Anne of Bohemia had no children for whom she might

control property. She, also, was not granted wards as often as was Philippa. However, like her predecessors, she

enhanced her income with a variety of grants of custody, for some of which the value is not available. In 1385,

Anne received custody of lands late of Fulk Corbet during

the minority of his daughter and heir Elizabeth, together (^0 with her marriage. In 1391, she was granted custody of 99 the lands of Thomas de Clifford. And, in 1398, she held wardship and marriage of Ela and John, daughter and son of

Robert de Ufford. Some sim ilar grants carry with them

information about their economic value to the queen. Her custody of the lands late of Edmund de Stonore in 138S amounted to £178 yearly. And, in the same year, she claimed £80 for wardship of lands, tenements, and the heir of Thomas de Mountfort.

Isabel of Valois received all of her Mortimer holdings as wardship during the nonage of the heir of Roger, earl of

March. These holdings included all rents, farms, ward­ ships, and marriages, in addition to usual miscellaneous 101 income sources.

In addition to properties, queens relied on customs as a source of needed additional revenues. Customs were the 195

largest single source of regular royal income, which

increased steadily throughout the first three-quarters of

1 0 2 the fourteenth century. Part of this dependable supply

of income was used to supplement the c o n s o r ts ’ revenue, to

support both minor children and the always-deficient

household accounts. Isabel received, on 20 March 1318,

issues of wool, hides, and woolfells up to £A, 0 0 0 as part payment of the £7,030:10:8 still owed her by the king. Dn

at least two occasions, she was granted £1,500 yearly for

life from the customs of London, Boston, and Kingston-upon- 103 Hull, £500 from each. Philippa received, for household expenses, £1 , 0 0 0 of the first issues of old and new custom of the ports of Kingston on Hull and Ravensrodde, with

# 1 O^t custody o f cocket s e a ls there until payment was made.

For two years, she received £178 from the customs of

London. She also received £2,000 for two years, for the

maintenance of children and her own estate, from the

customs both in 13A8 and in 1 3 5 6 . Philippa was granted * £396.5.9-3/Ad yearly of the issues of petty customs from

the port of London for the maintenance of the royal chil- 107 dren.

Anne’s grants from customs seem to have been equally generous. She was granted £200 from the p etty customs of

the port of Great Yarmouth and the other ports between

Blakeney and T illebury, along with £97.10.0 from 196

108 Kingston-upon-Hul1. Later, other amounts were added,

including £850 from the great customs of the port of

Boston and £800 from the great customs of

Kl ngston-upon-Hu1 1 .

Periodica11y, income from lands and customs was still

inadequate to meet the consort’s expenses. In those

instances, they could expect assistance through other

means. Edward I typically made additional cash grants for

Margaret’s maintenance when they were not together, at

which times the king paid all expenses except her squires’ wages. Between 3 November 1899 and 19 Nov 1300, Margaret

received £4,778:5:5 from the king plus some housekeeping expenses. 1 1 0 In 1304, he granted an additional £710 for debts. 1 1 1 Also, Margaret received £8,000 each year for 118 fiv e years of the tenth granted in 1305. In 1318, #-1 13 Margaret received £107.14.8 from the king’s tallages.

In 1316, when dower grant revenues fell short of promised

amounts, the king ordered the exchequer to make available 114 to Isabel sufficient funds to attain the totals due her.

Again, a decade la ter, the queen was apparently in need.

At that time, she received a supplemental grant of 115 £108.14.0 "in silver plate and counted money." Her son supplemented her income extensively. Edward III often

assigned portions of his wool to assist both his wife and

his mother, occasionally to pay debts he owed them.* * ^ 3 In 197

1342, again to satisfy a debt to her, Edward III ordered

£500 of his wool from the counties of Rutland and Warwick 117 to Isabel. When customs due Isabel fell into arrears, the king made up the difference from the issues of a

1 1Q subsidy in the archdeaconry of Norfolk. In 1330, Isabel was granted £4,500, and Philippa £2,200, from the money

Edward III received from David o f Scotland. In 1331,

Edward III gave Philippa, for household expenses,

* £1.529:18:4 of the king’s moiety of papal first fruits.

In that same year, he granted her goods in the c a s tle and town of Tickhill on the day Simon de Beresford was arrested 119 for rebellion. He also ordered the exchequer to make cash payments to Philippa as needed. By February, 1333, the need was apparent; and the king ordered the exchequer to allow Philippa £2,000 for debts.in 1340, shortly after the birth of John of G a u n t , she r e c e i v e d £89 because of extra expenses incurred during her stay abroad. This amount came from the trienniel tenth granted by clerg y . In

1349, she received £500 for expenses involved in her churching after the birth of William of Windsor and £60 for 121 carpets during her confinement. In 1 3 6 2 - 1 3 6 3 , the exchequer was ordered to give her £1 , 7 5 6 . 1 9 . 2 and, in the

1 2 2 next year, £2,092.0.2, for debts.

As with everything else, Isabel of Valois did not reign long enough to receive extensive extra benefits. The 198

pattern for doing so was established, however, indicating

that extras would have come to her also. For example, she was at least once granted £400 issue of hanaper for 123 household expenses.

Some indication of moneys exchanged in c o n so r ts’ business activities may be obtained from lists of recog-

* msances due queens. These obligations linked a sum payable with an activity, the failure of which would cause fo r fe itu r e of the money. For example, when Philippa sold the wardship and marriage of the son and heir of John de

Bardolf to Michael de Ponynges on 11 February 1366, he made a recognisance for £1,000. The terms included not only payment of the amount owed but also that William should marry Michael’s daughter Agnes "before the month of Easter 124 next and . . . take yearly sustenance during his nonage.

Philip Darcy made a recognisance for £4,000 in 1385, promising to abide by the award of the queen’s council against him for trespassing against her tenants in Lincoln­ shire. He further agreed to ensure that seven of his men would appear before the queen’s council "to content her 125 according to the gravity of their offence."

Occasionally, when queens’ revenues were in arrears, the debtors made recognisances to be levied in default of payment. It was a technique used frequently by consorts, adding another dimension of authority to debt collection. 199

That forfeiture did occur may be inferred from instances in which terms of recognisances were later amended. For example) after Philippa’s death, Edward III established lengthy and elaborate conditions relative to fees and usage of Middleton manor (Kent), s a tis fa c tio n of which would invalidate the recognisance of £160 that five men had made i i . . 126 to the queen previously.

As with other financial transactions, recognisances are listed in documents but their ultimate resolutions are not. The extent to which recognisances may have meant realized income to the consorts is impossible to determine.

Even when sums due were c o lle c te d , the c o lle c tio n s at lea st occasionally, as in the above example, came too late for the queens to be able to use the moneys. Often the amount in such a delayed payment was quite large. For example, a recognisance for ^,000 marks levied on Elizabeth Clifford,

Ralph Neville, Reynold Grey, and Robert Harington was paid 127 to Richard II after Anne’s death. Available data indicate the sums due queens from recognisances may have been vast. For Philippa, for whom more recognisances are recorded than for the other consorts, the total would have been in excess of £17,965. CSee Appendix M: A List of the

Queens’ Recognisances.] 2 0 0

PREROGATIVE REVENUES

Part of the queens consort’s income came from tradi­

tional prerogatives inherent in the office. The most

profitable, at least potentially, were queen’s gold and

amobrogium. In addition, the queen had ce rta in rights of

salvage which could occasionally produce lesser amounts.

Queen’s gold was "as ancient as any Debts or Duties be­

longing to outr Kings, and coeval with them," having been 128 assessed in Anglo Saxon Mercia and East Anglia. Tra­ ditionally one-tenth of all voluntary obligations or fines

due to the king in England and Ireland, queen’s gold was added automatically to the fine and given by the king to 1 29 his consort.

After reviewing all relevant available records from

the fourteenth century» William Prynne concluded, in Aurum

Reg i nae, that queen’s gold applied to fines granted to the king by the pope or parliament for persons not parties to the grant, but for counties, corporations, or other per­ sons, grants and custody of lands, bodies, and marriages of the king’s wards; alienations of advowsons, lands in mortmain, lands held of the king in capite to other persons; vacant temporalities of archbishoprics, bishop­ rics, and monasteries, confirmations of lands and arch­ deaconries in Ireland, charters to confirm liberties, franchises; for ransoms; deceits and frauds; falsifying, clipping, and abusing money; and all other sorts of 201

offenses against the peace and trespasses* abuses* con­ cealments, offenses in and out of forests* restitution of

lands or goods seised by or forfeited to the king for any offense; licenses to appropriate churches* reliefs; pardons

and saving liv e s of convicted and condemned persons; discharge of hoblars and other soldiers; adhering to nobles against the king, not going with the king beyond seas to his wars when bound by tenure to do so; not taking order of knighthood when summoned by the king’s court.

Prynne further concluded that queen’s gold did not

apply to aids granted to the king by parliament, con­ vocation, or any persons for defense of the realm or Holy

Land; any duplicated fine by the same person even if the name varied; the grant of wardship or marriage of wards when the wards died before the grantee could receive any benef i t .

Kings strongly supported the queens’ prerogative right of queen’s gold. They periodically charged their receivers to levy queen’s gold without delay or impediment* claiming

it to have been the queen’s prerogative ". . . a tempore 130 quo non extat memoria." They also gave priority to queen’s gold in the phrasing of some fiscal orders. For example, after some customs relaxation in the export of wool, a statement concluded that "... the Queen’s gold 131 shall not run in demand by reason of this grant." Kings 2 0 2

also required that sheriffs, bailiffs of liberties, and

receivers accounting for queen’s gold not leave the court

until they had accounted for, or paid in, all the moneys

they had levied. Neglect on their part meant imprisonment 132 and fines. According to Prynne, "defrauding the queen

Cof queen’s gold! was not only a dishonor, but a disin- 133 heriting to the King himself." He also claimed that

every distress of queen’s gold was considered as an abuse 13^ and the party’s liberty was seised.

The queen had special clerks, attorneys, and receivers

in the exchequer to administer all aspects of queen’s gold.

Among those appointed in the fourteenth century were John

de Godele by Margaret, John Drury and John de Oxendon by 135 Isabel of France, and John Eston by Philippa. Anne’s

attorney general William de Karlell assisted in collecting 1 3 h queen’s gold. The barons were mandated to assist these

staff members in the process. Philippa complained to

Edward in 1338 that there was a problem in collecting her

queen’s gold. As a response, the king issued a writ to the barons to support the tradition and importance of these

payments. This writ was only one of many that the cen­

tury’s kings issued in their efforts to get queen’s gold 137 paid and collected. CSee Chapter 7: Problems with

Wealth and Property.] 503

Any questions or problems concerning queen’s gold were settled by the king and his council, including restraint of the queen’s s t a f f for any im proprieties. If lands and tenements were liable for queen’s gold? the liability extended to subsequent holders. Upon the death of the queen, arrears in queen’s gold accrued to the king, who recovered and disposed o f them as with h is own debts. At the death of the king, the widowed consort could continue to recover any arrears but was not due any portions of 1 38 fines made subsequently.

Exact amounts actually received by the consorts for their debts of queen’s gold cannot be determined. Cer­ tainly, total revenues were potentially enormous for, excepting military levies, queen’s gold was levied on what must have been the majority of the k ing’s fin e s and c o l ­ lections. Although total receipts are not known, available information can provide some insight into the potential.

According to Prynne, the to ta l sum demanded by the queen 139 for Hilary term 133^ was £580. Contrasted with that demand, equal to more than one-tenth of the average dower grant, receipts for Philippa in some subsequent years have been compiled by Tout as follows: 204 TABLE 1

Easter term 1336-1337 £ 9 1 :1 5 :8

Michaelmas term 1336-1337 1 IE: 19:<*

Easter term 1339 16: 1:8

Michaelmas term 1390 to

Michaelmas term 1391 31: 0:0

Michaelmas term 1392 to

190 Michaelmas Term 1393 669:11 : 5

The d isp a rity between amount demanded and amounts

collected in such a brief period of time, relatively, is difficult to explain. If the Hilary term, 1339, is exem­

plary, the receipts in 1390-1391 and 1392-1393 ought to

have been nearly ££,000. No term’s receipts came even

c lo se to the 1339 demands, however, which may be, as sh a ll

be discussed later, because of the queens’ chronic inabil­

ity to receive payment for the debts due them. On the other hand, perhaps re ce ip ts from 1336-1392 reflected a

number of contemporary activities which could have had an effect on both available revenues and the real of the

queen’s staff in collecting them. War with Scotland and

the beginning of the Hundred Year’s War with Edward I l l ’s

claim to the throne of France would have exempted some

fines from being assessed for queen’s gold. Occupation in

these conflicts also could have prevented a number of prop­ erty exchanges, misdeeds, etc., liable to queen’s gold?

which might normally have occurred in le s s m ilita r ily 205

active times. The queen was busy during these years estab­ lish in g and encouraging the Norwich group of imported

Flemish weavers, as well as giving birth to William of

Hatfield (cal336), Lionel of Antwerp (1338), John of Gaunt

(1340), Blanche of the Tower (1340), and Edmund of Langley

(1341). Neither she nor her administrators may have considered collection of queen’s gold a first priority under the circumstances. The king, in addition to his wars, was concerned with the creation of the new round table and the Order of the Garter, not to mention dalliance 141 with the Countess of Salisbury. Also, in the late middle 1330’s, a shortage of wool on the continent resulted in higher prices for English exports, lessening the rela­ tive impact of" other revenues. It was not merely coinci­ dental that the high collection of queen’s gold reported by

Tout, £669:11:5 in the 1342-1343 fiscal year, coincided with both the decline in wool export prices and a supple­ mental grant of £4,000 to allay part of Philippa’s indebt­ edness .

A second prerogative source of queens’ revenues was amobrogium, the sum exacted in Wales from a woman on her 142 marriage. As with queen’s gold, amobrogium is difficult to trace with any exactitude. Records show that it was granted to Anne for life, suggesting that late in the century it no longer was automatically a consort’s right 143 inherent in her office. Tout lists receipts for Phil­ ippa for some of the same terms as with queen’s gold: 206 TABLE 2

Easter term 1336-1337 £ 33: 6:8

Michaelmas term 1336-1337 23: 0:0

Michaelmas term 1340 to

Michaelmas term 1341

North Wales-farmed 66:13:A

South Wales 20: 0:0

Michaelmas term 1342 to 144 Michaelmas term 1343 105: 0:0

It is interesting to note that during the time and in the territo ry in which the queen farmed out the c o lle c tio n , it increased dramatically and that increase continued to be reflected a year later. Perhaps the large amount collected in 1342-1343 can also be traced to the queen’s need in light of decreasing wool revenues and increasing indebt­ edness .

The final revenue prerogative of consorts was right of salvage. Queens could claim anything of value from ship­ wrecks on their coastal territories. Apparently, if the men on the ship escaped alive and were able to conduct their own salvage operations, the queen’s rights were 145 abandoned. When a ship, ' le Marie knyght’ of Wismere, was wrecked on the River Humber in 1386, Anne, on whose lordship of Holderness the wreck went ashore, received as salvage all except "the ship and gear, [the master’s] 207

raiment and the raiment of his fellows and servants) and other harness of their own." She had to pay her men for the work done in salvaging "forty lasts and four barrels of herring of Scone and two barrels of oil) the herring for

£^:10:0 a last) the oil for 30s.) and all other merchan- dise, goods) etc.

MISCELLANEOUS REVENUES:

Miscellaneous sources of income for consorts included sales (products from their estates and household sur­ pluses)) gifts) and loans. Apparently) no cash receipt was too small for a consort’s staff to accept and record. In * 1 7 1335) Philippa received 20d for hidage. Larger sums were obtained through sale of such products as wool) however. Philippa’s treasurer’s accounts list a one-time sale of eighty-four sarplars from her estates south of the 1 ^8 Trent. Occasionally) revenue originated with taking advantage of less than fortuitous circumstances. When "the great wind in the wood of Inwoode in Cokham manor" blew down portions of the trees> Philippa sold those portions to

i 9 John May of Cookham for £^»0. It has been mentioned that

Philippa was influential in relocating Flemish weavers in

Norwich to esta b lish a new industry. She showed sim ilar resourcefu1 ness in reopening the coal mines of Tyndale and the lead works of Derby> the former having been dormant 208

1 50 sin ce the r e ig n of Henry III. All of the consorts, except perhaps Isabel of Valois, realised some income from 151 sales of household surpluses, such as wine and butter.

Gifts to the consorts were often lavish and came from 152 a variety o f family and su b jects. The most common form of royal gift, after land, in the middle ages was wine. In

1303, Edward I gave twelve tuns of wine to Margaret and four years later his butler delivered to her an additional 153 thirty-seven tuns. Isabel of France, in 1342, was given a cash payment of £102:13:4 instead of the wine her son had 154 promised her. His p rise of wines in the port of Lenne 155 was granted to her for three years in 1355 and before that for th ree years more in 1351, so apparently beginning

1 about 13^,8. And Philippa was given one-third of the king’s prise of wine in ports of Kingston-on-Hu11, South- 157 ampton, and Bristol in 1334, and all the king’s prise of wine in the port of Southampton in January, 1348, and 156 again m May, 1359. In addition to wine, Philippa received "all that pertains to the king of ship and goods 159 of the king’s enemies arrested in the port of Bristol."

Anne received the king’s prises of wine in the ports of

Bristol and Southampton "in aid of her household expenses while she keeps house when not in his company."160

In addition to wine, less regularly received gifts included other items for consumption, money, clo th in g , and 209

various precious metals and jewels. In 1305, Edward I gave

Margaret six teen s ilv e r g i l t cups worth £54.*^* She and members of her court were given unspecified jewels, rings, cups, and belts, to a value of £50.11.0, by the Prince of 1 62 Wales in 1303. In 1305, the king had an assortment of gilt and silver vessels, jewels, and embroideries, worth a 1 S3 total of over £1,200, made for the queen. And, in the next year, he gave her over £54 worth of jewels. Isabel of France received from the merchants of Lynn meat and swans worth £6:0:2 (1333); meat, lampreys, and wine worth

£4:6:10 (1334); a pipe of wine, a barrel of sturgeon, and services transporting them worth £9:12:9 (1351).*^ In

1328, the mayor and aldermen of London sent to Philippa as gifts totaling £100, five carcasses of beef, twelve pigs, twelve swans, two barrels of sturgeon, three barrels of pike, three barrels of eels, twelve pheasants, a hundred­ weight of wax, and other food.*^

Occasionally, the queen received the income from the king’s salvage, as in the winter of 1349-1350 when wine, fruit, and other goods seized from a French ship were given to Philippa. Philippa was given a ll moneys due the earl of

Richmond on the day of his death because the earl had been 167 in the king’s debt at the time. Such a gift, of course, depended on c o lle c tin g the debts which, as sh all be shown, was often difficult. 2 1 0

More immediately valuable to the queens were gifts of

often elaborate clothing* jewels* and utensils. The king 168 frequently purchased cloth for Margaret. Christ Church

Canterbury recorded gifts to Isabel of France each time she

visited, which she did five times between 13l*t and 1321,

including two basins and two cups, one of each gild ed and 169 one worked, plus a total of £17:12:A for other items.

The lord mayor and the aldermen of London gave Philippa "a 170 magnificent service of plate to the value of 300 marks.”

Edward III was the most frequent benefactor to Philippa.

He frequently added cash gifts when his presence added 171 costs not covered by her regular allowance. When the

Black Prince was made duke of Cornwall, the king spent

£1,333:6:8 on clothes for him and the queen. On the occasion of Princess Isabel’s marriage to Enguerrand de

Coucy, Edward gave Philippa "two beautifully embroidered corselets or bodices, one worked with the words MYN

Biddinoe and the other with her own favorite motto Ich 172 wrude muche." Philippa chose this opportunity to sell 173 over £2,000 of her jewels. The king was also generous to

Philippa for festivities related to the Order of the

Garter. In 13^*+ and in 135B, he gave her £500 for clothes 1 to wear. Her son Edward, the Black Prince, was generous

to his mother. From 1352 to 1357, he gave her five horses

(a d estrier called Bayard Gwen, a courser called Baugan de SI 1

Burgh, a palfrey c a lle d Grisel P e titw a ite , two sumter

horses called Morel Heuvet and Dun de Skelton), in addition

to two brooches, six miniver furs, four dozen gold studs,

an embroidered tunic, large quantities of cloth and furs,

1 7 5 and £500.

fhe fullest account of gifts to the consorts is an

inventory of wedding presents and other gifts to Isabel of

Valois, recorded in Chronicoue He la Tralson et Mort de

Richard Deux, Roy Denaleterre from documents currently in

the Royal Archives, Paris. All along the way, as the new

queen traveled from France to England with her entourage,

she was met by her admiring followers, and presented with

luxurious gifts. The list included five clasps or buckles;

more than forty goblets, cups, and ewers; three crowns;

four circlets; two collars; two belts; two bracelets; two

hats; three diamonds p lu s boxes o f other jew els including

sapphires and pearls; more than ten basins; sixteen to

eighteen tables; two mirrors; and at least two pictures.

In addition, she received a frontlet, a lantern, a candle-

box, a cand1esnuf f er, a candlestick, a bridal veil, a

silver eagle, a cross, a tassel, a salt cellar, a feather,

a buttoner, a headband, and a book of hours. Among stat­

uary she was given images of a greyhound, a serf, and the

Virgin Mary. Each of the gifts is described as crafted of

precious metals and stones. ln addition, according to the 2 1 2

chronicler* she received even more g i f t s , too numerous to 176 remember. CSee Appendix N: Isabel of V a lo is’ G i f t s . 3

Finally, among miscellaneous items which comprised the consorts’ revenues must be listed loans. Although income from this source was obviously irregular, as were g i f t s , it is significant in that all of the century’s queens had to borrow in order to survive. Perhaps following the example set by their husbands, the queens borrowed often and variously in terms of sources and amounts.

The need for royal borrowing antedated the fourteenth 177 century. Beginning with Edward I, borrowing became a

"regular method of . . . stabilizing royal finance at all 178 tim es ..." Edward, whose primary lending source was the Italian banking family Frescobaldi, left his son a debt 179 of £60,000 and mortgaged customs. By 1310, Edward II had repaid approximately two-thirds of this debt. But he continued to depend on the Frescobaldi and other foreign bankers, often to finance gifts to Gaveston. By 1311,

Edward II was offering crown jewels as security to the executors of the estate of Henry of Lincoln for a loan of

£1,000. In 1314, the clergy of Canterbury loaned him

10,000 marks. He and Edward III, also, borrowed from the

Genoese Antonio Pessagno and the Florentine Bardi fam- 1 BO i iy- 213

By 1350, Edward III had raised approximately 181 £2,000,000 from financiers. He borrowed on an average, in his early years, £12,000 to £20,000, with an interest of 188 about £4,000 per year. In 133B, when wool subsidy was not collected, Edward III had to have loans from both Bardi 183 104 and Peruzzi. Interest rates often were up to 50*/..

His first expedition into the Netherlands (1338-1340) has 185 been called "a gradual slide into virtual bankruptcy."

He had begun granting customs and subsidies as securities 1 S

Bardi and the Peruzzi were bankrupt; so the king went to syndicates of wealthy English financiers for loans of 1 R9 £80,000 by 1353. In 1341, he borrowed almost £25,000 190 from the Flemish. Among other crimes, charging50*/. loan interest to the king figured in the impeachment t r i a l s 191 of Lord Latimer and Richard Lyons. Not only did Edward

III borrow from a variety o f fin a n cie r s, he pawned his crown, along with Philippa’s, and enticed Flemish communes to loan him 5,000 marks with a promise to transfer the 1 92 staple to Bruges. Richard II, therefore, inherited, in 214 addition to an unstable so c ie ty , a debt of over £60,000 owed to "magnates, troops, courtiers, tradesmen, and clubs," a mortgaged customs, and "exchequer accounts in 193 chaos." A final agreement by mutual quitclaims in 1391 cancelled "all debts between Cthe king and the Bardi] from 19*t the beginning of the world to October, 1391."

Margaret, within two years of her marriage, had already begun to emulate this royal practice. In 1301, she borrowed ££00 from James Brabanzonis and Conrad Bermonis, 195 members of the Sienese Society of Bonseignor. She, u ltim ately, was indebted, a lso , to the Bardi for money needed for her household expenses. And, on at least one occasion, loans to Margaret involved a number of other persons and a series of convoluted activities. She had borrowed from John Van, a merchant of the Bellardi Society of Luca. Some amount of that loan was repaid with £1000 from William de Cumbe Martyn, in return for which the king granted property to William on 8 July 1305. At William’s death, in 1318, this £1,000 had apparently not been paid because the king ordered that his executor be restored certa in issu es which the escheator had erroneously 197 c 1 a imed.

Isabel of France was perhaps the most innovative consort in her borrowing when she used her daughter-in-

law’s dowry to finance her revolution against her husband. 215

However, she was typical of her contemporaries in her other borrowing activities. By 1327, Edward II, himself in debt,

was paying the Bardi £2,360:6:8 "for sums h is queen had 198 received from them. Isabel had, additionally, given 199 them a custom-free allowance in 1320. During Isabel’s

invasion, the Bardi house in London was looted and the

company representatives hid in terror. Afterwards, they decided to rent rather than purchase London property and to

placate them Isabel bought the looted residence for

£700.^00 From 1330 to mid-1336, the Bardi had paid Isabel 201 a total of £7,200 at her son’s request.

At the same time, Philippa was borrowing from the same

sources. In 1330, £A00 of the k in g ’s moiety of papal f ir s t

fruits was paid to the Bardi to satisfy their advances to 202 the queen. In the next year, they advanced Philippa

£1,000 when she did not receive the previously promised 203 customs revenues. In 1331, she also received an advance 20A of £BA0 from William de la Pole. In 1332, the Bardi 205 paid her £950 as a gift from the king. By February,

1333, Philippa was in debt to the Bardi for £2,268:15:0, 206 most of which had been for household expenses. In 1337,

the Bardi paid h alf of Philippa’s debt to John Darcy, a 207 total of £500. Later that year, they loaned her an 808 additional £A,535:11:11 for debts. And the Peruzzi

loaned her £A50 for the same purpose, both of which loans 216

209 the king promised to repay. In 1340, part of the

Shropshire subsidy went towards Philippa’s debt to the 210 Peruzzi of £719:11:4. In the next two years, the king made special provisions for her to export wool in order to redeem jewels she had pledged for her expenses abroad and to repay creditors. 211

The trend continued, with new indebtedness annually, for the rest of Philippa’s life. From 1 October 1369, after her death, to 8 April 1370, Edward III paid 212 £1,385:11:1 for her debts. Ten years after her death,

in actions related to collecting arrears in her queen’s gold, the king still could not be certain that all her 213 creditors had been satisfied.

All of P h ilip p a ’s debts were not in large amounts from professional bankers. Her ecumenism as a debtor appears to have allowed any amount from any source. In the paperwork following the death of a lorimer of London, his estate claimed arrears from the queen for a litter "made for the use of my said Lady the Queen, 20 marks; for a ta b le t, 8 marks; for 24 buttons, gilt and enamelled, and 2 cloths of 214 silk and silver, 20 marks." After Philippa’s death,

Edward repaid the valet of his household £7:16:7 for which 215 she was bound to him "for certain causes." He also paid out to various persons a total of £1,377:14:6 in "divers 217

sums of money and debts at her death . . . for relief of her sou 1 • ^

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

All that can actually be said about the revenues of fourteenth-century queens consort is that they were potentially great. Including income from a significant portion of royal property in both the British Isles and on th© continent* customs* prerogatives, fees, s a le s , g ift s , and loans, the queens’ annual revenues might have been, and probably at le a s t occasionally were, enormous according to the standard of any person or era. Unfortunately, there exists no balance sheet to record any year’s complete profit and loss. And, in the tumultous fourteenth-century, th e re was no typical year. However, it is p o ssib le to select two years, for which data are available in some v a r ie ty and certa in ty , to ascertain what might have been.

From September, 1340, to September, 1341, and the same period between 1342-1343, receipts for both queen’s gold and amobrogium are available. In addition, records exist of supplemental grants of wool to satisfy the queen’s debts p lu s some m iscellaneous income. Using the most conservative estimate suggested by G. L. Harriss, the a ctu a l income would be 1 1 5 ’/. of the estimated income.

Including a l l o f the above, for the years c ite d , P hilipp a’s 218

actual revenues may have been near £9,000 and £15,000 517 respectively. The average income of those estimates is around £11,000, not including all the miscellaneous en­ hancements available. For example, in the later year,

P h ilip p a ’s revenues were enhanced by custody o f the earldom o f Richmond during John of Gaunt’s minority with approxi- 510 mately £290. To be balanced with this apparently large revenue, administrative costs, added to opulent lifestyle, made the consorts’ income at best adequate and, occasion­ ally, not even that. 219

CHAPTER Vs NOTES

W en-Hilson and Curteis, Bastards, p. 22; and Johnston, "Household,* p. 253.

^Holees, Estates, p. 43.

Mathew, Court, p. 16.

McKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 292; and Strickland, Lives, p. 122.

■Vryde, Tyranny and Fall, p. 182; Le Bel, Vraves Chronioues. 1:76; and Petit, "Manage," p. 381.

6Usk, Chronicon. p. 210; Chronicoue de la Tralson, p. 167 ; DuBoulay and Barron, Richard IJj pp. 32, 79; Foedera, VI11:532-3; and Hirot, "Isabelle," p. §53.

7 R. B. Pugh, The Crown Estate (London: Stationers Office, I960) p. 1. g Bertrae P. Holffe, The Royal Deaesne in English History: The Crnwn Estate in the gover­ nance of the Reala frna the Conouest to 1509 (London: Oeorge Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1971), p. 54. 9 Even in The Doaesdav Book soae rents were reserved to the queen, usually for specific pur­ chases. Thoas, Book, p. 65; Holffe, Deaesne, p. 56.

10Wolffe, Deaesne, p. 52.

**G. L. Harriss, Kino, Parliaaent, and Public Finance in Hedieval England to 1369 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975) p. 150. 12 Foedera, 11:912; and Tout, Chanters, 5:272.

13 Foedera, 11:972; and Tout, Chanters, 5:272.

^CPR (1307-1313) 19 March 1310, pp. 216-219; and Tout, Chanters. 5:272-3.

McKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 81 _; and T out, C hanters, 5:244 n7

CPR (1334-1338) 11 August 1337, p. 489; Johnston, "Household," p. 251; and Tout, Chanters, 5:274.

^CPR (1317-1321) 5 March 1318, pp. 115-6, 6 April 1318, pp. 131-2, 1 August 1318, pp. 201-3.

18CFR (1319-1327) 18 Septeaber 1324, p. 22; CPR (1307-1313) 14 May 1308, p. 74; and CPR (1324-1327) 18 Septeaber 1324, p. 346. 2 2 0

I9H. C. Buck, "The Before of the Exchequer, 1314-1326," EHR 387iApri1 19831:250. Buck credits this confiscation at least partly to administrative reforcs and to Edward M’s "greed and parsimony." Holffe, Deaesne, pp. 56, 61. Included in this package were lands froa Lacy and Contrariant holdings which represented a 26X increase in crown resources. See also CPR (1327-1330) 1 February 1327, pp. 22, 66-70} DN| 10:501} Harriss, Kino, Parliament, p. 169} Johnston, "Household," 1:253} HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 81} Huriauth, Continuation, p. 52} and Tout, Chapters, 5:281.

^Johnston, "Household," p. 256} Tout, Chapters, 5:281} and Holffe, Deaesne, pp. 56-55.

£1Brut, 7:257. 22 Apparently contemporary opinion saw the queen as only narrowly avoiding loss of aore than lands. According to Knighton, Isabel "cua difficultate evasit daanatione® ad aortea}" Knighton, Chronicon, 1:656. See also CFR (1327-1337) 10 Deceeber 1330, p. 206} CPR (1330-1336) 1 Deceaber 1330, p . 153} John Hardyng, The C hronicle fro a th e F i r s t e Beovnnvno o f Enalande, ed . Henry E llis (London: F. C. 6 J. Rivington et a l., 1812}reprint ed. Aasterdaa: Theatrua Orbis Terrarua, Ltd., 1796), p. 319} Johnston, "Household," 1:256} and Tout, Chapters, 6:267.

23CFR (1327-1337) 10 December 1330, p. 206} CPR (1330-1336) 20 January 1331, p. 68} Tout, Chapters, 5:276} and Holffe, Chapters, p. 56.

26 CPR (1336-1338) 23 Septeaber, 1336, pp. 26, 60. "... in remembrance of the divine pre­ cept that sons should reverence their parents and of filial duty. . . ‘

25 Brantinghaa, Issue Roll, p. xxxv; Johnston, "Household," 1:250} and Tout, Chapters, 6:267.

2^CPR (1327-1330) 15 Hay 1328, p. 270} Foedera, 11:2:763} Johnston, "Household," p. 251} and Tout, Chapters, 6:278.

27CPR (1327-1330) 12 February 1330, pp. 501, 12 April 1330, p. 508, 18 April 1330, p. 512. SQ CCR (1330-1333) 25 December 1331, p. 383} CPR (1327-1330) 16 April 1329, p. 389.

29CPR (1330-1336) 1 January 1331, pp.55:56, 20 March 1333, p. 620.

30 CPR (1330-1334) SO February 1334* p. 512; and Johnston? "Household?" pp. 259ff.

31CPR (1358-1361) 26 June 1359, pp.237-239.

32Uolffe, Deaesne, p. 56.

33 Mirot, "Isabelle," p. 562.

36 Tout, Chapters, 5:281.

35Ibid.} Mirot, "Isabelle," p. 562} CPR (1396-1399), 8 Deceaber 1396, p. 60, 1 August 1398, p. 603. 2 2 1

3^Wolffe, Deaesne, p. 61.

37 Robertson, Londom p. 90. According to Sir Sydney Araitage-Saith, John of Saunt’s ’household is unique. No other in England can rival it; it rivals that of the king,' Cited by Given-Wilson, Courty p. 82.

3*V.ate Nertesy The Enolish Noble Household. 1250-1600: Sood Governance and Political Rule (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), pp. 216-217.

39 Ino. Mi sc■. 12 Septeaber 1388, 5:175:120.

40CFR (1391-1399) 10 Noveaber 1394, p. 131.

41 VCH Huntingdonshire, ed. by U illiaa Page and Granville Proby (London: St. Catherine Press, 1926), 3:178.

^ Inos. disc.. 12 Septeaber 1388, 5:170:49-50.

43Ibid., 20 October 1362, 3:161:155.

^CPR (1381-1385) 24 Hay 1382, pp. 125-6.

45CPR (1327-1330) 1 February 1327, p. 66.

46lbid. (1330-1334) 20 Noveaber 1331, p. 448.

A?Ibid. (1358-1361) 26 June 1359, pp. 237-9.

48 Ib id . (1350-1354) 9 August 135H, p . 319.

*9Inos. P.H.t 3 April 1354, 10:116:106.

^Ib id ., 3 Deceaber 1353, 10:45:33.

J*Ibid., 20 August 1348, 9:52:38.

52CPR (1327-1330), 5 July 1327, p. 135; and Inos. disc., 7:311:1767.

53CPR (1358-1361), 20 October 1359, p. 303.

54 Harriss? Kino* Parliaafrnt, p. 150.

55CPR (1354-1358), 20 April 1356, p. 404.

56lnos. Hisc.. 21 July 1397, 6:88.

57 R. B. Pugh, Crown E s ta te , p . 6 ; A H isto ry o f W iltsh ire, e d . by R. B. Pugh (London: University of London Institute of Historical Research, 1957-9), 1:409. The forests of Chippenhaa 2 2 2

and Melkshaa with all revenues} along with the castle and town of Devizes and the aanor of Rowde, were assigned as doner to queens froa Eduard I to Henry VIII. 59 Holffe, Deaesne, p. 56.

59 Harjorie K. Hclntosh, ‘Land, Tenure, and Population in the Royal Manor of Havering, Essex, 1251-1352/3," Econoaic History Review. 33(July 19B0>:17-18.

60CPR (1292-1301) 10 Septeaber 1299, p. 651.

61Ibid. (1307-1313) 19 March 1310, pp. 216-9.

68Ibid. (1317-1321) 6 April 1318, pp. 131-2; and CCR (1318-1323) 6 April 1318, p. 538.

63CFR (1327-1337) 13 Deceaber 1331, p. 213.

Lh Inns. Misc., 20 May 1332, 2:1290:316.

i5CFR (1327-1337) 23 May 1336, p. 602.

^McIntosh, “Havering," pp. 17-8; and VCH Essex, ed. by U. R. Powell (London: Institute of Historical Research, 1963), 7:1, 18. 67 McIntosh, "Havering," p. 21. Ten to twelve acres at Havering were considered adequate to support a faaily.

68 Siven-Hilson, Court, pp. 116-5. Her other favorite was Uindsor Castle.

LQ Hclntosh, "Havering," p. 30.

70 Holffe, Deaesne, p. 63.

^Nathew, Court, p. 36; Inqs. Misc., 1 May 1605, 7:311:167.

7SCPR (1381-1385) 22 Noveaber 1382, p. 203.

73CCR (1392-1396) 8 Noveaber 1396, p. 316.

76 Henry Bracton, On the Laws and Custoas of Enoland, trans. by Saauel E. Thorne (Caabridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1968) 2:250. "Chief lords have the full wardship of all their fees, Isoaetiaes] without the bodies of their heirs, soaetiaes with the*, in such a way that they have the full and free disposal thereof, in the conferring of churches when they are vacant, in granting, giving and selling wardships, in aarrying feaale heirs (and in selling their aarriages) if there are woaen to be aarried, and, in general, power to dispose of everything to the heir’s advantage, just as they would dispose of their own, and aore advantageously if P05~ sible. They aay sell the wardship of the lands and the aarriage of the heirs if they are not aarried. But they aay alienate nothing of the inheritance so that it is peraanently lost. They shall aaintain the heirs honourably, as long as they are in wardship, in accordance with the size of the inheritance, and pay off the inherited debts to the extent of [the portion! of the 223

inheritance [they each held] and the length of tiae they hold it. They can conduct the business of heirs and bting actions for acquiring their right, in aatters in which it is peraissible for ainors to lead; [that is] on the possessory right; on the heir’s own seisin or that of soae ancestor. But they cannot sue for thea on the right in a proprietary action; nor answer; except under certain circuastances; that is; for a thing of which the ainor has been enfeoffed within age. If a ainor is appealed of felony when under age he will be attached by safe and secure pledges; but he will not be bound to answer until he reaches his aajority. So long as the guardian has the wardship of the land let hia aaintain the houses; parks; gaae preserves; ponds; aills and all things belonging to that land odt of the issues of the saae, and restore to the heir; when he coaes to full age. all his land stocked with plough teaas and all other things; at the least no less well stocked than he found it. He shall take nothing froa the heir’s land while he is under age except rightful issues, rightful custoas and rightful services, and this without destruction and waste of aen or things."

^Tout. Chapters. 4:282.

76CCR (1302-1307) 25 June 1307, p. 516.

77CPR (1301-1307) 14 August 1301, p. 65. 7 D Inns. F.H., 23 Hay 1360, 4:329:224, 10 February 1317, 5:544:358.

79CPR (1292-1301) 13 Hay 1301, p . 592, 9 Ju ly 1301, P. 606.

Ibid. (1302-1307) 25 June 1307, p. 516; (1307-1313) 12 August 1308, pp. 74-5, 5 July 1311, p. 376; (1313-1317) 15 Harch 1315, p. 264. a t Ibid. (1292-1301) 1 October 1304, p. 261; CCR (1302-1307) 12 August 1305, pp. 285-6, (1307-1313) 15 July 1311, p. 376.

88Foedera, 11:2:811.

8^Parliaaentarv Writs and Writs of H ilitarv Suaaons. ed. Sir Frances Palgrave (London: Coaaissioner on the Public Records) 1827-1834, 2:1:530, <105, 18 April 1320; 2:1:532, <122, 4 June 1320.

S^CPR (1354-1358) 10 Hay 1355, p . 246.

85Ibid. (1313-1317) 2 February 1314, p. 81.

86Ibid. (1317-1321) 4 April 1318, p. 130.

87Ibid. (1307-1313) 4 Harch 1311, p .-330; CCR (1314-1318) 20 June 1314, p. 60, 25 Harch 1318, p. 603; CFR (1307-1319) 21 October 1311, p. 107.

88CPR (1330-1334) 25 February 1331, p. 78; (1340-1343) 20 Noveaber 1342, p. 569; and John­ ston, "Household,* p. 261.

89CPR (1330-1334) 22 Deceaber 1331, p. 34. 224

90 Ibid. (1334-1338) 22 February 1335, p. 79.

91CCR (1345-1348) 8 August 1347, p. 371} and Foedera, 11:2:1214-5.

92Hardy, P h ilip p a , p. 134.

93 Ibid., p. 152.

94 Cited by Sue Sheridan Walker, 'Royal Wardship in Medieval England' (Ph.D. dissertation, U n iv e rsity of C hicago, 1966)> p. 175.

95 Hardy, Philippa, pp. 134, 184; and Packe, Edward III, pp. 138, 167, 273. Olivier, whose father had been executed as a spy by the French, later turned against England.

0 L CCR (1333-1337) 22 February 1335, p. 79, 14 June 1335, p. 404; (1340-1343) 29 August 1340, p. 18! (1346-1349) 26 February 1347, p. 184; (1349-1354) 25 April 1353, p. 596; (1354-1360) 4 July 1356, p. 485; (1360-1364) 1 October 1360, p. 70, 16 February 1363, p. 449, 14 Noveaber 1363, p. 505; 1364-1368) 20 February 1364, p. 5, 24 June 1364, p. 19, 3 June 1366, p. 227, 10 July 1364, pp. 24-5; (1369-1374) 9 July 1369, p. 30; CFR (1356-1368) 12 February 1362, p. 208, 29 October 1368, p. 389; CPR (1334-1338), 1 Hay 1335, p. 99, 19 Noveaber 1335, pp. 180-1; (1338-1340) 14 Deceaber 1339, p. 350; (1350-1354) 5 July 1350, p. 549, 25 April 1353, p. 596; (1354-1358) 26 Harch 1356, p. 364} (1367-1370) 6 July 1368, p. 430; Feudal Aids, 1346, pp. 2-23; Biven-Wilson, Court, p. 110; Inos. Misc.. 5 July 1364, 3:159:63, 3:573:435-8; Inns. P.H., 7 October 1336, 8:43:17; 16 Septeaber 1344, 8:469:316-9, 23 October 1346, 8:606:451-3; 23 February 1362, 11:125:120, 11:130:124; IB June 1363, 11:125:120; 27 April 1365, 11:613:46; 25 July 1367, 12:90:70; 29 January 1370 12:375:362; Pike, Year Books. 10:20; Sudbury’s Reoistrm, 1:257; VCH Yorkshire, ed. by U illiai Page (London: Archibald Constable and Coepany Lieited, 1907), 2:337.

9?CCR, (1364-1368), 7 July 1366, pp. 282-4. op CPR (1381-1385) 20 February 1385, p. 545; (1385-1389) 30 August 1385, p.39.

99 CCR (1389-1392) 18 February 1392, p. 444; (1392-1396) 20 December 1392, pp. 97-8; CPR (1391-1396) 8 Deceaber 1391, p. 7.

100CPR (1381-1385) 12 Hay 1382, p. 117; Inos. Hisc. 1 August 1388, 5:52:36.

101CPR (1396-1399) 1 August 1398, p. 403.

10£k H. Poston, E. E. Rich, and Edward H iller, gen. eds., The Caabridoe Econoaic History of Europe, vol. 3: Etonoaic Organization and Policies in the Hiddle Aces, (Caabridge: University Press, 1965), 3:454. p. 454.

103 CCR (1349-1354) 22 October 1350, p. 252; CPR (1338-1340) 21 June 1340, p. 546.

104 CPR (1330-1334) 25 Deceaber 1331, p. 34, 1 January 1332, p. 52.

105CCR (1343-1346) 26 Septeaber 1345, p.617; (1346-1349) 2 October 1346, p. 109. 225

106Ibid. (1346-1349) 6 April 1348, p. 442; U354-1360) 15 June 1356, p. 204.

107Ib id . (1349-1354) 18 Hay 1350, p . 175.

1 A Q CPR (1381-1385 ) 24 May 1382, p. 126.

109 Ib id ., EE N oveaber 138E, p. 203. 110 Tout, Chapters, 5:272-3.

1UCPR (1301-1307) 27 May 1305, p. 368.

112Lunt , F in a n cia l R e la tio n s , p . 38 3 .

113 CCR (1314-1318) 30 January 1318, p. 524.

114 Brantinghaa, Issue Roll, p. xxxv.

H5CCR (1327-1330) 10 February 1327, p. 6.

116Ibid. (1340-1343) 6 June 1341, p. 157, 1 June 1342, P- 452, 17 Septeaber 1342, 563.

li7Ibid., 1 June 1342, p. 452.

IIP CPR (1338-1340) 21 June 1340, p. 546.

119 Ibid. (1330-1334) 22 Deceaber 1331, p. 34.

1E0CCR (1333-1337) 15 February 1333, p. 10. 121 Hardy, Philippa, pp. 115, 206.

*EEDorothy Brooae and T. F. Tout, "A National Balance Sheet for 1362-3,* EHR, 39( 1924):413-5.

123 CPR (1399-1401) 6 August 1400, p. 353.

12^Ibid. (1364-1367) 16 February 1366, p. 224.

125Ibid. (1385-1389) 20 Deceaber 1385, p. 99.

1PA CFR (1368-1377) 28 February 1370, p. 106.

127 CCR (1389-1392) 25 February 1392, p. 553, 28 Hay 1392, p. 563.

*2EWilliaa Prynne, Aurua Reoinae: or A Coapendinns T ractate, and Chronological Collection of Records in the Tower, and Court of Exchequer concerning Queen-odd (London, 1668) p. 4; and Thoaas P. Tasuell-Langaead, English Constitutional History froa the Teutonic Conquest to the Present Tiae (London: Stevens & Haynes, 1911) p. 23. 226

129 CPR (1385-1389) 24 June 1385? p. 3; Johnston? ‘Household?" pp.259? 263? Tout? Chanters. 5:264.

130 CCR (1307-1313) 4 Harch 1309, p. 106; (1354-1360) 28 July 1360, p. 60; Foedera. 4:69, 7:755-6.

131 Prynne? fturua Reoinae. p. 36; Great Britain. Laas? Statutes. Statutes of the Real* (1225-1713), 1:298.

132 Prynne? fturua Reoinae? p. 62.

Ibid.? p. 55.

Ibid.? p. 30.

135 Ibid.? pp. 28? 30; Johnston? 'Household?' p. 263. jgt CCR (1381-1385) 24 June 1383, p. 313; Foedera, 7:398.

137 Piynne? fturua Reoinae? p. 34. f go Ibid., pp. 29-30, 32-3, 55-6, 61-2.

139 Ibid., p. 109.

^Tout? Chanters? 5:264.

141 LeBel? Vraves Chroninues? 2:30ff.

H2Tout, Chanters? 5:264.

143 CPR (1385-1389) 26 Septeaber 1385? p.22? Tout? Chanters? 5:266. In 1385? Anne was granted aaobrogiua throughout Uales.

W Tout, Chanters, 5:265ff.

145 CCR (1349-1354) 11 Jane 1353, pp. 549-50.

14A CPR (1385-1389) 12 Deceeber 1386, p. 289.

1V7Inos. Hisc.? 27 Hay 1336, 7:687:474.

I A O CPR (1338-1340) 20 June 1340? p. 68; E. B. Fryde? 'The Financial Resources of Eduard III in the Netherlands? 1337-40?" Revue Beloe de Philoloaie et d’Histoire. 45(1967):1151

li|9CPR (1361-1364) 12 February 1364, p. 472.

^Hardy? Philippa, p. 219; Kaufaan? Queens? pp. 220 ? 230. Ill

^Johnston, “Household*’ p. 265.

^ ‘Vrequently the gift was iade to the queen but not necessarily for her. For exanple, the king gave Hargaret 1000 larks because her daisel Agnes Has to carry. CCR <1302-1307) 12 Hay 1305* p. 266* 26 October 1305* p . 296. See also HcKisack* F ourteenth C en tu ry * p. 102; and Wright, Church and Crourn p. 366.

153 Uilliac of Wyckhas, as chancellor* received tHO tuns of Sascon wine per conth. His household consuced about £2,000 Horth of Mine annually. 6iven-Uilson* Court* p.37. See also Scot. Docs.* #1615, p. 371. 156 CCR (1360-1363) 15 April 1362, p. 612.

155CPR (1356-1358) 1 Dececber 1355, pp. 317-8.

156lbid. (1350-1356) 30 October 1351, p. 176.

157Ibid., (1336-1338) 27 Septeaber 1336, p. 319. « CO Ibid., (1365-1368) 13 January 1368, p. 669; CCR (1356-1360) 12 Hay 1359, p. 571.

159 CPR (1368-1350) 26 January 1350, p. 660.

160lbid. (1381-1385) 27 July 1382, p. 157.

161CCR (1302-1307) 26 October 1305, p. 296.

1AP Scot.Docs., #1613, p. 370. iiO CCR (1302-1307) 12 Hay 1305, p. 296.

166 Ibid., 20 January 1306, p. 361.

^ JHcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 102.

^Gordon Hoae, Hediaeval London (Nen York: George H. Doran Co., 1927) p. 293; Hyers, London, pp. 206-7; Riley, Heaorials, p. 170.

1A7 CPR (1368-1350) 8 Hay 1369, p.319; Hardy, Philippa, pp. 133, 209.

Ij L B CPR (1317-1321) 6 June 1318, p. 156.

169 Isabel’s gifts Here often booty. All aovables, plate, and jeuels of the younger Despenser Here granted to her in 1327. Her 'relentless rapacity,' according to HcKisack, Has shoun in her seizure of books on canon and civil Ian valued at £10 uhich Eduard II had presented to the Haster of King’s Hall, Cambridge. HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 97; and Wright, Church and Croun, p. 366.

170 Hardy, Philippa, p. 66. 228

171CPR (1334-1338) 10 January 1334, p. 61, 22 February 1335, p. 79.

17 ^ardy, Philippa, pp. 93, 279; J. U. Sherborne, "Aspects of English Court Culture in the Later Fourteenth Century," in Scattergood and Sherborne, p. 15. The king bought Philippa a dress to wear on St. George’s Day for £500.

173 Brantinghae, Issue Roll, p. xlii.

174 Beltz, Barter, pp. 5, 244; Hardy, Philippa, p. 249. 175 Black Prince’s Register, pp. 67-73, 227-8, 500.

176 Chronicnue de la Tralson, pp. 108-113.

177 Moll Denhola-Young, Seionorial Adeinistration in England (London: Huiphrey Milford, 1937), p. 63. By 1232, Henry III had borrowed 12,000 earks fro* Florentine aerchants and, by 1256? 40,000 aarks froa the Sienese.

178 Harvey, Plantagenets, p. 118; Postan, Caabridne Econoaic History, p. 451. Edward had, in 1275, forbidden usury and ordered Jews to find other aethods of livelihood.

179 HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, pp. xix, 14; Poston, Caabridne Econoaic H istory, p. 458.

180 HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, pp. 9, 11, 14, 24; and Poston, Caabridoe Econoaic History, p. 459.

181 HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 9.

182 Poston, Econoaic History, p. 455.

183 HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 103.

184 Fryde? "Financial Resources?" p. 1154. 1DC Ibid, p. 1143.

\QL CPR (1330-1334) 22 Deceaber 1331, p. 34.

187 E. B. Fryde, "Disaissal of Robert de Uodehouse froa the Office of Treasurer, Deceaber 1338," EHR, 67(1952):75.

188 Ibid., p. 75; Fryde, "Financial Resources," pp. 1142, 1177; Poston, Caabridoe Econoaic History, p. 460.

189 According to A. Beardwood, Alien Merchants in England 1350-77 (Caabridge, Massachusetts: The Mediaeval Acadeay of Aaerica, 1931) pp. 4ff: "The Bardi were neither exceptional in their position as the king’s financiers nor unique in their failu re . . . "See also HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 21; Poston, Caabridge Econoaic History, p. 461. 229

190 HcKisack, Fourteenth Century? pp. 9ff.

191 Ibid., p. 391.

192 Ibid.? p. 103; Foedera? 11: i i : ISOS; Fryde? 'Financial Resources?' p. 1154.

193HcKisack, Fourteenth Century? p. xix.

194 Beardwood, Alien Merchants? p. 9.

195 CCR (1296-1302) 8 April 1301, p. 487. 19A Tout. Chanters? 4:518-9.

197CCR (1314-1318) 6 Hay 1318, p. 540.

^ Foedera? II:ii: 686 .

199 CCR (1318-1323) 10 August 1320, p. 255.

^ F ry d e? Tvrannv and F a ll? pp. 193-4.

E01CCR (1330-1333) 30 Noveaber 1332, p. 507; CPR (1330-1334) 4 February 1333, p. 398; (1334-1338) 6 Hay 1336, p. 261; Tout, Chapters? 4:89; 6eorge Unwin; Finance and Trade Under Edward III (Ranchester: University Press, 1918; Reprints of Econoaic Classics, New York: Augustus H. Kelley, Bookseller, 1965), p. 108. 202 CPR (1327-1330) 28 Deceaber 1330, p. 34; (1330-1334) 19 February 1332, p. 256.

203 CCR (1330-1333) 15 October 1331, p. 272.

204 Johnston, 'Household,' p. 262.

205 CPR (1330-1334) 19 February 1332, p. 256; and Johnston, 'Household,* p. 262. 20A CPR (1330-1334) 4 February 1333, p. 399; Johnston, 'Household,* p. 262; and Unwin, Finance, p. 108.

207 CCR (1337-1339) 18 Harch 1337, p. 41; Unwin, Finance, p. 108.

£08CCR (1337-1339) 10 October 1337, p. 231.

E09CPR (1334-1338) 10 October 1337, p. 537.

210CCR (1339-1341) 26 October 1340, p. 556.

21 *CPR (1340-1343) 25 Harch 1342, p. 397. 230

2 l 20rantingha., Issue Roll, p.«*i and Sir Ja.es H. Ra.sey, “Expenditure of Eduard III,* ftntinuary, 1118801:159.

213Prynne, fturu. Reoinae, p. 117.

21**Riley, Heiorials, p. 326.

215Brantingha.j Issue Roll? p. h63.

2 iAIbid., p.

217 Harriss, Kinn. P a rlia .e n t, p. 150.

2l 2Tout. Chapters, 5:262. CHAPTER VI: THE QUEENS’ AUTHORITY IN PRACTICE—

ADMINISTRATION AND STAFF

Queens’ management of fiscal and administrative m atters began in France long before the fourteenth cen­ tury and was described in the Capitulare de v illis.* The involvement of English consorts in central royal adminis­ tra tio n seems not to have been stated in theory. However, beginning in the thirteenth century, English queens enjoyed their own adm inistrative arrangements, separate from though responsible to the king’s administration. The fourteenth- century queens consort were actively involved in the economy of their century; and, to support this involvement, they maintained administrative machinery with an extensive staff. [See Figure 2 : Queens’ Administration.]

Eleanor of Provence was the first consort to establish a wardrobe which was not just a storage room but was, rather, an office with records, accounting directly to the king’s exchequer. It was a smaller replica of the king’s wardrobe, headed by a keeper (sometimes called treasurer or chamberlain) and his assistant who, through keeping a 2 counter-roll, was predecessor to the later controller.

231 232

With Eleanor of Castile, the functions of the queen’s wardrobe did not grow, because Edward I treated it merely 3 as part of the k in g’s wardrobe. However, it continued as an administrative unit, with the assistant now called controller and with both central and local staff. Eleanor of Castile added to the arrangement an exchequer to which her bailiffs reported.

Margaret of France did not have an independent ward­ robe either. The accounting of her expenses was separate only when she was extra curiam reois Cresiding apart from the king] which, of course, happened frequently. For example, in the f i r s t year of her marriage, Margaret resided apart from Edward from 20 November 1299 to 12 April

1300 and from 5 May 1300 to 17 September 1300. Like her predecessor, Margaret had an exchequer, to which her bailiffs accounted, headed by a treasurer or keeper, with both a controller as his assistant and a cofferer. With

Margaret appeared two exchequer boards, one for receipt of moneys and the second for accounting by the queen’s minis-

. 5 t e r s .

The evolution of queen’s administrative units con­ tinued with Isabel of France who is said to have had, at any one time, a household staff of about 180.6 In fact, one criticism of Edward II, during the couple’s years of major discontent, was that he had deprived Isabel of "her 233

7 wonted train and household of both sexes." Isabel’s

administrative organization had developed to include a

separate household with steward, knights, and miscellaneous

domestic attendants and locations in probably two London

sites, in the Tower and in Queenhithe, and a wardrobe with

at least eight clerks in addition to the three officers.

Her administrative innovations included the division of the 0 wardrobe into sub-departments of privy and great.

Philippa of Hainault, with an administrative arrange­

ment resembling Isabel’s, continued to maintain offices

separate from the king’s, including the three financial

divisions of wardrobe, chamber, and exchequer. Her great

wardrobe was housed f i r s t in S e r v e t’s Tower, Bucklersbury,

9 and then in her new property in Le R£ole in Vintry Ward.

Her privy wardrobe began in Milk Street, but was later

moved to La R^ole. In an effort to centralize her admin­

istr a tio n , she combined the o ffic e s of treasurer and

receiver general and had two separate sets of agencies

reporting to t h i s person: (1) those whose main concern was

local—bailiffs; reeves; farmers of castles, forests, and

manors; two stewards from north and south of the River

Trent; and all receivers; and <5) those whose service was attached d ir e c t ly to the queen —■ treasu rer/receiver

general; steward of the household; controller; cofferer; and the three financial offices of wardrobe, chamber, and 234

exchequer. She also had an advisory council concerned with both sets of agencies? which included her central offici-

a n15. 10

Apparently all efforts failed to create a more effi­ cient operation for the queen, for in 1363 the king’s and queen’s households merged. Circumstances leading up to the merger of Edward I ll’s and Philippa’s households indicate that fiscal irresponsibility must have been shared by both members of the royal couple.

As discussed previously, the six decades of the cen­ tury had been a history of borrowing; and each successive 11 king had left debts. In the 1330’s Philippa had loaned

the king immense sums and allowed him to pawn her crowns u ntil he was "bound to her by b i ll of wardrobe" for 1 2 £7,375. By the end of the decade, a commission was appointed to survey and mortgage royal lands, including

Philippa’s, and to sell what produce was possible in order 1 3 to pay for foreign wars. The queen, herself a chronic borrower, was becoming more deeply sunk in her husband’s military debts. The parliaments of 1339 and 1340 show uneasiness with king’s "reckless borrowing" and general 1A financial "predicament." By 1340, Edward Ill’s financial embarrassment was threatening to overwhelm him and, in a reorganization attempt, chamber activities were transferred to the exchequer.^ Beginning in the next year, £225 235

yearly was set aside to satisfy the debt the king owed the q u e e n .^ However, in 1342, the Black Prince had to arrange burial for h is baby s is t e r Blanche because there was not 17 enough money available in his parents’ accounts.

The slide into bankruptcy and beyond continued, with both Edward and Philippa participating. In 1353 the king 18 devalued both gold and s ilv e r coins. In 1360, h is appeal to the cou n ties for an extra—par 1iament grant was unsuccessful; so, again, in that year and the next,

Philippa came to his aid. During those years, almost two-thirds of the foreign receipts by the king’s wardrobe came from the queen’s receiv er, amounting to more that 19 £6,500. In 1365, two years after the merger, the king’s chancellor announced to the magnates assembled in parliament that "all the revenues of the realms . . . would 20 not cover half of the king’s expenses."

Certainly, the queen cannot be exonerated entirely.

During the years of heavy debts, in which even her crown was being pawned, the queen was present at the war as though at an entertainment, on board a ship at the Battle of Sluys with an entourage of ladies, protected by 300 21 men-at-arms and 500 archers. And, even after the merger, the queen appears not to have economized, spending approxi­ mately £2,000 annually on clothes and going regularly 22 further in debt. However, sufficient extenuating 236

circumstances and unresolved questions exist to make uncon­ vincing the charge that the queen’s spendthrift habits alone prompted the reorganization.

It has already been noted that the queen’s revenue, including mortgages on her properties, frequently went to support the king and his war effort. The king was respon­ sible for other drains on Philippa’s income as well. In

1351, the lessee of her manor at Stratfield Mortimer

(Berkshire) complained that he could make no profit because the king’s beasts grazed there. Eventually, Edward allowed five shillings to sustain each of his animals so that 23 Philippa could retain her leasee. When the king levied a fifteenth in 1357, he excused the commons of any queen’s 2A gold due. Coming just six years before reorganization, any reduction in the queen’s anticipated revenues must have been devastating. There are, additionally, some indica­ tions that the king, more than the queen, was the spend­ thrift. For the five years after Philippa’s death, average yearly household expenses were over £16,000. During the years after the merger, the average had been between 25 £17,000 and £18,000. And the year of the merger shows the king’s expenditures to have been exorbitant. In 1362» the king’s expenses had exceeded his income by £82,896:1:9.

The projected deficit for the next year, the year of the merger, was £56,67A:17:6, plus moneys needed fo r "wages of 237

huntsmen, falconers, future of falcons and dogs . . . Candl the farms, wardships, and marriages assigned to my lady the 26 queen, my lady Isabel, and other lords and knights." The queen’s portion of the expenses was a modest £1,756; the rest were the king’s expenses, including one item for 27 king’s works amounting to £14,312:19:0.

In f a c t , one of Edward’s extravagances was the king’s works, not from war obligations or peacetime necessities but from gratification of his personal taste and enlarge- 28 ment of his private holdings. From 1363-1367, refur­ nishing the king’s residences was never less than £7,000 29 per year and, in 1365, reached a peak of £11,000. When

Edward had Windsor Castle rebuilt, which cost over £51,000, he had six private chambers plus a retiring room and a chapel, while Philippa had only four chambers and a 30 chapel. In 1337, feasts after parliament, with the king entertaining chief magnates (duke of Cornwall, six counts and twenty knights) in the great hall cost £665:7:0, as opposed to the queen’s entertaining her ladies in the small hall for £163:0:8-3/4.31 The total of Edward I ll’s build­

ing operations was nearly £130,000. Only Henry III, Edward 32 I, and Henry VI could rival him as a builder.

Whatever the deficit, it may have been more paper than actual, indicating the merger may have been caused more by expediency than necessity. By 1369, the year of Philippa’s 238

death, the king’s chamber had become custodian of a treas­ ury, representing gains from both war and investments, making Edward III one of the richest of medieval kings.

"The King had made himself the personal b en eficiary not only of national war but of a peacetime tax on wool justi- 33 fied by the maintenance of national defense." He was assisted in this process by helpful administrators. As

Tout remarked, it is curious that in 1352, when criticism of the queen’s finances had already begun to be voiced, the person appointed as her steward south of the Trent was Sir

John Molyns who had been disgraced in the king’s service in

1340. Molyns remained in t h is new o f f i c e for f iv e years, leaving once more in disgrace, in 1357, only six years before the king found it necessary to take over Philippa’s a-F-F f f a •l r s .

Apparently, some efforts had been made prior to reorganization to correct problems in the royal admin­ istr a tio n and make it more e f f i c i e n t . In 1360, the king’s great and privy wardrobes were united administratively and began accounting to the exchequer which they had not done 35 since 1351. That move, along with decreased personnel, resulted in some reduction in costs. Also, there were 3 6 similar reductions in fees and robes allowances. In addition, the appointment in 1359 of Richard Ravenser as

Philippa’s receiver and attorney was in the hope of 839

achieving similar successes. He had been responsible for 37 paring Isabel’s debts by the time of her death in 1358.

However» the success t h i s time was not s u f fic ie n t to prevent the merger.

The final solution to Philippa’s money problems came in a writ of 8 February 1363 effecting the merger of her wardrobe with that of the king. with Ravenser in charge* a ll issues o f the queen’ s lands a n d properties were to be reserved for six years for old debts* retroactive to

Michaelmas 1363* except £10 daily reserved in aid of household expenses and approximately £8*700 annually for 38 chamber expenses. This solution effectively ended the queen’s household as a separate unit; the king’s and queen’s households were now under the king’s officers for the first time since the days of Eleanor of Provence. No attempt seems to have been made to alter the procedures at the end of six years. Philippa died only a few months

1a* «. t e r . 39

After the merger* the degree of separation between the households is d iff ic u lt to determine. Foods were purveyed together and expenses were received through joint wardrobe and household servants who lived under one roof* keeping 40 some accounting separately. The merged household had, in the m ajority, king’s s ta ff* but at Windsor and Havering, the queen’s favorite residences, they saw more of her. 240

Therefore, the effect was more the king’s separation from 4 1 household activities than the queen’s. The results of the merger were that <1> the household stopped being the center of government and became a "collection of royal servants liv in g at Windsor"; and (2) a royal court which 4 2 was a separate entity from the household was created.

During th is same period o f time, the trend was to decrease numbers of household staff. In 1347, the king’s household staff alone totaled 769. In 1366-7, the staff of the reorganized and combined household was only 459, and in

1369 the number declined to 385. Three years after P h il­ ippa’s death, the household numbered 354, indicating that the majority of the combined group had not been the queen’s 43 alone. Disbursements for household hosoicium expenses, those costs reflecting household consumption, support this conclusion. In 1361-1362, the combined hnsoic ium expense of both royal households was £13,226. After the households were united into one unit, hosoic ium increased to between

£17,000 and £18,000 annually. However, in the six-year period after Philippa’s death, 1369-1374, the average yearly amount was s t i l l over £16,000.

The reverberations of the merger lasted beyond Edward

I ll’s reign. The Merciless Parliament in 1388 insisted

Anne of Bohemia follow Philippa’s example of contributing 4 5 £10 daily to the expenses of a joint royal household. 241

Apparently* the situation was similar in many ways.

Richard II was extravagant and in debt. In January of the same year parliament made its demand* the king’s buttery 46 was shown to have 100 superfluous servants. He had borrowed, on the pledge of his crown and royal jewels, 47 almost £5,000 from various sources in London alone. And

Anne, like her p red ecessor, used some of her own revenues to support the king’s activities.

After Philippa, there was no consort for thirteen years and, then, neither Anne of Bohemia nor Isabel of

Valois remained long enough to establish administrative traditions. Few records remain for either. Anne’s ad­ ministrative arrangements seem to have been the same as with Philippa, with an exchequer, receiver general, bailiffs, local receivers, etc. La R£ole, after Philippa’s death, was assigned by the king to the dean and canons of

St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster? and later use of the s i t e by consorts was only upon payment of £20 yearly rental. The household of Isabel of Valois was "a more obscure and dependent establishment than would have sur- 49 rounded a queen of full age." Her household was itin­ erant, located for instance at Walingford Castle, when the queen was in r e s i d e n c e .^ The numbers of her s t a f f are impossible to determine, although at the beginning of her 242

reign she is said to have had twelve carriages of ladies

and damsels as attendants.^*

It is impossible to determine exact total numbers of

staff for any queen. Hilda Johnstone testified to this

im p o ssib ility in attempting to find the numbers of house­ hold clerks under Philippa according to amount of expenses for th eir robes. In 1332, the queen spent £55 for cloth

for clerks, while spending £62:13:4 for knights and £47:5:6 for squires. In 1330-1, she provided 240 ells of cloth for clerks, while knights received 144 ells and squires 306 ells. However, in neither instance can the information be used to determine numbers of staff because it does not tell how much is required for each robe and how many robes went

to each recip• ien • 4-t. 5 2

It is, however, possible to identify some individuals as well as some categories of services performed for the queens. [See Appendix 0: Staff Affiliated with Fourteenth-

Century English Queens Consort; and Appendix P: Summary of

Staff.D Over 1,100 staff members can be identified, most by name and others only by type of service performed.

Some, including most important officers, were directly

attendant on the consort. Others were among the doubt­

lessly more extensive support personnel who were respon­

sible for the daily operation of her vast holdings. This

total is clearly only a small percentage of the persons who 243

served consorts during the century. A comparison of king’s and queen’s households at Chr i stmas 1368 suggests that in direct service the queen’ s staff may have been approximate- ly one-half as large as the k i ng’s :

TABLE 3

Kina’s S ta ff Bueen’s Staff

30 sergeants of arms 1 seneschal

26 squires 10 sq u ir es

13 v a le ts du chambre 10 v a le t s du chambre

50 valets du offices 10 valets du offices

23 garqons 7 gar?ons

30 clerks* chaplains 10 clerks, chaplains

23 bachelors 12 sous-demoiselles,

vei1leresses

13 henchmen, heralds, 29 someters, palfreyers

mi ns t r e 1s 53 216 TOTALS 97

The queen’ s s t a f f responsible for e s ta t e management may have even surpassed equivalent king’s personnel, consid- eri ng that queens frequently controlled the majority of crown lands, In the forest properties alone, during the decade from 1327—1336, queen’s personnel included eleven 244

a g is te r s , three c h ief fo r e ste r s, more than s ix t y - s ix

fo r e s te r s , th ir ty -th r e e keepers, more than three parkers,

sixty-four regarders, two riders, one ringer, one stew-

ard, fifty-seven verderers, one walker, and three war- * 54 dens, for a personnel total of 245.

McKisack claimed that, despite anonymity which allowed

"only a faint impress on the pages of history," the civil

servant is owed more than "any other single man".^

Typical of both anonymity and effectiveness was the queen’s

council, an important, but elusive, component of the

queen’s administrative machinery. In rank, it existed

between the king’s council which had the whole kingdom as

its sphere and those councils of lay and ecc1esiastica1

magnates not of royal rank.^ The king’s council was a

small group of officials, clerks, and advisors attendant on

the king, the chancellor presiding and deciding how many or 57 which members should be summoned to deal with business.

The council was concerned with "the everyday direction of 58 the administrative routine." Typically, the king’s

council would be the chancellor, the treasurer, the keeper of the privy seal, and other administrative officers as . . 59 needed.

There is evidence of activity of queen’s councils but

not much evidence of membership. A few important names survive, including William de Kirkeby (treasurer) and Hugh 245

de Glanville (receiver and auditor) for Philippa* Edmund

Hakelut (steward) for Isabel of France* and Sir Thomas

Percy* counselor to Isabel of Valois. These names, though few in number* are helpful in indicating that chief offi­ cers of the queen’s household formed the nucleus of her counc1• *1. 60

Each queen consort had a council and its duties were administrative and judicial in nature. In administration, the council gave in stru ctio n s to other sta ff members, as wben they ordered the queen’s receiver to collect names of debtors and deliver them to the queen’s wardrobe. It also ordered and directed the rebuilding of Philippa’s great chamber at La R£ole, London.61 In judicial affairs,

Philippa’s council considered the suit of a mu 1ier whose bastard older brother, with their mother’s concurrence, had entered and died seised of the land their father held of the queen. The council found in favor of the bastard’s 62 minor heir. Anne’s council discussed her legal position relative to succeeding to pensions and annuities in dower 63 lands when the recipients died.

Petitions could go directly to the queen’s council or be referred to it by another agency. Occasionally, when redress was not found in this manner, the queen’s council was called before the king’s council to answer. When a rent owed by Philippa was withheld and the queen’s council 246 refused to hear the resulting suit, the king endorsed the petition brought to him:

So it le Conseil Madame la Roine apelle devant le Conseil le Roi, issint qe droit soit fait de chose contenue en ceste Peticionr, ^ ^

Other petitions to the king with complaints against the queen were sent to the queen’s council, also, especially assertions that some essential act had not been done. With complaints that the queen or her officials had actively committed some wrongful act, the king would respond by calling her whole council before his council. When citi­ zens of Winchester complained that the queen’s ministers were not allowing them certain traditional credits for alms paid to religious houses, the queen’s council was directed 6 5 to appear before the king’s council to answer.

Significant advantages accrued to those persons fortunate enough to be on the queen’s s t a f f . One such benefit was promotion. Bliss lists eighteen preferments of queen’s clerics, many of them to apparently lucrative p l u r a li t ie s , which were made from June to September, 13B9, by Pope John XXII.^ Artists such as Froissart became attached, with "great profite and avauncement," to the 6 V consort. Having the queen as a patron meant having some share in her authority, as queens became involved in the E^7

lives of their attendants. When Philippa commanded her b a i l i f f William Herby to marry a damsel of her chamber, she <£>8 promised him £100. And, after their years of service were concluded, servants to the queens received help for their declining years, typically grants of income from land and assignments to religious institutions. For good service to Isabel of France, Walter de Chesthut got not only for his life but also for the life of his son the tronage of wool in the city of London. In addition, both were to be able to arrange substitutes in their absence

"notwithstanding any statute or ordinance to the con- trary." So service to queens carried fringe benefits in both direct rewards and long-term economic security, adding to both responsibilities and influences enjoyed by the queens.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Having been endowed with vast e s ta te s and economic opportunity, queens consort required administrative ma­ chinery and personnel with which to operate and receive revenues from their total resources. As a result of this need, the fourteenth-century queens controlled a growing

and evolving network of offices, both central and local, with thousands of individuals dependent upon the queen as 248

the major source of income. The queen’s adm inistrative 7 0 machinery was "a great wheel with many spokes." Its chief posts were held by persons fully comparable in dignity and experience with occupants of similar positions in the king’s service) indeed occasiona11y , as has been shown, the same persons. Dne can only surmise the ripple effect on the century’s general population as the result of the queen’s administrative authority and personnel activi­ t ie s . Surely, no person w ithin her kingdom could have remained disinterested in her welfare, whether as the result of theoretical or practical queenship. Hers was an active, influential, even glamorous existence, but one in which the scope of the enterprises brought equivalence in problems. 249

CHAPTER V is NOTES

*David Herlihy, ’Land, Faaily, and Uoaen in Continental Europe* 701-1200** in Hoaen in Medieval Society* ed. by Susan H. Stuard (Philadelphia:University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976), p. 24.

3 Tout, Chapters, 5:232, 6:252.

3lbid., 2:165.

*Ibid., 5:236, 239.

5lbid., 2:43 5:239-40. nc

^HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 79; and Tout, Chapters, 5:244.

7 The coiplaint Mas voiced by the prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, uho Mas at the tiie the reluctant host to soae of the abandoned entourage Nhich Mere becoaing unuelcoae because of the quantity of food they consuaed. Tout, Chapters, 5:168-70, 245.

8 Ibid., 5:24.

9 Le Rdole is the ancient naae of College Hill in Vintry. Eilert Eraall, Street-Naaes of the Citv of London (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954), p. 20.

^Occasionally these offices Here coabined in a single individual as part of the centrali­ zation and streaalining effort. In 1336, John de Estor held offices of receiver south of the Trent, receiver north of the Trent, and receiver of queen’s gold and aaobrogiua, jobs previously requiring three people. Tout, Chapters, 4:250, 251, 255, 258.

^HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. xix.

^ardy, Philippa, p. 125.

13CFR (1337-1347) 28 Hay 1338, pp. 81, 83-4.

^HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 163.

15Ib id ., p. 216.

16CPR (1340-1343) 25 June 1341, p. 236.

^Packe, Eduard III, p. 128. 250

18 W. ft. Shaw, The History of Currency 1252 to 189** (London, 1896; reprint ed., New York: Burt Franklin Research and Source Works Series), pp. 41ff.

19 U. U. Bryant, ‘The Financial Dealings of Edward III with the County Coiaunities, 1330-60,“ EHR 8311968):?68; and Tout, Chanters, i»:l*»9. 50 Harriss, Kino, Parliaient, p. 468} HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 353; and Pntuli Pari. 2:585. 51 HcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 129. 22 Given-Wilson,“Court,* p. 107.

^Haidy, Philippa, p. 217. 24 Prynne, fturua Reoinae. p. 44.

2jTout, Chanters, 4:172-3.

26 Brooie & Tout, ‘Balance S heet,” pp. 412-9; and Hyers, London, pp. 512-4.

27 Brooie & Tout, ‘ Balance Sheet,’ pp. 412-9, App. VIII, pp. 1362-3; Hyers, London, PP- 512-4} and Raisey, Revenues, 2:292.

28 Harriss, Kino, Parliaient. p. 487.

29Ibid., p. 483.

30 Given-Wilson, Roval Household, p. 30.

31 Tout, Chanters, 3:63.

32 Given-Wilson, ‘Court,* p. 279.

harriss, Kino, Parliaient, p. 502.

34 Tout, Chanters, 5:258.

35 Given-Wilson, "Court,' pp. 89-90. qi Ibid., p. 299.

29Tout, Chanters, 4:174.

38 CPR (1361-1364) 8 February 1363, p. 306; and Fnedera, 1U;6B7. ‘ Ordinance, by th e advice of the council, that for six years free Hichaelias last all the issues of the lands which Sueen Philippa holds in dower, except £10 a day to be delivered to the treasu rer of the household of the king and of the queen for the expenses of that household, and except 4,000 larks a year which shall be delivered to the queen for her chaiber, shall he reserved for the payient of ancient 251

debts s t i l l unpaid for expenses of the household of his said consort before the king took upon hiaself the charge of the expenses of the household of hiaself and of his consort."

39 Brooae & Tout. "Balance Sheet." p. 405; Foedera. Ill:6B7; Given-Wilson, "Court." pp. 105ff; Given-Wilson, "Merger." p. 183. and Tout. Chapters. 4:170. 40 Given-Wilson. "Court." p. 108; and Given-Wilson. "Merger." p. 186.

41 Given-Wilson sees as one advantage of the serger insuring the presence of a royal head in the queen since the king Mas so often absent. This arguaent seeas weak as. indeed, it Has supposedly that present head that caused the problea. Given-Wilson, "Court," p. 114.

*dIbid., p. 117.

^Ibid., p. 1.

44 Tout, Chanters. 4 :17S-3.

^JIbid., 5:E84j and Rotuli Pari. 3:246. 46 McKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 454.

47 lbid., p. 429. 46 Tout, Chapters. 4:201.

* 9Ibid., 4:259, 263.

50CPR (1396-1399) 12 July 1399, p. 588.

j l Crdton, “H istoire," p. 226.

52 Johnstone, "Household," p. 273.

53 Cron & Olson, Chaucer, pp. 95-6.

54 Nellie Neilson, "The Forests," in Morris and Strayer, Enolish Governaent. pp. 450ff.

JJMcKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 213.

"^Johnstone, "Household," p. 292.

57 McKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 198.

58 David Herlihy, "Woaen in Medieval Society," Paaphlet: The Saith History Lecture (Houston, Texas: University of St. Thoaas, 1971) p. 291.

59 S. B. Chriaes, fin Introduction to the ftdainistrative History of Mediaeval Enoland (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1952), p. 133. 252

^Johnstone, ‘Household,* p. 294; and Rotuli P a ri.. 2:395.

^Johnstone, ‘Household,’ p. 293.

6£Pike, Year Books, 3:202. A3 CPR (1388-1392) 9 March 1390, p. 207. 44 Ehrlich, Proceedings, p. 208.

A5Ib id ., p. 207.

AA81is5, Paoal Registers, 91:293-7.

67 Holzknecht, Literary Patronage, p. 158.

68 Hardy, Philippa, p. 141.

69CPR (1340-1343) 27 September 1342, p. 520.

70 Johnstone, ‘Household,’ p. 291. CHAPTER VII: PROBLEMS WITH WEALTH AND PROPERTY

Queen Elizabeth I, in a speech before parliament on 30

November 1601, reflected: "To be a king and weare a crown,

is a thing more glorious to then) that see it, than it is pleasant to them that beare it."^ Although consorts did

not wear the crowns of sovereignty, they experienced many of the difficulties inherent in such a role, which must at

lea st o cca sio n a lly have been s u ffic ie n t to diminish the glory of their reflected regality. The queens' activities

involved property and human lives, impossible completely to measure. On occasion, the consorts exerted direct govern­

mental control when regent or usurper of the throne.

However, in most instances, their actual authority, even

over their own possessions, was dependent upon their kings,

as well as upon their unpredictable fate and their contem­

poraries. A consort’s influence was lessened, therefore,

if circumstances were beyond her control. Neither majesty,

income, nor staff could be relied upon to satisfy every

need. Great wealth, large property holdings, and extensive

253 254 personnel did not come to the queens without accompanying prob1ems.

It has been discussed that their influence with the kings brought the consorts increased authority. Para­ doxically, their closeness to the monarchs, on occasion, brought lim ita tio n s to that authority. Ridgway claimed the

"peculiar degree of uncertainty and obscurity over the limits of the high office" of queen consort came because there were few instances in which it was necessary to think of the queen separately from the king. The result was an illusion—strength without definable dimensions. Perhaps because of this obscurity, the queen occasionally had to ask permission when a right was hers by prerogative or 3 grant. Many of the requests for permission had to do with forests which had a special application of law in the it middle ages. Margaret, in 1310, had to request the king’s permission to take timber from her forests and parks to repair her houses.^ Isabel of France needed the same permission generally to fell and sell timber and to enclose forest wastes.6 Philippa petitioned to be allowed to cut tre e s in her honor of Pontefract every tenth year. She, lik e Isabel, wanted to r e a liz e some income from lumber, in this case "old oaks bearing no leaves," and had to request 7 license. In 1329, Isabel was granted 200 acres of "wastel lands" within High Peak forest which she already held for 255

life. Similarly, she had to get permission to enclose and 9 create parks on her properties. Her appointment of a forest constable for the castle of Devises was subject to the4 -U Iking • , s confirmation. JT - 1 . 1 0

Outside the forests, also, the queen could not always act independently. Edward II granted Isabel authority to 11 dispose of her goods and jewels at will. In 1331, Edward

III granted Philippa the power of disposing of her dower 12 lands. And, in 1336, he granted his mother permission to 13 make a will and dispose of her goods as she pleased. On the one hand, it is significant that the queen could dispose of her lands. Host women of the era could not. On the other hand, it seems paternalistic that she needed anyone’s permission to deal with property granted her to hold "as the king would hold it." As has been shown, the king’s administrative officers, including the kings’s council, were the ultimate authority for deciding disputes involving the consorts. The consorts were, then, not as powerful as the phrasing of their grants might imply. In the last analysis, and excepting usurpation, the kings could1-4 exercise • control. , , l't

Certainly, the kings interfered frequently in the queens’ affairs, and not always just to pay their debts and borrow from them to finance wars. Edward II appointed proctors in Ponthieu and Montreuil in his own name on 1 256

June 1308, although he had granted the property to Isabel

le ss than a month b e f o r e . ^ Edward III maintained a stud

farm on P h ilip p a ’s Knaresborough Honor. He in terfered with

her bailiffs on 1A May 1356; and he built hunting lodges in

her New Forest lands.^

On occasions when the kings were not meddling, the

queens asked for their help. When two persons claimed to

be in possession of the hospital of St. Katherine without

the Tower of London, Philippa appealed to Edward III to

find a remedy. His response was to his justices holding

pleas to send the affair to the queen’s council for con- 17 s i derat ion.

Perhaps the most revealing limitation of the queens’

authority was that others frequently refused or neglected

to honor their claim s. John Copeland refused to d e liv e r

the King of Scotland to Philippa even when, allegedly, her heroic leadership had led to his capture. Copeland deter- 18 mined to deal only with the king. Edmund Trussel refused

to surrender the son and heir of John de Osevil whom the 19 king had granted as a ward to Philippa. And Margaret could not obtain seisin of the parks of her own manors of

Easton, Kingsclive, and Briggstoke

Difficulty collecting rents and fines was constant

among the consorts, clearly linked with their also chronic 257

need to borrow. Margaret, in 1313, was having problems collecting rents from all the assarts, purprestures, and wastes in her dower property. Another letter patent was required to correct the administrative problem involved.

There is no information about whether the queen ever got P 1 the arrears. Isabel had been unable to obtain the customs previously g r a n t e d by Edward III; so the king assigned to her an equivalent amount from the ninth of the archdeaconry of Norfolk. When that fund also ran out before the queen’s debt was satisfied? fcbe king arranged for her to get the balance from the first wool collected in Norfolk, with a promise to make up elsewhere anything still lacking.22 In

1332, a review showed Isabel was owed £8,493 in accumulated 23 r e n ts . in 1 3 4 O, the king ordered that the cocket seals from London, B o sto n , and Kingston-upon-Hu11 ports be delivered to Isabel until she could be satisfied of all 24 a rrears due her at the tim e.

When the gran t of Glamorgan was withdrawn from P h il­ ippa in 133i, she requested the king to withhold possession from the new grantee until she received arrears due her in 25 the time she held it. in 1338, she complained that she had never received the custodies and marriage due her 26 through the wardshop of the heir of David de Strabolgi.

In the next February, John of Windsor, rector of Begyngton, and Peter de Comton, late pastor of Corsely, acknowledged 258 debt to Philippa of £3:3:3-l/2 "which they ought to have 27 paid at terms long past." Other churchmen had their debts to Philippa collected for them. When rents of the prior of Blythe were in arrears? the queen’s bailiffs took 28 some of his animals. When the prior of Coventry owed

Philippa £17, she had her steward take all his goods and chattels except plough-oxen and horses and sell all grain 29 growing in his manor of Haukesbury. Occasionally, as with Peter Malore, the queen’s debtors wound up in Flete 30 prison. Philippa had trouble collecting customs also.

Arrears were owed to her in 1331, in 1340, in 1348, and in

1355.31

On 16 November 1385, Anne’s customs in the port of St. 32 Botolph had been in arrears for two months. She also had and continued to have difficulties collecting her rents.

John Salisbury was in arrears on 17 Nov 1387 when he was convicted for treason; so his livestock (two horses, 148 sheep, eighteen lambs, and twelve ’hirdeles’) went to the 33 queen. In 1394, ministers in Chedle (Chester) prevented her receiving her due from the manor there; and, at her death, 240 marks was s t i l l due her from Roger Adams since 34 1385.

Although Isabel of Valois was only briefly queen, it was long enough not to be paid. In her case, it was the second installment on her dowry, for which the king 259

35 appointed a commission to request the balance due. Nego­ tiations, occasionally ascerbic, continued longer than the queen’s reign.

Queen’s gold was chronically in arrears. Margaret inherited such a situation because the queen’s gold from 36 Chester was still not paid for Eleanor of Castile. At her death, her own queen’s gold was in arrears and her executors Thomas of Norfolk and Edmund of Woodstock were

3 7 given authority to recover it. Borne queen’s gold was still due Isabel from her time as consort as late as

1330.38

In 1338, Philippa complained that "certain persons cunningly contrive to defraud her and to convert fines and o b lig a tio n s from which the gold ought to be paid into

3 9 another nature and form." The problem continued through­ out her life tim e . For example, Thomas de Hoo was committed AO to Flete Prison for failure to pay in 1351. A decade la ter, Roger de Holm, c le r ic , was c ite d for s t i l l owing A1 queen’s gold due since 1351. Ireland seems to have been a special problem, with complaints from Philippa regularly.

Robert de Holiwode refused to pay, claiming queen’s gold not to be due in Ireland. A 2 In 1371, Edward III was s t i l l issuing writs to diverse sheriffs to collect Philippa’s A3 arrears, now due to the king. 260

O ccasiona11y? problems with queen’s gold were caused by its collection rather than its delinquency. In July,

1336? the mayors and communities of both London and B ristol were su ccessfu l in th e ir e ffo r ts to have demands for queen’s gold overruled on the basis that in each case the payment owed the king was not o f the type on which queen’s gold could legitimately be levied. Philippa lost 160 marks and £22 which the treasurer had demanded. On another occasion, Philippa was not be allowed to collect a promised

£100 from four knights unless one of them? Walter de

Berrnyngham? did not "behave well." After sixteen years and the death o f Walter? i t could be proved th a t he had behaved well all his life? so neither the fine nor the queen’s gold 45 could be levied.

Anne also had trouble collecting her gold. On 24 June

1383? she claimed it had been due from Ireland since her coronation. On 14 July 13B9, the complaint was reiterated that "certain men are going about to do away with the custom heretofore approved are refusing to pay that fee."

By 20 October 1393, the situation seemed to call for drastic measures. If necessary? the collectors were authorised to compel . . by distress and other means necessary, those who refuse.At the same time? c o l­ lection s in England were amiss. Over £4?000 were due from the men o f Bury. When the amount s t ill had not been paid £61

six months later* the king ordered collection from the

debtors "by distress of their lands and goods and by arrest

of their bodies* if need be* compelling any found rebel- 47 1ious to pay sums fa llin g upon them . .

Like Philippa* Anne occasionally was not allowed to

collect queen’s gold when it had not properly been levied.

One such instance shows that no one* however, would be

automatically exempt from the queen’s attempt to get what

she f e l t to be her due. In 1383, the Archbishop of Can­

terbury complained that the sheriff of Kent had been unlawfully destraining him for payment of queen’s gold on

"issues and profits of the temporalities of the arch­

bishopric" which the archbishop had purchased. Parliament

agreed with the archbishop* the queen’s claim was dis- n .4 8 allow ed.

Often the problems receiving and accumulating revenues

were basically staff problems. Like a double-edged sword,

problems arose because of too many and too few staff.

According to McKisack, the queen’s household was "always 49 elab orate, cumbersome, and expensive." On the other hand

shortage of laborers periodically caused trouble. For

example, Anne had to compel workmen to help under threat of

imprisonment. In 1387, John Taunton, skinner, was ap-

• If pointed "to take as many pelterers and artificers as may

be necessary for the peltry of Queen Anne, wherever found 262

except in the city of London, and set them to work in the queen’s peltry . . . with power to imprison contrariants."

In the next year, Anne had similar orders made for carpen­

ters and other workmen to repair several of her manors, 50 always with the power granted to imprison contrariants.

Some problems resulted from errors and negligence.

I s a b e l’s warden in Feckenham Forest took two oxen as if 5 1 heriot when none was due. When masons built a faulty wall in 1315, they were at f ir s t imprisoned but then 52 released to redo it. Philippa complained that through

the negligence of her officials she had lost wardships and 53 marriages in Lincolnshire.

Although, occasionally, the motivation was unclear, as

when the queen’s steward simply acted without her knowledge 5A or order, frequently the problem was dishonesty. The

township of Burton (Dorset) fraudulently concealed rents

due Queen Margaret, for f i v e years, on a fardel of land of

thirteen acres. The queen eventually recovered her loss of

ten shillings plus twenty shillings that the township paid

for the fraud.^ Men of Macclesfield (Chester) tried to

rob Isabel and the Prince of Wales of recognisances.^

Before Sir John de C altoft le ft for the Holy Land in 1355,

he fraudulently alienated the manor of Bruggeford and other

lands held of Philippa in order to prevent her getting

wardship and marriage of his heir in the event of his 263

57 death. Among Philippa’s staff who treated her dis­ honestly were representatives from highest administrators to lowest laborers. In 1335, Philippa’s bailiff in Mac­ clesfield wasted her forest and permitted encroachments "to the disinheritance of the crown and the impoverishment of 50 the tenants." Nicholas Coterell, her bailiff in Derby­ shire and Leicestershire, was charged with receiving her

5 9 money and converting it to his own use. In 1352, juries were required in twenty-two counties to determine who had concealed rents, kept profits, usurped possessions, breached parks, and assaulted servants on Philippa’s p r o p e r t i e s . A n d her fishermen in Feckenham Forest let local poachers use her n e t s .61

Probably the most persistent staff problems were with purveyors, who were notorious in their lack of courtesy and ethics. Commissioners were appointed frequently to hear 62 complaints which, nevertheless, continued. And investi­ gations also continued as in 1362 when oppressions of 63 purveyors had been linked with the households’ merging.

Finally, parliament abolished use of the name, calling them

"buyers" in s te a d .6^*

European lands were a source of annoyance because of s t a f f also. In 1318, an in v estig a tio n showed that business in Ponthieu had virtually stopped and that the queen’s seneschal Robert of Fiennes was usually absent, left an 26 4

incompetent substitute to govern during his absences, and both of them diverted the queen’s money to their own 65 uses. Perhaps the combination of incompetence and dishonesty of staff explains a memorandum of the Council on

Gascon and Diplomatic Matters of January, 132*+, which notes that arrears on queen’s land totaled £10,000.^

Mot all staff problems were connected with property and income. Anne’s Bohemian follow ers evoked extensive criticism for their number, style, and general foreignness.

The criticism soared when one of them caused a divorce scandal involving the royal family. Agnes Lancerona, a lady-in-waiting to the queen, destroyed the marriage of the

Earl and Countess of Oxford, the countess being the king’s 67 own cousin Philippa de Coucy.

Whether dishonest or merely uncaring, some persons involved with the queens’ lands abused them. For example,

Philippa had wardship of John Darcy’s lands in numerous counties due to the nonage of his heir. She, in turn, granted custody to others who mistreated the property by felling and selling thousands of trees, pulling down and selling a cottage, two chapels, three chambers, a stable, a porch, part of a hall, a drawbridge and a grange. They also damaged a grange, a sheepfold, a messuage, a stable and piggery, a hall, two chambers, six chapels, a kitchen, a bakehouse and a great s ta b le . In ad d ition , Roger Darcy 2 65

later entered the lands without due process and withheld <£>8 rents due the queen to the amount of forty shillings.

In an era of sporadic foreign war and other violence) roving bands of so ld ie r s became crim inals, terrorizing ordinary citizens. This activity increased as a result of 69 the Black Death. It is not surprising that the land­ owning consorts were continually plagued by felons, who perpetrated sundry and unique crimes on the royal holdings.

Theft was perhaps the most frequent crime, with poaching its most common manifestation. Commissions inquired into poaching charges almost annually in almost every shire. The year 1352 seems to have been particularly bad for poaching problems, usually accompanied by violence, in Philippa’s properties in the counties of Bedford,

Berkshire, Buckingham, Cambridge, Dorset, Essex, Glouces­ ter, Hertford, Huntingdon, Kent, Lincoln, Middlesex,

Norfolk, Northampton, Oxford, Somerset, Southampton, 70 Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex, Wiltshire, Worcester, and York.

Some infringements involved great violence, both to prop­ erty and to people. During the terrible 1352, the North­ ampton problem involved armed persons who broke the c lo s e s of the manor houses, felled trees, hunted and fished in free warrens, and carried away fish, trees, hares, rab­ bits, and partridges. Apparently their activity was in response to a believed injustice, for they also retrieved 266

"beasts taken by bailiffs for customs and fees due" Queen

Isabel "and assaulted many men at the manors and detained them in prison until they swore on the gospels not to 71 prosecute them." Thirty years later, Anne was victim of similar trespass with violence when twenty-eight men constructed a s lu ic e on her lordship of Berwick at Merflet

Haven (Yorkshire) and assaulted her servants sent to remove

11• * . 72

Some of the attacks seem to have been aimed directly at the queen to interfere with her income by use o f force and intimidation. In 1350, armed men appeared at Isabel's weekly market at the manor of Gettington (Northamptonshire) and prevented merchants from showing th eir wares for sale.

The gang also assaulted the queen’s men and maimed her bailiff and, on the same day, broke her houses at Kings- thorp (Northamptonshire), carried away timber, and as- 73 saulted her servants there. Seven years earlier, Phil­ ippa had lost profits of up to £200 at Stockheath (Notting­ hamshire) because assaults on and threats to her wardens 74 there had made them afraid to hold fairs or markets.

Other criminal activity can be directly linked with financial losses for the queens, as well. An event in 1347 d ea ls with a lo s s not only to Isabel but to p o ste r ity as well. In that year, a commission considered persons who robbed the queen’s treasury in Yorkshire of £2,000 in money 2 6 7

and £3,000 of other goods including "charters, writings, papal bulls, and other muniments." The perpetrators also 75 burned the queen’s houses th e re . P h ilip p a ’s servan ts

seem to have encountered highwaymen with great frequency.

In 1335, John de Laundes, a merchant o f Paris, was murdered

and robbed of merchandise he was taking to the q u een in

London, including "a gold r in g , a velvet robe set with 1h pearls, and other jewels of great value." Uhen some men of Yetton (Wiltshire) stopped a cart carrying wine to the

queen, the loss included £40 for contents and £100 for

77 horses pulling the cart.

Some of the devastation of queens’ lands was caused by

the Hundred Years War. During Isabel’s tenure, P onthieu 78 and Montreuil were occupied by the French three times.

Southampton suffered four hostile attacks during the 79 century, with much property destroyed by fire. When

Philippa’s liberty of Tyndale was attacked by an armed

force in 1343, however, it was a c iv ilia n group only

pretending to be the enemy, using war as an excuse for 80 destruct ion.

Violent infringements came from other than human

causes also. Floods and pestilence combined to destroy

queens’ wealth and properties. Isabel’s lands in Morton

Walcreth and Stokheth (Lincolnshire) and elsewhere were

periodically flooded by the River Trent; and Philippa’s 268

lands on the Isle of Scheppey (Kent) were determined in 81 1366 to be w orthless because they o ften were inundated.

Land decline was evident after the first visitation of the plague. After 1348, effects of the Black Death were noticed in revenues and activities on queens’ holdings.

Boonworks of thirty-four tenements in Soham (Cambridge­ shire) were in default because of the plague. The manors

of Gprotburgh and Dalton (Yorkshire) were only one-fourth

tenanted for the same reason. And Isabel was forced to

release £200 of her dower revenue because the pestilence 8£ had prevented her tenants from being able to pay it. In

1362, with a recurrence of pestilence, the sheriff of

Nottinghampshire and Derbyshire was unable to collect farms due Philippa because ". . . the said assarts and serjean-

ties, which used to be arrented to divers tenants for £4 a year, are void and abandoned by the death of the tenants 83 and for that no man would have them to farm." That the problem continued to a c celera te is shown in the fact that

in 1352-3, a single croft was vacant and in 1369 there were reportedly three entirely empty holdings plus £2:10:0 84 u n co llecta b le ren ts. A d irect lin e can be drawn, there­ fo re, from the decline of queens’ dower land and P h ilip p a ’s economic crises.

Property troubles were generic to the fourteenth century. The early years began the main phase of village 269

desertion which was to continue into the next century. As the fourteenth century continued* papulation declined*

internal colonization ended, and the cultivated area began 55 to contract. The queens’ manor at Havering once again may serve as an example. At Havering, by 1352, there were fewer direct holders and fewer actual tenants than there had been a century before. According to McKisack, the total number of landholders had declined by 26*/., the small

landholders (under ten acres) by 37*/., the holders of from ten to thirty acres by 24'/., the holders of thirty to one hundred acres by 23*/., and the holders of over 100 acres by

88'/.. Another interesting feature of this population change is that only 30*/. of the tenants prior to 1352-1353 had the same surnames as those after, suggesting that new families came to Havering, perhaps after the fateful 1348.

The plague, in the century after 1349, weakened settlements 87 and created opportunities for migration.

The manor of Gillington (Northamptonshire) shows evidence that this process of land decline continued in the century. According to sheriff’s inquisition the decline of 50 the manor can be seen in the following data: 270

T A B L E ^

WHEN HELD BY

PHILIPPA IN 1374

total assessed value £52 £30:17:10

10 cottages E0s4d no value-entirely waste

market/fair 54s8d 8d (because nobody coses)

bakehouse/fishery 4is8d 13s4d (la c k of tenants and

c u s to a e rs )

3 w a te ra ills 107s4d 40s (saae reason)

site of nanor 13s4d 6s 8d (only herbage)

co u rt 100s not more than E aarks

re n ts £26

Sim ilarly, the tenants of Gettington (Northampton­ shire) petitioned the king to be relieved of part of the

£52 that they were accustomed to paying Philippa. They claimed that such charge was no longer appropriate, "the mills, ovens, and markets being then of great value, which now they are not, and the lands of the manor being fully occupied, whereas they are now empty by death and removal _ . . ,,89 of tenants.

In addition to decline of tenant populations, the queens’ properties suffered chronically from deterioration, causing problems both with income and with repair efforts.

All of the queens except Isabel of Valois struggled con- 90 stantly to keep their properties intact. Hadleigh

(Essex) c a stle and town w ith manors of Eastwood and Reylegh had been delapidated in 1299 when Margaret received them £71

and they deteriorated even more under Isabel because no 91 work was done. Margaret also received Hartford c a s t le in

need of repair which the king began in 1300-1303 at his expense. When the castle went to Isabel in 1387, it still

needed much repair, including on the tower, stone wall, collapsed palisade around the outer ditch, great hall roof,

small hall roof, king’s chamber, and two chapels. There is no evidence that needed repair was accomplished under

Isabel; so Philippa, presumably, received the castle in 92 poor condition. Guildford (Surrey) manor received 93 £10:18:9-1/5 repairs after it was granted to Margaret.

In 1305, Savernak Forest was assigned to her because her

9* t property in M a r lebergh needed it for repairs.

Isabel, like her predecessor, received Savernake 95 Forest because her Marlbergh property needed repairs.

Savernake apparently survived the repair needs of both

queens. Isabel’s property in Macclesfield Forest, unfor­

tunately, did not; and, in 1386, it was said to be much destroyed. 96 When Edward III ascended the throne in 1388,

a survey showed that Isabel’s property repair needs were:

£ 88 for St. Briavel’s (Gloucester) castle

160 for Wallingford (Berkshire) castle

184:6:8 for castle of Berkhaasted (Hertford),

including parts of the stone barbicons at the

e n tra n c e which had c o lla p s e d , two wooden b rid g es

over the aoat which were in ruin; all ten wall 272

towers? as well as the roofs on chapel and other

buildings which needed repairs. Ten years later the repairs had not been Bade.

260 Devizes (Wiltshire) castle

555:13:4 Marlborough (Wiltshire) castle for the great 97 tower? wall breaches? and soae buildings

Additional property held by Isabel and needing repairs

included: three ruinous watermills and 220 green oaks and

120 ashes destroyed. Sheen (Surrey) manor had small

repairs during Isabel’s possession? but after Edward III got it in 1358 he began repairs which would eventually

total £2,000."

Among properties which came to Philippa needing

resto ra tio n were:

Banstede (Surrey) aanor: Walls and buildings were ruined to the

extent that £200 was needed for repairs. In 1351? carpenters?

pluabers? and stone aasons were engaged for the work.

Devizes castle (W iltshire): Philippa had repairs done continually.

Feckenhaa (Worcester) aanor: In 1356? Philippa sold the hall for

£20 to be deaolished.

Gillinghaa (Dorset) aanor: After Philippa’s death? the aanor was

deaolished for aaterials.

Guildford (Surrey) castle: Philippa spent £77 to rebuild the outer

curtain in 1332-1334. 273

Knaresburgh (York) castle: The great hall needed coaplete rebuilding

at £200, plus an additional £200 for other buildings.

Ludgershall (Wiltshire) castle: Between 1341-1343, Philippa spent £44

restoring the great tower roof, the chapel, and other works, plus

£i for decoration on the east window of the new chapel.

Odihaa (Haapshire) aanor: A variety of Philippa’s repairs between 1330

and 1339 replaced the kitchen and a rotten bridge, drained the aoat,

fixed the foundation, rebuilt other bridges, enclosed the garden,

and repaired the roof.*^'

Other properties in disrepair for Philippa included: a ruined dovecote in Wymundeswold (Leicestershire) a 1 02 messuage totally ruined in Wescote (Surrey) manor; and

152 acres of oakwood worth nothing because within a chase 103 where the queen’s deer feed. Continuing problems with

Feckenwood Forest included first ditch and hedge enclosure in 1342, then paling added later, then repair of buildings, all causing the queen to have to sell a grange to acquire

-f ^ 104 fu n d s.

Anne’s properties continued this depreciation. King’s

Clift (Northamptonshire> property illustrates the century’s trend of disrepair of queen’s holdings. In good repair in

1273, by the fifteenth century the buildings had disap­ peared . In 1374, the manor of Eastwood was leased at

£ 6 1 :6 :8 . By 13B0, the manor value had declined to

£44:2:1.*^ In 1380, a commission was appointed to inquire 274

into the actual value of Anne’s dower grants* several of which had been found to be less than the yearly value stated. The result was that other grants were made to the 107 queen to compensate. Assorted repairs were needed on 108 Anne’s buildings in manors of Eye* Causton, and Brugh.

By 1390* houses in Langley Marish (Buckinghamshire) were 109 described as "delapidated and of littel value." Between

1382 and 139A, Nottingham castle received £257 worth of repair by Anne’s constable.110 in 1385, Anne was allowed an additional rent charge of £80 towards repairs of Devizes 111 (Wiltshire) castle. However, by 1A05, this property was declared of no yearly value because so much repair was needed. At the same time, the queen’s manor of Odiham also 1 12 declared of no value for the same reason.

One of the most persistent problems regarding queens’ property was simply the confusion which existed in an era of inexact records and unrecorded customs. The manor of

Heighton (Sussex) was "not held of the king in chief* as of the crown, but of Lady Philippa, queen of England, as of the honour of Laigle, as if parcel of the manor of Jevyn- 113 ton." Frequently, litigation was necessary to end the confusion. Who held what, when, and where were questions asked at inquisitions. Did Isabel of France hold the manor of Wrockeshale (Somerset) by reason of lands she held in

Christchurch? Or did Edward, earl of Chester, her son hold 275

it by reason of lands he held in the Isle of Wight? The answer turned out to be neither. The manor was held of

Hugh de Courteney by reason of his manor of Brommore 1 14 (Southampton).

The convolutions can be illustrated by the saga relating to grants by Edward I to Robert de Crevequer. The king had granted Robert 100 shillings from the custody of the castle of Bestan (Chester), £<45 from the issues of the mills and bridges of Chester, £20 from the farm of the town of Hereford, and £20 from the farm of the hundred without the north gate of Oxford. All of these grants were in exchange for Robert’s quitclaim to Edward I and Eleanor of

Castile of the manor of Ditton and a moiety of the manor of

Soham (Cambridge). Later Edward granted the county of

Chester to the prince of Wales and the farm of Hereford to

Queen Margaret. In compensation, he granted Robert £65

-from the farm of the town of Northampton. Later he granted the hundred without the northgate of Oxford to Margaret and compensated Robert with £20 from the farm of the town of _ . 115 Derby.

When lands involved wardships, the confusion grew.

Maintaining wardships was not always efficient and smooth because problems arose frequently concerning the main­ tenance and operation of custody. Often the descent of wardships became so convoluted that inquisitions were hard 276

put to disentangle them. For example, Isabel of France had wardship of some lands of Thomas Wake. Joan of Kent, who held wardship of other Wake property, died and her custody reverted to Isabel because Joan’s son and heir Simon was a minor himself. Isabel sold the custody of Joan’s portion

to Robert de Pount Fraynt until Simon would be of age to assume i t . However, before that time Robert resold it to

John de E lle k e r .* 1^

Occasionally land disputes occupied the highest administrative echelons. In 1362, councils of Queen

Philippa and the Black Prince disputed issues of the manor of Braybrok (Northampton). The decision, ultimately, was that the prince should have the issues from the time his

keeper seized it until Michaelmas Eve and the queen should 117 have them afterwards.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

If uneasy lies a head that wears a crown, numerous must be the headaches coming from it. The fourteenth- century consorts controlled lands and people, often even

the king himself. But that position did not insure ready

income or immediate compliance. Even those prerogatives

inherent in the prestigious office could be refused or

indefinitely postponed. Contemporary sources recount an endless repetition of nagging requests for work, payment, 277

enforcement, etc. The fourteenth century was a time of trouble. Frequently, the queens’ rights and debts appear simply to have gotten lost in a society which had too many other th in g s to think about. 278

CHAPTER VII: NOTES

*Jones» Crowns, p. xxviii.

‘llidgway, "Inquiry,* p. 442.

3 Florence S. Buckstaff, “Married Woaen’s Property in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Noraan Law and the Origin of the Coaaon-Law Dower," Annals of the Aaerican Acadeav of Political and Social Science 4 (1894): pp. 233-64.

Forest officers seea not to have applied the law of the land and ordinary cases seea not to have coae within cognizance of forest courts. Probably two jurisdictions operated in aedieval forests. Morris and Strayer, English Bovernflent, pp. 421, 423.

5CCR (1307-1313) 19 March 1310, p. 218.

6CPR (1343-1345) 7 June 1345, p. 479i (1345-1348) 17 March 1346, p. 59! and CFR (1307-1319) 24 Hay 1318, p. 362; 8 August 1318, p. 371.

7CPR (1330-1334) 4 May 1333, p. 448; (1334-1338) 10 July 1336, pp. 319, 356.

BIbid. (1327-1330) 20 June 1329, p. 399.

9CFR (1337-1347) 1 September 1337, p. 40; and CPR (1348-1350) 1 May 1350, pp. 552-3.

*°VCH W iltshire, ed. by R. B. Pugh (London: University of London Institute of Historical Research, 1957-1959), 1:409.

11Foedera, II:i:184.

1SI b i d ., 11: l i :260.

13CPR (1334-1338) 1 October 1336, p. 319.

^Buckstaff, “Married Woaen’s Property," pp. 233ff.

15F o e d era, I I : i: 4 7 , 57.

^Colvin, King’s Works, 2: 672, 984.

17CCR (1333-1337) 8 January 1334, pp. 171-2. 18 Froissart, Chronicles, l:314ff.

19CPR (1345-1348) 23 Moveaber 1347, p. 466.

20CCR (1302-1307) 11 July 1306, p. 401. 279

21CCR (1307-1313) El January 1313, p. 5E7.

22Ibid. (1340-1343) 1 July 1341. pp. E57-8.

23Tout, C hapters, 5:374.

2ACPR (1338-1340) EE April 1340, p. 476.

pc Calendar of Ancient Petitions Relating to Hales (Thirteenth to Sixteenth Century), ed. by William Rees (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1975) p. 389.

?A CPR (1338-1340) 30 July 1338, p. 144. ?7 A Calendar of the Register of Wolstan de Bransford Bishop of Worcester 1339-49 ed. by R. N. Haines (Worcestershire Historical Society and Historical Manuscripts Commission #1114, 1966), p. E80.

2SPike, Year Books, 4:88-93.

39 Ancient Deeds. A. 6069, 35 July 1353, p. 360.

30CPR (1350-1354) 18 December 1353, p. 635.

31Ibid., (1338-1340) 33 April 1340, p. 476; CCR (1354-1360) 16 November 1355, pp. 165-6; and Tout, Chaptei s 5:383.

32CCR (1385-1389) 16 November 1385, p. 13.

33Inos. Misc., 37 June 1388, 5:33:16.

34 Ib id .? 12 January 1394? 5:156:74; and CPR (1391-1396) IE January 1394# p . 348.

35Foedera V:533.

3ACCR (1307-1313) 3 Harch 1309, p. 106! Foedera Il:i:69, 155.

37 Prynne# fiurum Reqinae, p . 31. qo Ibid., p. 34, Johnston, “Household," p. 363.

39 Tout, Chapters. 5:367.

40 Prynne, Aurum Repinae. p. 36.

41 Reaistrua Siaonis de Sudbiria Dioceses Londonienses, ft.D. 1363-1375. ed. by R. C. Fowlet and C. Jenkins; Canterbury and York Society Publications #34, #38, 1937-1930; 1:47, 280

^CCR (1360-1364) 28 July 1360, pp. 60-1; Johnston) “Household)" p. 265; and Tout) Chanters 5 :2 6 6 .

43 Tout) Chapters) 5:266.

^CCR (1333-1337) 1 July 1336, p. 689.

45lbid. (1349-1354) 18 June 1353, p. 546.

A6lbid. (1381-1385) 24 June 1383, p. 313; (1389-1392) 14 July 1389, p.6; (1392-1396) 8 July 1393, p. 158, and 20 October 1393, p. 170; CPR (1385-1389) 24 June 1385, p. 3; Foedera 911:505, 755-65 and Tout, Chapters, 5:266.

47CCR (1385-1389) 3 Deceaber 1385, p. 19.

AO Ibid. (1381-1385) 15 March 1383, p. 292.

49 McKisack, Fourteenth Century, p. 269.

50CPR (13B5-13B9) 12 Noveaber 1387, p. 372; 1 June 1388, p. 452, 12 Noveiber 1388, p. 524; and Tout, Chapters 5:281.

^ Calendar of the Register of ftdaa de Orleton, Bishop of Worcester, 1327-33, ed. by R. M. Haines. Worcestershire Historical Society and Historical Manuscript Coaaission Joint Publication #27, 1980.

^Colvin, Kino’s Works, p. 930.

53CPR (1338-1340) 30 July 1338, p. 144.

54 Johnston* "Household*" p. 282.

55Inas. Misc. 28 April 1311, 2:297:173-4.

56CCR (1314-1318) 24 October 1316, p. 373.

57 Black Prince’s Registers pp. 130-1.

58 Johnston, “Household," p. 296; and Rotuli Pari., 2:95.

59CPR (1358-1361) 30 May 1359, p. 223.

^Ibid. (1350-1354) 24 February 1352, p. 287; and Johnston, “Household," p. 297.

^*A Foraula Book of English Official Historical Docuaents, ed. by Hubert Hall (Caabridge: University Press, 1909), p. 95.

6ECPR (1345-1348) 10 August 1347, p. 396; 8 Noveaber 1347, p. 465; Rotuli P ari. 2:269; and Tout, Chanters, 4:174. 281

i3CPR (1361-1344) 25 Noveaber 1362, p. 294; and Tout, Chapters 3:258.

6\iillia a Stubbs, The Constitutional History of England in Its Driain and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1891) pp. 414-5.

65CChU (1244-1334) 19 February 1318, pp. 482-3.

66Buck, "Refori," p. 251; Chaplais, "Diploeatic Docuaents," p. 135. in 'The s itu a tio n b e c a ie even less p o p u lar when the king g ra n te d Oxford a d iv o r c e . Cook, Her Ha jest y, p. 871; Duls, Richard II. p. 30; Mathew, Court, p. 19; McKisack, fourteenth Century, p. 447; Rishanger, Chronica et Annales, p. 105; and Ualsinqhaa, Historia Anglican 2:119.

68CCR (1354-1360) 14 Jan u ary 1359, p . 485; (1360-1364) 1 October 1360, p . 7 0 . 69 McKisack, Fourteenth Century, pp. 204-5.

70CPR (1350-1354) 24 February 1352, p. 287; 18 February 1352, pp. 288, 331! 10 Noveaber 1352, P- 388; 20 Noveaber 1352, p. 389; 6 Deceaber 1352, p. 390; and 26 NOveaber 1352, p. 391.

71CPR (1350-1354 ) 20 Noveaber 1352, p. 389.

/eibid. (1381-1385) 2 Deceaber 1383, p. 359.

73Ibid. (1348-1350) 18 April 1350, pp. 529-30.

?itIbid. (1343-1345 ) 26 July 1343, p. 164.

75lbid. (1345-1348) 26 June 1347, p. 381.

76Ibid. (1334-1338) 21 July 1335, p. 207.

77lb id . (1348-1350 ) 5 April 1348, p. 78.

78Tout, Chapters. 5:278.

79CPR (1340-1343 ) 4 Deceaber 1342, p. 572; (1350-1354) 6 March 1351, p. 56. The king aade up the queen’s lost revenues with other grants.

80lbid. (1343-1345) 10 Hay 1343, p. 8 8 .

B1lbid. (1327-1330) 2 August 1329, p. 434; inqs. P. M.. 16 Deceaber 1362, 11:149:148.

82CPR (1350-1354) 6 March 1351, p. 56; Inqs. P.M., 80 April 1351, 9:575:398.

83CCR (1360-1364) 20 May 1362, p. 329.

^McIntosh, "Havering," P- 31. 282

8 5 Christopher Dyer, "Deserted Medieval Villages in the West Midlands,” Econoaic History Review 35 (July 1982>:p. 22.

McKisack, Fourteenth Century, pp. 19-22.

97 Dyer, ‘Deserted Villages,” p. 23.

B8lr,os. P. H., 17 May 1374, 14:912:346.

99 Inos. Misc. 17 May 1374, 3:912:345.

90 Colvin, Kino’s Works, p. 660.

91Ibid., p. 660.

92 Ibid., p. 678.

93 Ibid., p. 953.

94 Ibid., p. 362.

95CPR (1317-1321) 25 April 1318, p. 116. QL Ibid., (1324-1327), p. 581.

97 Colvin, Kino’s Works, pp. 562, 737, 823, and 8515 and Hardy, Philippa, p. 217. In 1351, Philippa finally engaged repairaen.

99 Inos. Misc. 22 July 1331, 2:1202:2955 and Inos. P. H. 24 November 1346, 11:573:395.

99 Colvin, Kino’s Works, p. 95.

10°CPR (1348-1350) 2 October 1350, p. 571? Colvin, Kino’s Works, pp. 656, 658, 691, 731, 938, 945j Hardy, Philippa, p. 219; Inos. Misc. 2:151:95; and VCH Worcestershire, ed. by J. W. W illis- Bund (London: Archibald Constable and Coapany Liaited, 1901), 3:113-4.

101Inos. P. M. 16 April 1363, 11:459:347.

10aib id ., 23 August 1355, 10:189:164.

103 Inos. Misc. 3:129:280.

104 Foraula Book, p. 95.

^C olvin, Kino’s Works, p. 969.

JB8Wolffe, Deaesne, p. 63.

107CPR (1381-1385) 8 July 1382, p. 196. 283

I AO OCR (1381-1385) 16 November 1382, p . 168.

109 Colvin? Kino’s Works? p. 979.

110lbid., p. 764.

H1Ibid., p. 628.

11SInos. Hisc. 27 January 1405, 7:315:166-9; and 16 Hay 1405, 7:386:176.

113 Inos. P. H. 11 September 1337, 7:686:473-4.

114 Ibid., 4 Noveaber 1344, 6:508:,299.

U5CPR (1301-1307) 13 October 1304, p. 264.

H6CCR (1317-1321) 25 Harch 1318, p. 603.

117 Black Prince’s Reoister, pp. 458-9. CONCLUSION

There was no legal and inheritable in s titu tio n in fourteenth-century England which can be labeled "queenship."

However, there was an office which, when both the personal­ ity of the holder and circumstances of the time allowed, developed into an economic and social entity which had immeasurable influence throughout the realm. And there was also an aura attached to that person whom the king had married, the archbishop had anointed, and upon whom God had bestowed the blessing of presenting heirs to the kingdom.

For those reasons, the study of queens consort is significant to a fuller comprehension of the history of their age. This study has considered the century’s five consorts in order to analyze their selection, prerogatives, and influences. By considering the entire century, this study has shown certain continuities and discontinuities which are meaningful to an understanding of both the queens and their times.

The fourteenth-century English queens consort have become v ir tu a lly anonymous h is to r ic a lly . However, among

284 285

their contemporariesi they would have appeared vital and

influential. With flawlessly impressive heredity, they were selected to continue and unite bloodlines. In a warring climate, they were emissaries to conclude and sustain peace.

The procedure of their selection involved many of the era’s most respected personnages and months of discussions and deliberations. Once chosen, they achieved enhanced stature through marriage and coronation, linking themselves and their progeny not only to the reigning monarch but also to

God, from whom the monarchs increasingly claimed their authority. The pageantry, the regalia, and especially the anointing elevated queenship, in each instance, to a posi­ tion above the earthly and into the realm of the divine, with re p e titio n moving the o ffic e ever nearer to in s titu — t iona1i za t ion.

Legitimacy having been established and consecrated, the o f fic e of queen was strong enough to withstand the cen tu ry’s scandals, even those linking Isabel of France to both adultery and r eg icid e. The resu lts which would have been apparent to contemporaries were exalted rights and prerog­ atives, impossible to all except, perhaps, the king himself.

Most visible would have been the enormous wealth of property 286

and personnel a ffe c tin g at some time in the century almost all shires and thousands of subjects. The consorts con­ trolled a vast income from royal estates with assorted extras. They exercised career control over man- and woman- power, of greatness in number and, occasionally, in status.

Their l if e s t y l e of opulence was in sharp contrast with that of the majority of their subjects who lived on an economic fringe in an uncertain century.

Of course, with the differences among the consorts, there were discontinuities in queenship during the century.

Margaret and Isabel of Valois, as second wives, had briefer reigns and perhaps less influence, as neither needed to produce an heir immediately. Margaret lived into the reign of her successor Isabel of France but not in any way as a rival to her. Isabel, however, was a r iv a l both to her successor Philippa and to her son Edward III. Her rebellion against and later complicity in the assassination of her husband kept her at least b r ie fly in a p o sitio n of compe­ tition governmenta11y with her son and, later, economically with her daughter-in-law. Perhaps it was that competition early in her reign, showing a model of excessiveness, that influenced Philippa to such fiscal extravagance that she, 287

alone among the century’s consorts* had her holdings sub­ jected to reorganization and herself placed on a strict d a ily budget. She did not, however, follow her mother-in-law’s example in marital matters, patiently sharing her spouse in a series of infidelities. Philippa’s successor Anne did not share her predecessor’s reputation for extravagance, but she did have to overcome an attempt at strict royal budgeting in order to receive her full dower.

She also had to survive accusations of extravagance against her husband and her Bohemian fo llo w ers.

Although all consorts were selected on the basis of diplomatic exigency, they found themselves in quite differ­ ent circumstances once in England. The first and the last con sorts of the century, Margaret of France and Isabel of

Valois, were second wives to older monarchs. They could begin their marriages with the a n ticip a tio n of widowhood, although with Isabel it arrived prematurely. Isabel of

France, having been betrothed early as part of the marriage agreement of her father- in-1 aw, found herself wed to a king whose lifestyle worked to exclude her. Her treasonous response to Edward’s inattention earned her the epithet of

"the she wolf of France." Only Philippa and Anne paced 288

through the pageantry of their wooing and wedding according to tra d itio n , and only they seemed to share a real human as well as official relationship with their husbands and kings.

The qu een s’ property holdings and m iscellaneous income sources, although not identical, were certainly comparable, as were their administrative arrangements. Also comparable was the fact that the queens could not always count on the promised income and services which were the foundation of their lifestyles. Neither actual nor theoretical authority was always realized. Similarly, each consort could influ­ ence a wide variety of powerful individuals. However, with military aod economic turmoil during the century, the results of this influence varied. Young Isabel of Valois, for example, was clearly doted upon by her older spouse

Richard II- However, his a ffe c tio n , in the la st a n a ly sis, could not prevent her widowhood and rep a tria tio n . Three of the five consorts came from France to insure peaceful relations, vet the century is noted for continual conflicts between France and England.

Essentially, each queen had a colorful, powerful, and individual identity? but, in each instance, that identity was defined in terms of another person—parent, husband, or 289

son. The office of queen theoretica11y existed even when vacant; but the authority existed only when the office was

occupied by an individual who, through the reigning monarch, was assigned sufficient income and established sufficient organization to create and sustain power. At the death of

the monarch or the death of the office holder, the income

and power ended and had to be recreated. Perhaps had there been no interims, as between Philippa and Anne and between

Anne and Isabel of V alois, tra d itio n would have establish ed an inheritable queen's property and income. The nucleus existed and, had it evolved, an institution of queenship might have, a lso . However, it did not. So, although

authority, both actual and th e o r e tic a l, can be assigned to

these queens, there was only theoretical continuity to

queenship in the fourteenth century. Consorts had large and recognizable strengths during their reigns, touching and

changing the liv e s around them. They retained the quality of royalty to death; but they did not bequeath the role and

office of queen. Therefore, queenship existed individually but not institutionally. As the holders disappeared, so did

the office, allowing contemporaries and history to begin 290

immediately to ignore both the office and its moat recent occupant.

QUEENSHIP IN FOURTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND:

THEORETICAL AND ACTUAL AUTHORITY

Volume II

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Barbara Joyce Lake, A.B., M.A

*****

The Ohio State University

1992

D issertation Committee: Approved by:

James M. K ittelson

Joseph H. Lynch

Franklin J. Pegues Departm ent TABLE OF CONTENTS

Volume II

LIST OF FIG U R E S...... xi i

LIST OF PLATES...... x iii

APPENDICES

A. Genealogy of 14th-Century English Queens . . 291

B. Thackray L e t t e r ...... 297

C. Nixon L e t t e r ...... 29B

D. Williams L etter ...... 299

E. Bryant L e t t e r ...... 300

F. Gousset Letter ...... 302

G. Steiger Letter...... 303

H. Chronicle Treatment of Fourteenth-Century English Queens Consort ...... 304

I. For the receaving of a Queene out of a strang land and the coronation of her as e n s u e t h ...... 312

J. Trans 1 i ter at i on of Appendix I ...... 315

K. List of A rticles in Bodleian Ashmolean 1116, fo. 8 4 b ...... 319

L. Queens’ Properties ...... 321

M. A List of the Queens’ Recognisances.... 367

N. Isabel of Valois’ G ifts ...... 377

X Q. Staff affiliated with Fourteenth-Century English Queens Consort ...... 380

P. Summary of S t a f f ...... 419

Q. F i g u r e s...... 424

R. P l a t e s ...... 426

S. Glossary ...... 444

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 453

xi LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: The Queens’ Liberty at Havering . 424

Figure 2: Queen’s Administration . . . . . 425

xi i LIST DF PLATES

I. Lincoln Cathedral statue said to be a medieval portrait of Queen Margaret ...... 427

II. The wedding of Isabel of France and Edward II (B ritish Museum Roy. MS. 15 E. IV, fol. 2956 ...... 428

III. O riginal Seal o f Queen’s C ollege, Oxford . . 429

IV. St. Nicholas Church, Bristol, boss in crypt believed to be a likeness of Quen P h i l i p p a ...... 430

V. Drawing of Plate IV from the City of B r isto l Museum and Art G a l l e r y ...... 431

VI. St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster, tracings dating from circa 1356 of Queen Philippa and her daughters...... 432

VII. St.K atharine’s H ospital, London, s ta ll carving representing Queen Philippa ...... 433

VIII. National P ortrait Gallery, London, wooden bust representing Queen Philippa ...... 434

IX. Westminster Abbey tomb of Queen Philippa . . 435

X. Graffiti identified with Queen Philipps . . . 436

XI. G r a ffiti which may be a s a tir e of Queen P h i l i p p a ...... 436

XII. Wooden effigy at Queen’s College, Oxford . . 437

XIII. Westminster Abbey e f f ig ie s of Anne of Bohemia and Richard I I ...... 438

XIV. Detail of Plate XIII ...... 439

xi i i XV. Frontispiece to Chaucer’s Tro ilus and Cr i sevde depicting Anne of Bohemia...... ^^0

XVI . Funeral procession head of Anne of Bohemia . 1

XVII . Funeral procession head of Anne of Bohemia . 4A1

XVI I I . Presentation of Isabel of Valois to Richard II ...... *+^2

XIX. Return of Isabel of Valois to France .... ^3

xiv APPENDIX A

GENEALOGICAL CHARTS

GENEALOGY OF l^TH-CENTURY ENGLISH QUEENS

LOUIS IX

PHILIP III THE BOLD

MARGARET PHILIP IV CHARLES OF VALOIS OF FRANCE THE FAIR JOAN OF I JEANNE OF VALOIS BURGUNDY = PHILIP VI

ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA OF HAINAULT JOHN OF BOHENIA. I 1 EMPEROR BONNE OF JOHN II CHARLES LUXEMBOURG THE GOOD IV

HENCESLAS 5I6ISMUND ANNE OF BOHEMIA

CHARLES V I CHARLES VI

Ia BEL OF VALOIS GENEALOGY OF MARGARET OF FRANCE

HENRY III MARGARET THE DE60NAIRE ALICE OF LOUIS IX = OF PROVENCE DUKE OF BRABANT = BURGUNDY

PHIL P III THE BOLD = MARY OF BRABANT

LOUIS RUDOLF III EDRARD I = MARGARET OF FRANCE COUNT OF EVREUX OF AUSTRIA = BLANCHE

HARGARET EDMUND OF MARGARET = * MARY OF BRAOSE RAKE ROODSTOCK THOMAS OF BROTHERTON = ALICE HALES GENEALOGY OF ISABEL OF7 FRANCE

PHILIP III THE BOLD = ISABELLA OF ARASQH HENRY III OF NAVARRE = BLANCHE QF fiRTOIS

CHARLES PHILIP IV JOAN OF CHAMPAGNE OF VALOIS THE FAIR = AND NAVARRE

EDHftRD II ISABEL QF FRANCE PHILIP V CHARLES IV LOUIS X THE TALL THE FAIR THE QUARRELSOME

PHILIPPA COUNT RE6NALD EDUARD III = OF HAINAULT OF ELEANOR OF 6UELDERS = WOODSTOCK

JOAN JOHN DAVID OF THE OF BRUCE = TQUER ELTHAM ro <£> to GENEALOGY OF PHILIPPA OF HAINAULT

JOHN OF AVESNES ELIZABETH CHARLES MARGARET COUNT OF OF OF OF HOLLAND AND HAINAULT = ENGLAND VALOIS = NAPLES-SICILY 1 WILLIAM II OF HAINAULT JEANNE OF VALOIS

EMPEROR LEWIS | SYBELLA COUNT UILLIAH ISABELLE = Jean de Brabant OF BAVARIA = HAR6ARET OF J1IL1ERS = JEANNE

ALBERT UILLIAH UILLIAH JEANNE OF ROBERT III = BRABANT ELIZABETH = OF NAHUR

DUARD III H IL IP PA OF HAINAULT ~ 1 f THOHAS OF ELEANOR JOAN OF UILLIAH OF BLANCHE OF JOHN DE EDUARD THE UOQDSTOCK = BOHUN THE TOUER HATFIELD THE TOUER HOUNTFORD HARY BLACK PR

ENSUERRAND DE COUCY = ISABEL OF UOQDSTOCK JOHN HASTINGS MARGARET = BLANCHE QF LANCASTER EARL OF OF PEMBROKE CALAIS PEDRO BLANCHE THE OF SIR THOHAS CRUEL = BOURBON HOLLAND JOHN OF GAUNT./ = CONSTANCE OF1 CASTILE ISABELLA EDHUND LIONEL OF OF CASTILE = OF LANGLEY ANTWERP = ELIZABETH KATHERINE DE ROET EDHUND PHILIPPA fcoUNTESS COUNT OF HAUD THE SUYNFQRD HORTIHER OF CLARE ST. POL FAIR

R06ER HORTIHER ELEANOR

EDUARD DUKE OF YORK RICHARD EARL OF CAHBR1D6E ANNE HORTIHER

RICHARD II GENEALOGY OF ANNE OF BOHEMIA

KINS JOHH OF BOHEMIA = ELIZABETH PREHYSLID DUKE BPSUSLAN V QF PDHERANIA = PRINCESS ELIZABETH OF POLAND

HOLY ROHAN EHPEROR CHARLES IV = ELIZABETH OF FOHERftNIft

RICHARD II = ANNE QF BOHEMIA HARGARETHA KARL JOHN SIGISHUND

lO1 X 3 cn GENEALOGY OF ISABEL OF VALOIS

CHARLES V THE WISE = JEftHNE OF BOURBON STEPHEN II OF BAVARIA = THftDDEft VISCONTI

CHARLES VI THE HAD ISftBEAU OF BAVfiRIft

CHARLES JEANNE MARIE JEAN CHARLES JEANNE CHARLES LOUIS CATHERINE PHILIPPE

RICHARD II

SftBEL QF VALOIS

CHARLES DUKE . , OF ORLEANS = /

JEANNE = DUKE OF ALENCON 297 APPENDIX B NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY

LONDON WC2H OHE 01-930 1552

25 September, 1984. Dear Ms. Lake,

Thank you for your le tte r asking about photocopies of the five fourteenth-century queens of England.

To take them in chronological order:

1) Margaret, Queen of Edward 1 (d. 1317). I enclose a couple of photocopies of a statue on Lincoln Cathedral which is said to be of her, and, according to a b o o k le t by one John L. Hodgson, M.I.Mech.Eng., to be a medieval portrait, in spite of its modern appearance.

2) Philippa, Queen of Edward III (d. 1369). Here are her image a t W estminster Abbey, made in 1367 by Hennequin de Liege, and the s t . Stephen's Chapel tracings (made in the n in eteen th c e n tu ry by George S charf of the Smirke tracings of the paintings themselves). The o riginal paintings were destroyed in the fire at the Houses of Parliament in 1834.

3) Anne o f Bohemia (d .1 3 9 4 ). Queen o f Richard I I . x enclose a photocopy of her tomb effigy in Westminster Abbey, which was probably that for which a contract of 1395 ex ists, made with Nicholas Broker and Godfrey Prest. Here is also a photocopy of the remarkable wooden head, made for a funeral procession, which is now at the Abbey Musem.

As for Isabel of Prance (d. 1358), the nearest likeness of her that I have been able to find is from a British Museum manuscript 0f about 1470-1480, probably from Flanders, which includes an illumination showing Isabel's marriage to Edward II. The manuscript, believed to have been made for Edward IV, is called "Premier volume des anchiennes er mouvelles croniques dangleterre" [sic] by Jean, BStard de wavrin. Seigneur de Forestal (lib­ rary re fe re n c e Roy. MS. 15 E. IV, f o l. 2956).I enclose a photocopy.

Ms. Barbara L ake, Unfortunately, I have not been able to obtain a reason­ 91 Heischman Avenue, ably contemporary likeness of Isabella of France for you. Worthington, Since she was the daughter of Charles VI of France, and Ohio 43085, later married the Duke of Orleans, there might be a U.S.A. manuscript at the uibliotheque Nationale in Paris with an illumination including her likeness.

I hope that the above is of help to you in your work.

Yours s in c e re ly ,

(Archive Assistant) APPENDIX C 298

LIBRARIAN THE MUNIMENT ROOM AND LIBRARY. C a n o n a . H arvev. m.a. W E S T M I N S T E R ABBEY. KEEPER OF THE MUNIMENTS N. H. MACMiCMAEL. F .l.A . . F. R. H lR T . E . LONDON. SWlP SPA

TEL: Of - 22 2 S1S2. EE 2 8

Our Ref:Ph/16110 24th October 1985

Dear Miss Lake,

I enclose photocopies of the tomb of John of Eltham. The following views of the tomb are available from us:

N e g .n u m b e r Box 18 Full length view of effigy from above (this does not of course show any weepers)

RPHG 247 3 weepers (2 queens and a king) at west end with shields beneath (no coats of arms are now visible)

RPHG 249 2 w e e p e r s (k a n d q) w e s t end

RPHG 252 2 weepers (k and q) north side, west group

RPHG 254 2 weepers (k and q) north side, centre group

RPHG 269 Effigy, top half, side view showing head and large shield

We can supply you with 8 x 6 inch black and white photographs from any of these at a cost of £4.20 per print, to include air mail postage ind packing. Please let us know which you would prefer. Would you kindly make your international money order or sterling cheque payable to "The Dean and Chapter of Westminster".

I enclose a further photocopy of information contained in L.Stone's Sculpture in Britainrthe Middle Ages, 1955, about the creation of the tomD. tdward 11‘s ettigy, referred to at the beginning, is in Gloucester Cathedral. Although it is accepted that the images around John of Eltham's tomb are Kings and Queens to whom John was related no attempt is now made to identify them as their condition is so poor, and I have no further information about them. Yours sincerely,

Mrs E.Nixon, Assistant Librarian

Miss Barbara Lake, 91 Heischman AVenue, Worth ington, Ohio 43085, U.S.A.

E n c s . APPENDIX D 299

City of Bristol City Clerk's Department Bristol Record Office The Council House College Green, Bristol BS1 STB Miss Mary E Williams, BA Telephone I0272lo6fim'j Ext. City Archivist 4 Telex 449714 Search-room hours: Monday-Thursday 8.45-4.45 Friday8.45-4.15 ( a n v i s i t s Saturday 9-12 by appointment) Barbara J. Lake, 91 Heischman Avenue, Your ref Worthington, Ohio A3085, Our ref xiss Crawford/JB U.S.A. Da,e 6 th March 1986.

Dear Miss Lake,

Representations of Queen Philippa

Thank you for your le tte r of the 27th January. 1 apologise for the delay in replying. The church of St.Andrew, Clifton, was rebuilt in the early nineteenth century and destroyed by bombing during the Second World War. St.Michael's • has also been substantially rebuilt, and the medieval tower remains and that is where the boss of Queen Philippa is situated. S t.P h ilip and Jacob Church has been much altered and repaired and 1 an afraid 1 cannot te ll you whether the representation is s t i l l there. The enclosed xerox copy of the photograph is of a boss in the crypt of St.Nicholas, which now houses the ecclesiastical section of the City Museum a r . A rt Gallery. The Museum's curator of Archaeology and History may bo able to help you further, and you should write to hia at the City Museum, Queen's Road, B ristol BS8 lltL.

No documentary evidence survives from the fourteenth century for any of the afore mentioned churches.

Yours sincerely,

Enc. City Archivist.

THi LAftGCST W>N M (T>0>O UTM OOTHICT M THI CQUMTX, APPENDIX E 300 City of 5n/toi q § ! fflu/eum& Art Gallery

Q ticn's Road, Bristol 8S3IRL. Telephone Bristol (0272) 299771 DireciorCityMuseums Nicholas Thcrr.as M A, FSA, FS.1A. CiraciirGtyArtCaliery Arnold Wilson MA, FS A. FMA.

JB/PJ 19th May 1986 Barbara J. Lake, 91 Heischman Avenue, Worthington, Ohio 43085, U.S.A.

Dear Miss Lake, We have been able to discover the following information about likenesses of Queen Philippa. John Evans wrote the following in, 'A Chronological Outline of the History of Bristol1, (page 89) '1369 Aug. 15, Queen Philippa died. Her Majesy's person would seem to have been regarded in Bristol with much esteem. Sculptured likenesses of her head, in stone, still remain (1824) in St. Philip's Church, also in the crypt of St. Nicholas. One other head of a female, in St. Philip's, was p ro b ab ly d e s ig n e d fo r Jo an n a o f Navarre . . . Queen Philippa's head, with that of the King, still support the arch of the west entrance, under the tower, of St. Michael's Church, and held a correspondent station under the tower of the late Clifton Church'. A number of female heads still exist at St. Philip's Church (now known as S.S. Philip and Jacob), but it has not proved possible to determine which,if any, was intended to be a likeness of the Queen. The head in the crypt of St. Nicholas s till survives, despite the church above having been bombed in 1940. It decorates one of the bosses in that section constructed, £.1400. Hugh O'Neill drew the boss in £.1821 (photocopy enclosed). The original drawing is in our collection. St. Nicholas is now one of our Branch Museums.

co n tin u ed

Bristol Industrial Museum. Princes Wharf. Bristol I Tel. 299771 Blaise Castle House Museum, Henbury B ristol TeL 306789 5L Nicholas Church Museum.S l Nicholas S t. Bristol L Tel. 299771 Chaiterton House; RcdtfiftcWa*Bristol LTel 23973 TheGeorgian House. 7 Great George St. Bristol LTcL 299771 Kings Weston Roman VilU. Long Cross. Lawrence Weston The Red Lodge. Park Row, Bristol LTel. 299771 Sea Mills Roman Site, junction of Portway and Roman Way; Bristol The corbel of St. Michael may not be of Queen Philippa, since the tower was constructed about a century after her death. William Worcestre, writing in c.1470, described the tower as 'new8. Recent inpsection of the corbel has shown i t to be a replacement of the original, which was described as 'so battered and decayed that all resemblance to the human face has ceased11 by an anonymous w riter in 1843. I t is debateable whether the present face is an accurate copy of the original. There are no existing illustrations of the corbel.

We hope that we have fully answered your enquiry and that you w ill find the information of assistance. Yours sincerely,

IV

J . B r y a n t Field Officer Department of Archaeology and History APPENDIX F 302

BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE

DEPARTEMENT DES MANUSCRITS PARIS, Ie 22 novembre 1984 DIVISION DES MANUSCRITS OCC1DENTAUX

Madame Barbara Lake 91 Heischman Avenue Uorthington, Ohio 43085 U.S.A.

Madame,

Le Departement des Estampes de la Bibliotheque nationale vient de

me transmettre votre demande de recherche concernant le portrait de la

reine Isabelle, fille de Charles VI et epouse de Richard II puis du

poete Charles d'Orleans. II existe effectivement dans le manuscrit

frangais 2646, au fol.245v une representation de cette reine : Isabelle

est presentee a Richard II; la scene se passe dans un paysage oil sont

dressees les tentes des camps anglais et frangais. Cette miniature du

XVe siecle (2e moitie-fin) illustre une continuation des Chroniques de

Froissart. II ne s'agit done pas d'un portrait ou d’une image contempo-

raine du personnage mais d'un document tardif qui peut cependant etre

susceptible de vous interesser. II en existe un cliche en noir et blanc

(cl. D 52/329) et un cliche en couleur (Rc C 2416) que vous pouvez com­

mander directement au Service photographique de la Bibliotheque.

Veuillez agreer, Madame, je vous prie, l'expression de ma conside­

ration distinguee.

Marie—Theresa Gousset

5S, RUE HICHEUEl', 730S4 PARIS CEDEX 02 ■ TELEPHONE 2(1-0.12 APPENDIX G 303

BURGERBIBLIOTHEK BERN BIBLIOTHEQUE DE LA BOURGEOISIE DE BERNE Munstergaue 63 Telephon 22 18 03

Mrs. Barbara J. Lake 91 Heischman Avenue Worthington Ohio 45035 USA

Berne, November 23» 19S5

Dear Madam,

thank you for your letter of 17 Oct. Cod. 57 is a late-15th cen­ tury manuscript of Enguerran de Konstrelet's "Chronicue". It has, on / P6cto\ the ornamental title-page (fol. 6 ) a picture of the return of Isabelle to France, i.e. her arrival in Paris (see encl. xerox). The verso event is narrated on fol. 7 . A photograph IS/24 cm of the miniature would cost16.-. Frs. (plus postage). If you order this, please return the encl. form.

Y ours, sincere ly

Dr. Chr. v. S te ig e r Librarian / Appendix H: CHRONICLE TREATMENT OF FOURTEENTH- CENTURY ENGLISH QUEENS CONSORT

Dates Chronicle______Coaoosition Covered Other Contents

1. Annales Gandensis (Annales began 1308 1096-1310 captivity of Philippa in Ghent of Ghent

S. Annales Londoniensis pre-1450 1194-1330 arrival of Isabel of France! her travels with and without the king; her aediations/neqotiationsj Leeds Castle a ffd ir; is attended by FishaongersJ the Mortiaer story! Philippa escapes injury at toumaaent

3. Annales Nonasterii de conteaporary 1042-1433 Beraundeseia

A. Annales Nonasterii de conteaporary 1016-1349 Isabel neglected for Gaveston Oseneia

S. Annales Paul ini conteaporary 1306-1341 Isabel neglected; Leeds Castle a ffa ir; arrival of Philippa; her junior role to Isabel; the tournaaent stand

6 . Annales Prioratus de conteaporary AD 1-1377 Uioornia

7. Annales Ricardi Secundi pre-1408 1390-1406 Isabel of Valois’ atteapts to return to France et Henrici Quart! Reoua Analiae co o 8 . Anoniaalle Chronicle, The 1380’5-90’ s 1333-1381 D a te s Coronation C h r o n i c l e ______Composition Covered Harriaqe Other Contents

9. Avesbury, Robert of, De aid-1350’s 1339-1356 X XX Leeds Castle affair; Mortiaer story Gestis Mirabilibus Reais Edwardi Tertii

10. Baker, Geoffrey le, by 1356 Edward 11 X the tournament stand Chronicon Anoliaee ut Edward III

11. Blaneford? Henry of, pre-1408 1259-1406 Y Isabel of Fiance’s complaints to her father and his Chronica et Annales Johannis responses; Leeds Castle affair; Isabel of Valois’ de Trokelowe et Henrici de loneliness Blaneforde

12. Brut, The. or The Chronicle 1300’s-1400’s Brutus- X Isabel of France taking over England and the country of Enaland 1475 beginning to hate her; arrival of Anne; trouble Kith the Bohemians

13. Burton, Thomas of. Chronica late 14th- 1150-1406 X Isabel’s successes against Edward II; Anne’s Honasterii de Melsa early 15th properties

14. Canterbury, Gervase of, contemporary beginning XX arrival of Margaret; Pope’s involvement in her The 6esta Reaut Kith Its continuation to 1328 marriage,' her doner Continuations

15. Capqrave, John, The Chroni­ 1462-1464 :reation- X X birth and genealogy of Isabel of France; Leeds cle of Enaland 1417 Castle affair; Mortimer story; Isabel of Valois’ attempts to return to France

16. Cartulaiium Honasterii de pre-1350 ?arly 12th Isabel of France’s visits; requests to her for land; Rameseia mention of Philippa in letters CO o 17. Chronicle Ifi Short Enqlish post-1465 ilbina to X cn Chronicle) 465 D a te s

Chronicle Conposi t ion Covered Death Other Contents

18. Chronicle of Bury St. Ed- conteaporary creation diploaacy of Margaret’s marriage? her arrival aundsi The post-1300 to 1346

19. "Chronicle of Dieulacres" 1403-1408 1337-1403 probleas with the Bohemians

20. Chronicle of S. Mary's 1312-1326 258-1326 Philippa left in Flanders as hostage Abbey> York, The

21. Chronicle (fln English) of 1461-1471 1377-1461 X Anne knelt for Burley? Richard paid for Anne? Anne the reions of Richard II , traveled with king* interceded in behalf of London­ Henry IV, Henry V, and ers! Isabel of Valois’ arrival and return to France? Henry VI king’s attempt to wed Isabel to Prince of Hales

22. Chronicon Anoliae 1388-1392 1328-1388 X Philippa’s trip to Flanders; substitutionof John of Gaunt; Philippa’s epitaph; Anne’s arrival

23. "Chronicon de Lanercost" pre-1350 1272-1346 Nargaret’s v is it to Lanercost; Mortimer story? Phil­ ippa’s relatives? Philippa’s traveling with the king and her stay in Ghent

24. Chronicoue de la Tralson et pre-1412 1397-1400 Anne’s intercession for Burley and her literary Hort de Richard Deu>: i Roy attainments: Isabel of Valois parting with Richard Denoleterre and her attempts to return to France

25. Chronioue de Richard Lescot. conteaporary 1328-1364 X Philippa’s travels with king RelioieuK de Saint-Denis

26. Coatendatio laaentabi1 is in soon after Edward 1 lamentation of Margaret on Edward I ’s death transitu aaoni Regis Edwardi death of co EdHard 1 O cn •Q t* C •«-*m u a* C - o d C O a te s © C h r o n i c l e ______Coaoosition Covered cS £ «g Other Contents

27. Creton, Jean. 'Histoire du 1401-1405 1399-1400 Philippa’s jewels going to Alice Ferrers? Isabel of Roy d’ftngleterre Richard’ Valois’ carriages; Richard’s coaplaint about separa­ tion froa Isabel

28. Cronioues de London aid-14th to 17th year X Isabel of France exiled? Philippa’s arrival; Phil­ of Edward III ippa as hostage

29. Euloqius Historiarua sive post-1356 creation X Isabel of France’s negotiations? Philippa’s huntiiig Teaooris to 1413 accident; Anne’s plea for Burley; Isabel of Valois’ return to France

30. Fabyan, Robert, Concordance circa 1504 Brutus to X Margaret’s arrival? Isabel’s exile; Philippa travel­ of Chronicles (The New 1485 ing with king and benefactor to St. Stephen’s? Chronicles of Enoland and Anne’s arrival? Isabel of Valois’ arrival and France) atteapts to return to France

31. Favent, Thomas, Historia circa 1394 1386-1388 Hirabilis Parliaaenti

32. Flores Historiarua 1259-1326 creation Mortimer affair to 1326

33. Froissart, Jean, Chronicles la tte r 14th 1326-1400 Mortimer affa ir; Philippa in Ghent, on b attlefield of Enoland. France, etc. against Scots, with Calais burgesses? kindnesses, affection for Edward III) Isabel of Valois’ not being told of Richard 11’s death

34. 6esta Abbatua Monastern circa 1390’s 793-1411 Isabel of France’s involveaent with properties and 5. Albani religious appointaents, her influence with king? Anne’s money g ifts to monastery co -oo 35. Gesta Edwardi de Carnavon conteaporary 1307-1330 Margaret’s lament e a* "o r D a te s

C h r o n i c l e ______Coaposition Covered Coronation S

36. Gesta Edwardi Tertii conteaporary 1327-1337 X X Isabel of France’s probleas and Edward I l l ’s claia to French throne through her

37. Gray, Thoaas, "Scalacronica" 1350’s 1274-1362 X faailiar story about Isabel of France

38. Guisborough, Walter of, The circa 1312 1066 to Chronicle of Halter of early GuisborouQh EdHard 11

39. Hardyna, John, Chronicle 1457-1463 earliest Isabel of France and Prince Edward negotiating England with Hainault; description of Philippa to 1464

40. Higden, Ranulf, 1381-1395 creation X X Edward I really wanted wife younger than Hargaret; Polychronicon to 1450 Isabel of France banished! flattering obituary for Philippa; Anne received in Hestainster and said to have been bought hi. Historia Vitae et Reani circa 1391- 1377-1402 X Anne’s arrival, probleas with Bohemians, received Ricardi Secundi circa 1402 part of poll tax, traveled with king, death caused destruction of Shene Castle! Isabel of Valois returned to France

42. Historia et Cartulariui late 14th- 7th century the tfortiaer affair; lands belonging to Isabel of Nonasterii S. Petri early 15th 1412 France and Philippa; Philippa’s gift to the Gloucestriae aonastery

43. Inqulf, Chronicle of the late nth- 655-1486 Abbev of Crovland early 14th i post 1450

44. “Kirkstall Abbey Chronicle" circa 1399- 1231-1400 Isabel of Valois sad because separated froa the king 1401 Dates Death Coronation Chronicle______Coaposition Covered Children Other Contents

45. Kniohton, Henry. Chronicon 1334-1395 1044-1395 XX X Margaret chosen instead of sister} the Mortiaer affair; Anne’s kindness and affection for her from the city of London

44. Lanptoft. Peter. Chronicle conteaporary earliest Margaret’s at rival and trip north for early period to 14th reign of Edward 11

47. LeBel. Jean. Vraves aid-!4th 1272-1341 Mortiaer a ffa ir! Philippa’s travels in Europe, the Chronioues burgesses of Calais

48. Le Livere de Reis de early 14th Brutus to X Isabel of France’s negotiations and her estate and B rittanie h Le Livere de 1324 court Reis de Enoleterre

49. Malvern. John. Continuation conteaporary 1381-1394 11 X Anne said to have been bought of 'Polvchronicon*

50. Monstrelet. Enguerrand de. conteaporary 1400-1514 Chronioues

51. More, Thoaas de la. Vita 14th century 1307-1327 X Mortiaer affair et Hors Edward 11

5E. Huriauth. Adaa. Continuatio conteaporary 1303-1354 Hoitiaer affair Chronicarua

53. Nangis. Guillauae de. conteaporary 1113-1348 Mortiaer affair Chroniaue Latine for 14th CO VO

54. Otterbourne, Thomas circa 1423 Brutus to Chronica Reoua Anoliae 1420

55. Reading. John of. pre-1376 1346-1367 X X Isabel of France seduced by Franciscans; Philippa’s Chronica properties

56. Rishanger. Uilliae. conteaporary 1259-1399 X XX Margaret’s travels with king, pope’s involvement in Chronica et Armales for 14th marriage? Anne’s Bohemians? poll tax, destruction of Shene; Isabel of Valois returned to France

57. Thorne, Mil lias, Chronicle 1272-1397 600-1397 Philippa’s g ift of property of Saint Auaustine’s Abbev Canterbury

5B. Trevet, Nicholas, Annales early 14th 1135-1307 X sex reoua Anoliae

59. Usk, Adaa of, Chronicon 1397-1411 1377-1421 X X plans to waylay Anne at Sea; destruction of Shene; Isabel of Valois returned to France

60. Vita Edwardi II circa 1325- 1307-1348 X Isabel of France’s negotiations and pioblems with end of Edward 11 Eduard II

61. Halsingham, Thoaas, 1377-1392 1272-1422 X X XX Margaret asked to watch over Edward 11, the H istoria Anolicana Mortiaer affa ir; Anne’s Bohemians and Arundel at her funeral; Isabel of Valois' attempts to return to Fiance

62. ttalsinqham, Thoaas, early 15th 9th century X . X X X Mortimer a ffa ir; Arundel at Anne’s funeral; Isabel 310 Ypodioma Neustriae 1419 of Valois leturns to France D a te s C h r o n ic le Coacosition Covered Other Contents

63. Haurin. Jehan de. Recueil 1445-1471 Albina to Edward III with Isabel and Mortiaer des Cronioues e t flnchiennes 1471 Isto ries de la Brant Bre- taione

64. Willelai de Dene Historia conteaporary 1314-1349 Isabel and Mortiaer in charge Roffensis 312 APPENDIX I

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oaburaw rfaJ flH-bWiiu-iviutr 6/j"(Hfimic •" 315

APPENDIX J

NOTE: In this transliteration, all abbreviated fores have been expanded and superscript letters placed on the line.

For the receaving of a Dueene out of a strang land and the coronation of her as ensueth

1. When a fiueene shall be Receaved owt of

E. a strange land the king aust provide certene Lordes and Ladyes of estate

3. to aeete with her at the sea side and to convey her to the place where

A. it shall please the king to be wedded and it aust be knowen whether the

5. king will be aarried prively or openlye and that done she aust be conveyed

6 . toward her coronation to the citie of London the which citie aust receave

7. her five ailes with owt the towne in there best arrayes and as she

8 . coae over London bridge their the worshipfull een of the citie

9. aust receave her in the aost royal 1 aanner with a great gifte for their owne

10. worshipp and so to convey her throughe the c itie to the tower there she to be

11. all night at her owne leysure and there that night yf it please the kinge

IE. to aake knightes of the bathe and they to ride on the aorow before her to

13. Westainster and on the aorning following when she hathe dyned a horselitter

1A. aust be otdeyned for her covered with white daaaske or with whitp cloth

15. of gould and the horses trapped with the saae saddelles and other with five

16. cusshens of the saae sweet ii longe iii short and in the bothaa of the 17. litter a satras of white tartraa and on lost of the saie. And as

18. for her arraie for her bodie she roust have a surcot of white daaaske

19. or of white clothe of gould with a aantell of the sa«e powdred with

20. eraynes she aust have a riche pusnie abowt her neck with i ii label Is

21. hanging downe on her backe with the traine then her hede aust be discheveled

22. with a riche circle on it and then sett her on the litter and lifte it up

23. and lave it faire on the horses and she shal be bare handed and bare

24. visaged t i l l she coae to Westainster that a ll aen aay see her then she aust

25. have going to Westainster on eyther side of her a Duke and before her two

2b. Earles and before then two vicountes and before thea barons going all

27. on foot t i l l she coae to Westainster and a ll her ladyes and gentilweoaen coa-

28. ming after her in charres on horsebacke or otherwyse at the kinges and

29. queenes pleasures and all other lordes knightes and squires going on foote

30. rownd abowt her and at the tower gate the Haior with the worshipful 1

31. aen of the c itie of London to aeete her in th eir best arraye going before

32. her ii and ii together on foote till they coae to Westainster: and at the

33. conduite in cornehill aust be ordeyned for a goodlie pageant with

34. angells singing and fensing with freshe posies and ballattes there at the

35. conduite in cheape in likewise: and at that conduite aust runne wine

34. white and redd and d a r i o t t and the crosse in cheape aust be arayed

37. in the aost royall wyse that can be thought and the conduite neere Powells

38. in the saae wyse and whether she goeth forthe at Newgate or at

39. Ludgate it aust be in likewyse and so going fourthe till she coae to

40. Westainster hall and then she aust tbow?l a t the kings benche and two

41. Dukes to leade her to her owne chaaber and there her Ladies and 42. gentilweomen to change her new and atyre her as it pleasethe her and that

43. done to come into the great chamber and take spice and wyne and then go

44. to supper yf it be supping night: And on the morning with k irte ll surcotte

45. and aantell of plaine purple velvett and her hedd discheveled with a

46. riche circlett thereuppon and at her chamber dore ii Dukes to mpete her

47. and to bring her into the Whitehall and there the procession to meete

48. her and she to be baret'oote and iiii yeomen bearing raye clothe in there

49. arms going before her laying the clothe faire and brode before her

50. under her feete t i l l she coae down to the sta ire foote of our Ladie

51. chappell done and there to be a cart with raye clothe going before her

52. to the abbey church dore with yeomen pulling it owt of the cartt

53. laying it faire and brode under her feete aRd when she comethe to the abbey

54. church dore the yeomen to take the clothe in their arms going afore laying

55. it faire under feete to the scaffould and throughe the scaffold down

56. to the highe alter and there the queene to kneele downe and the byshopp

57. to saie the service there unto appertaining over her and annoynt her

58. one the backe and the brest and on the hedd and the byshopp to se tt her

59. crowne on her hedd the abbott of Westminster to take her her scepter and

60. her verge in her handes then the ii Dukes to lede her to the scaffolde

61. sett her in her chaire all the Ladies and gentilweoaen to kneele on her

62. right hand and the greatest there beares here trane to sett next

63. behind her chaire: and all the Lordes to kneele on the lefte hand of

64. the queene and a ll the Ladies to have their surcottes and mantells and

65. th eir capped hedds of scarlett hats unfurred and knightes wyfes in ther

66. surcottes and thestate that beares the gueenes traine to have her surcott 318

67. and aantell of plaine purple velvet like as the queenes is and

68 . tthen aasse is begonne to the offring then the ii Dukes to lede her

69. downe to the offring and to bring her upp to the scaffold again, find

70. when Basse is donne to coae to the highe aulter and there to be

71. howseled and that done to go to a d o s e tt and the fibbott to s e tt St. Edwardes

72. pinsoris on her feete? that done the Lordes to lede her to her chasber

73. the saae nay that they brought her thether and there to breake her faste

74. and then to be brought into Westainster hall to her dynner and there to be served

75. with all tanner of estates like as the king hathe at his crownation and to

76. have sitting under her borde ii knyghtes wyfes on every side on her feete to

77. do her service at her pleasure to coataund thea and the constable of

78. England and the steward and chaableyn with white roddes in their handes

79. and when the grace is said to go into the white hall and there to take

80. spice and wyne and the Haior of London to serve her of her cupp and

81. take it to his fee when he hathe donne and then the queene to go to her

82. privie chaaber and do what it pleasethe her and iii dayes after the

83. queene and a ll her Ladies in th eir aost royall araye to se the justing

84. and after the third day to reaove to another place where it pleaseth

B5. the kinge etc. 319

APPENDIX K

List of Articles in Bodleian Ashmolean 1116, f o . 8Ab.

[Here after foloweth many and divers thinges belonging to an

Usher of the Kinges chamber to knowe and note. And first

what they ought to do at the crownacon of a kinge. Remem­

brance to the Usshers of the Kinges chambr that they must do

their offices in the day etc. 83-93b

The other titles of this very curious old book are:--

"For the mariage of a pryncis daughter." 83b

"For the receaving of a quene out gf a strang land, and the coronacon of her, as ensueth." 89

"The ordinance for the deliverance of a queene." B5b

"For the christening of a kinges childe." 86

"The maner of the creacon of a prince." 86b

"The buryall of a prince." 87

"The ordering of all estates in their degrees at a voyde." 88

"Who should s i t t at the kinges bourd in the daie o ff e s t a t e . " 89

"For laying of the surnape." ib.

"The order of setting of the kinges table." 89b

"How the kinges sonnes or bretheren should be served." 90

"The setting of estates in order at the table." 90b

"For s it t in g in the great chamber . "ib.

"The setting of the chappeleyns." 91 320

"For the kinges sewar." ib.

"The first question, the king going in procession" e tc■ (16 Quest ions. ) 91

"What the kyng and the queene should do on new yeares day." 92

"Who ought to bere the kinges taper on candelmasse daye." 92

"What the squires for the bodie ought for to doe." i b .

"As for the making of the kinges bedd." 93

"Thinges u s e d by kinges Henry the iiij ^ h and . •• 93b

From the Catalogue of the Bodleian Library) p. g^o 321

APPENDIX L

Queens' Properties

SHIRE ISABEL SITE MARGARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA ANNE OF VALOIS

BEDFORDSHIRE Bedford {£3S> of toon f a n (£331 of toon f a n (£33) of toon f a n Perienhale ■anor ------

BERKSHIRE Ascroft (See Bray} Binfield aessuage,land,rent aessuage,hide of aanor in socage* (5s I suit at court} land, rent (4slld) service not knoon and suit to court every three oeeks; 11a of king’s new assarts (5sll-l/3d) aessuage and caru- cate (51s} Ba aeadoo-service not knoon Bistleshaa aanor Bradley by land land aanor,aessuage,60a Cookhaa land,8a aeadoo,4a pasture,woods,Us rent (35s5-l/3d) Bray aanor and hundred aanor {£94} aanor {£84} aanor {£70} including aessuage, including BOOa land including two past­ 3 carucates, lAa 4a aeadoo, I 5s rent ures 'Le Frith’ aeadoo, 3a wood, BOOa I ’Ascroft’ 150s} land, L Ss rent (BAs) Carseoell aanor (See Yiftile - (Oxfordshire)] Chilton

Clothaaescroft (See Cookhaa] Cookhaa aanor and hundred in­ aanor (CIS) aanor (£95}, in­ (£40) including 15a - cluding 34a arable cluding 34a arable, land I 3a wood 33 a aeadoo, & rents 18a aeadoo, rents called Haidenheath, (4sl0-l/3dl (5s4d} a plot called 'le Materdell V i e Voreacre’, a croft called 'Clothaaes­ croft’, I a aessuage, 18a land, la aeadoo, i la wood called 'Terryesland’ Crookhaa park £305Freaantle 1£305Freaantle Freaantle Park [See Crookhaa] Le Frith (See Bray] Godacre haalet (See Burst- - wick (Yorkshire)] Haastead Marshall aanor (See Burstwick - (Yorkshire)] 322

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARSARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA ANHE OF VALOIS

Henton --- Kerswell --- aanor ISee Burstuick (Yorkshire)] Haidenheath plot of land 30’xl2’ [See Cookhaa] t2d} Stratfield Mortiaer --- aanor (£92) [also in Southaiptonshirel incoae froa king's beasts (£A0.5.ft per} SaalloHfield --- aanor [See Burst­ uick (Yorkshire)] Terryesland --- [See Cookhaa] le Voreacre --- [See Cookhaa] Wallingford --- castle I honor le Waterdell --- (See Cookhaa] Whitchurch connote* of aanor Windsor --- forest (£103.1.10-3/9 vines or £109.17.1/9) Winkfield --- lands

BUCKIN6HAH5H1RE Ackley --- lands,uith lands in --- Brill £ Borstall [195s9d) Astuood --- park ---- Beachaepton --- aanor (£16.13.0-1/2} aanor (£8) [See Brustuick (Yorkshire)] Bernuood --- ■anori forest aanor, forest in­ cluding rent (119s5d> Borstall --- (See Ackley] Brill --- (See Ackley] Cippenhaa --- aanor {£49} Fenelgrove --- forest 6reat Haruood --- [See Haruood] Great Liable --- aanor (£10} Haruood --- aanor rents (96s8d! - (See Burstuick (York­ shire)! Hogston --- aanor (60s) [See Burstuick (Yorkshire)} Liable --- aanor [See Burstuick (Yorkshire)] Langley-Harsh --- aanori 383a park> aanor, uith aanor aanor { 30}, uith aessuage, 33a land, of Wraysbury rents (51s} l-l/2a aeadou, I a {£110} cottage; uith the aanor of Wraysbury (£ 110) Risborough aanor with park aanor uith park 1E8B.9.3) ( £ B O Salden with Hursley aanor (90 aarks) 323

_ SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

[See Burstuick (Yorkshire)!

Il.ndover aanor uith rents ------(AOs) (See Burst- Mick (Yorkshire)! Ueston-Turville eanor (£10)------[See Burstuick (Yorkshire)] llraysbury --- (See Langley-Harsh) [See Langley-harsh] eanor (ESA)------llycoeb --- eanor (£58) and ------part of yearly fare (£18.8.8)

CAMnXDSESHIRE

Badburghae ------eanor lands parcel of tonn ------

Bassingborn ------lands tonn ------

Caebridge castle and tonn castle, tonn, part castle, tonn, part ------fares uith 8 other of tonn fare with of tonn fare aith seall fares 8 other seall fares 8 other seall fares [£68.2.0] (£68.A.10) (£67.7.10) tallage of eanor (£80)

Chesterton (£31) o f fa r e (£31) o f fa re (£31) o f fa re ------which prior and canons of Bernnell render for eanor Denny --- lands ------

H inton --- eanor fare (£10) ------

I s e lh a e ------coeeon pasture ------p0 ff ’ --- (£50) of fare of eanor ------c a s tle , tonn 6 eanor Sohae eanor with la arable eanor uith la arable eanor with la arable ------10a pasture, 12 d 10a pasture, 12 d 10a pasture, 12 d rents (£100) rents (£100/ rents (£100) t suit to court

H indeye eanor ------

CHESHIRE------ducby rents fareed ------■ (1000 earks)

B oseley --- eanor uith eanors of ------Lee and Neston

Cnedle eanor ------

C h este r ------tonn uith rents I castle revenues ------castle stewardship

Hanardyn --- castle 6 eanor ------(600 earks!

Hope eanor (£A0> ------Ce e --- (See Boseley] ------

Macclesfield eanor,100,toon,park, eanor,100,tonn,park, eanor,100,tonn,park eanor,100,to«n,park --- forest,lordship forest,lordship forest,lordship forest,lordship (£175.8.0) (£175.B.O) U17A.8.0)

M ailor Seysnak --- (See Hales] ------

H eld --- (See Hales) ------Hanconenay ------(See Hales] ------

N eston --- (See Boseley] ------324 SHIRE ISABEL SITE HAR6ARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA ANNE OF VALOIS

Overton [See Hales] Stony Durhae eanor eith Troghford ■a nor Troghford [See Stony Durban]

CORNHALL all king’s castles, to«ns,eanors,lands, teneeents in county uith shrievalty U i m . l M Aleerton eanor Ashton Johan lands Buketon lands Byeardeston lands Byr Ferers eanor \ advouson Carkill h ae let Carybullock park Cliisland eanor eanor eith eanor of Liskeard ( E l O U N . B l Corneoda lands Croketon lands Helyston eanor Kearnek lands Lanteglos park Launceston castle including teo knight’s fees Leigh lands Liskeard park eanor [See Cliasland] Loderton lands Neeton Ferers eanor & advouson of eanor church Penalyi eanor & parcel of land H i ) Pengelly Cornish acre (lid) Penpol lands Poslinch lands Purdel lands Rescradec 8 knights’ fees i lli fee of aortain Roystoriel park Ryllaton lands Saltash lands Sprideleston lands Sutton port, eater, fair, I earket every Tuesday I Friday 325

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______WfiRSfiRET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE OF VALOIS

Treaello A Cornish acres in ------socage uith service of suit to court Treaeton baronyi eanor ------

Trenenyth eanor ------Trenerthdoune rents (AOs) ------Trenythgyn eanor ------Tynoneil aanor ------Hestnenton Riuf eanor eanor Hinston lands ------

CUHBERLftND Carlton haelet (See Penrith] haalet Carlisle tonn fari,aill5, I tonn fare, eills, Eden River fishery Eden River fishery (£80) (£801 Coupland lands lands Eden River [See Carlisle! (See Carlisle! Langnathby haalet (See Penrithl haelet Penrith eanor, nith Sonerbv eanor, nith Sonerby eanor & haslets of (£2401 Langnathby, Scotby, Carlton, l Salteld (£2001 Salkeld haelet (See Penrithl haelet Scotby haelet (See Penrithl haelet Soxerby eanor (See Penrithl eanor (See Penrithl

DERBYSHIRE Blackbrook lands (See High Peak! Boudon lands (See High Peakl Bradnell lands Brettone (See Eyoe] Brough 3 aessu|qes, 3 bovates of land Chapel 'in the Frith’ lands (See High --- Peak! Darley Dale lands --- Derby tonn fare (£46.10.01 part of tonn fare tonn fare (£52.0.01 (£6.10.0) Eckington lands --- Edensor lands --- Eyoe eanor including --- eessuage, carucate of land, plots of past­ ures called 'la H ei g h e d i f ’, Brettone, 326

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARSflRET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Falc1 if, a lead line, rents, I pleas of court (£4.12.6 * one daysnork fro* each tenant) Fairfield --- fines for entry on lands ISee High ------wastes of 500 acres Feat! 22s entry S, 6d p.a. Falclif ------ISee Eyoe] ------

Hathersonge --- lands 'la Heighedif’ --- (See Eyoe] High Peak [also in Nottinghaashirel castle, tonn,honor, castle,tonn,honor nith forest of including lands in 40-1/2 sq. eiles Blackbrook,Fairfield, (£291.13.4) Hope,Boudon,l Chapel 'in the Frith', tao bovates I 132-1/2a 10a eeadoH, I a bail- iuick of forester- shtp of keeping Hard of Hopedale for (60s) (£291.13.4) Hokelone ------including 4 bovates land and plot of lead line (62s ♦ service) Hope ------3 bovates land (9s2-l/2d) (See High Peak) Hopedale ------lands ISee High Peak) Horston castle (£20) --- Longedendaie fines for entry on --- Hastes of 67 acres i 12d entry 6 4d p.a. Haynestonesfeld fines for entry on --- H astes of 100 acres 3 12d entry I 4d p.a. Heyshaa aanor (knight’s fee) --- Priestdiffe lands Risley assarts Roslaston aanor (knight's ser- --- vice 6 pair of gilt spurs or 6d p.a.) Stretton lands Taddingtor, lands Tidesnel1 1/3 aanor (20s 6 fealty) Hal ton upon Trent --- aanor ------Horaehull ------1/3Hateraill (8d) ------1/3 aessuage I 10a land (hoaage I ser­ vice of aan nith bo» 6 arroH) Voulgreave ------lands ------327

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE OF VALOIS

DEVONSHIRE holdings --- --

DORSETSHIRE Berton froi far* plus Gillinghaa forest (£48.13.4! Brideport of tonn fart of tonn fart (£141 (£161 Broneshul 1 100 uith Redlane & Whitexay 100’s (£6)

Childacford lands including a capital eessuagei 34a arable>9-1/2a aeadox,a pasture, 1/3 part of xater- lill, and rents (1/3 of 1/2 k night’s fee! Cooabe Keynes lands Dorchester tonn fare (£20! Fordington xeekly earket and yearly fair Gillinghaa aanor xith barton, aanor with barton aanor uith barton, (See Berton! purprestures,forest, iresturerestures, forest, purprestures,forest, rents, including tsi (£80! rents (£80! 2 aessuages, 80a n land, Aa aeadox (£801 [See Stoure Preaux! lyee Regis tonn fara (£35.10.0! tonn fara (£35.10.0! Haureuard [See Schupton Haurxard! Hotcoibe tonn --- Netherlyi aillponds --- Red lane [See Broneshul1!------Schupton Haurxard aanor, toxnship Seltone 1/3 part aanor (1/3 of 12 knight’s fee! Shaftesbury tonn in Gillinghaa of toxn fara aanor (£12! Shapton toll,pleas, 1 per­ quisites (£12! Stoure Preaux pasture enclosures pasture Mhitexay (See Broneshulll

ESSEX Barfleet Harsh pieces of aarsh (knight's service! Barstable 100 (£201 ------Bentleye --- park Berden aanor [See Rochfordl Borhai ---- park 328 SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Borley ianor of ianor far* ------{£1 0! 'Braderverde------60a aarsh------•ersch’ Caldehous ------teneients --- Canedon ------aessuage 6 teneients --- Colchester town far* (£35! tonn far* (£35! lands------plus lens’ houses Crix ------lands------Earls *anor ianor, park ------Eastxood ianor, nith lanors ianor) nith ianor ianort xith ianor --- of Reyle L Nay land, of Reyle, nith park of Reyle, nith 100 nith parks, etc., 6 I 100 of Rochford of Rochford Rochford 100 (£100! (£100! {£3001 Elistead ------ianor (knight’s --- service) le Esthouse ------*essuage,135a arable,--- 10a nadon, 20a pasture, 2a xood, rents(25s) le Felde ------67a arable, 3a leadon --- 2a pasture, 2a nood, rents(27s2d} 6estningthorp --- ianor (£12) Gosaye lands --- aessuage, 60a arable, --- 6a aeadox, rents (£6.2.1-1/2) Great Horksley park, free chase, --- ianor narren Great Stanbridge --- 2 parts ianor 6 xateriill & a leet on the feast of St. Barnabas (knight’s service) Great Sutton ------ianor --- Grenstead ------park, close --- Hadley castle, tonn, park castle, tonn, park ------(£13.6.8) (£16.10.0) xith aanor of Thunderley (£33.15.0) Hatfield ------ianor --- Havering-atte- Boxer ianor, park, forest ianor, park, forest ianor, park, forest ianor, (£100) 6 other perquisites xith issues 11,850 acres total (£160! (£160! (£160/1331 £116/1369) Hoknaltorcard --- lands ------Horndon ------16-1/Sa land --- Leighs land ------Levenesheth ------teneients --- Little Horksley ------teneients --- Little Stanbridge ------ianor (knight’s --- service) 329 SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Little Watering --- aanor, hadage (20d, knight’s fee, A suit to court) Hardyke --- including 1/2 vir- gate land Nay land aanor aanor (£100) aanor, tonn, A [See Eastiioodl aeabers (£100) Nexhall --- aessuage and rents (37s) Pritleyxell --- with Southchurch, in­ cludes 80a arable, la aeadoa, 2a pas­ ture, A rent(AOs! Radxell --- tonn A part fara Reyle aanor,park,close aanor,park,close aanor,park,close [See Eastxood) (See Eastxood) part of tonn nith honor A 100 [See Eastxood) Rochford [Also in Suffolk! 100 [See Eastaoodl 100, rents (25 aarks) 100, aanor, xith [See Eastxood) Berden aanor, 1100a aarsh [3 knights’ fees A suit to court) [See Eastxood) St. Briavel --- castle xith forest castle xith forest of Dean (£100) of Dean (£160) Saliansland --- teneaents Shelaord --- pieces of aarsh (knight’s service) Shobury --- 1/3 part aanor (knight’s service) Southchurch --- (See Pritleyxell) Stoke --- teneaents Stokenayland parks, free chases, forest lands closes, houses Thunder ley --- aanor (£17.5.0) (See Hadley] Ualthaa of fara ahich abbot I canons render for aanor (£57.10.8! Uykes --- park, close

GLOUCESTERSHIRE Bedainster --- free chase Bedinghaa --- park, close Berton Regis part of 100 A toxn- lands free chase ship Bristol part of issues castle, toxn, A castle, toxn, A castle, toxn, in­ (£G001 barton (£200/ barton, including eluding suburban 13181 £210/1327) 3 teneaents, IA shops aessuage on Le 15 solers, 2 gardens,Hersshstrete (10s), 3 aessuages A rents aessuage on Uynche- (£210) strete (23s8d),tene- aent(SOs) (£100) Cirencester fara xhich abbot A fara xhich abbot A convent render for convent render for 330 SHIRE ISABEL SITE HflRGflRET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA ANNE OF VALOIS

tonn and seven tonn and seven hundreds (£30) hundreds {£30> Dean forest forest Deerhurst keeping for (£110) Fraapton lands Gloucester tonn) castle, barton, castle, barton, tyne, tonn f a n {£60} tyne, I perquisites, (£110) 6 far* aessuage, ports, 5 of tonn {£45} stalls I rents, & neirs in Severn Haters {£175.2.5) tallage (£100) Kingsnood chase Lechlade of fan rendered by of far* rendered by abbot of Hayles abbot of Hayles {£50} {£1001 '

Nailsuorth lands

Nyaenesfeld park, close Pennock of fan rendered by of far* rendered by abbot of Hayles abbot of Hayles (£16.16.10-1/2} (£16.16.10-1/2) St. Briavel castle 4 forest castle I forest (£160) (£160) Severnhaapton Tenkesbury aanor & tour, {£233.12.0-3/6} (See Henley (Worces­ tershire)] Wolvesthorp aessuage 6 carucate of land (10s 5 suit to court)

HEREFORD Hereford city fan uith pur­ city f a n + 2 other city far* ♦ 2 other prestures saall fans saall fans (£63.5.4} (£43.6.1} (£43.6.1) tallage (£50.4.61 Uebbele castle (See La Hethe (Oxfordshire)] Uigaore castle, aanor

HERTFORD Berkhaipsted castle, tonn. 5 castle, toun I ianor honor (£72.15.10) (£72.15.8) Beyford lands nith lands in --- Bishop’s Hatfield I including a aessuage, a carucate, 47a land, 6 rents(4sld) (6sld) [See Hertford! Bishop’s Hatfield [See Beyford) ------Botilleshagh cottage 1 croft ------Cheshunt aanor lands Chilton Langley aanor, perk SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARGARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA ANNE OP VALOIS

Esendon --- (See Hertford] Hertford castle I tour, with castle* toon, honor •eaters I other i aeibers of Esendon perquisites L Beyford (£10 0) (£100! Hertingfordbury --- •anor aanor Hodesdon --- park* close Langley --- aanor. park (£38) 'le Note’ --- Queen Hoo --- park, close St. Albans --- of abbey voidances* (50 earks) Uyginton aanor (1/E knight’s fee S suit of court) Hyleaondesley --- lands

HUNTINGDON Conington --- aanor

Glatton --- •anor Mi th aanor of •anor K ith aanor of Holae (£100) Holae (£80) including village of 11 hides, each nea- suring 5 virgates, each virgate EAa

Holie --- (See Glatton] (See Glatton) Sapley --- assarts Hassingley --- assarts (18s! Hauberge --- lands fara

KENT Aldhai --- lands Badlesaere lands Barnfield half-hundred* Bentested --- teneaent (1/A knight’s fee & suit at court) Bearstead lands Bockenfield lanor, park •anor with park {£35) B o d o n d aanor (1/A knight’s fee 6 suit at court) Borden teneaent* with other - teneaents of Bradgare, Thunstalle, Neaenton, Sydingbournci includ­ ing 3 aessuageS) 31a uood, 330-1/Ea landf 15a pasture) rents (£3.8.7-3/A) A hens, E cockS) I A5 egos), I a ruined dovecote uorth (30 aarks) Braburn aanor (£61.8.3) 332

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HA86ARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA ______ANNE OF VALOIS

Bradqare ------teneaent (10s4d------1 suit to tuo leets} [See Borden] Canterbury --- of far* (£33.7.A! ------Cateford --- nanor with nanors of ------Ruibergh & Raulynes Creye and lands in touns of Modynghan I llolenick and rents (£3.1A.10-3/A} [See Elthanl Chethae --- nanor (£38) --- lands, teneients --- Craye --- (See Elthanl ------Danynton --- including 50a land --- — — --- (AOth part of knight’s fee) Denne ------AOa pasture (13sAd) ------Ealdynge ------[See Herdennel ------Eccles --- nanor ------El than --- nanor, park, I all ------lands in Craye, Cate­ ford, I other adja­ cent tonns (£A0) [See UoleHick] Farnbergh lands ------Bare --- nanor including ------ua te r m 11 (10s & 1/A knight’s fee) Golduyneston --- nanor (11s) ------Boudherst tonnship ------Bravesende nanor (24s) nanor (£20) ------[See Osprengel Halgestoue ------tenenent ------Heriedeshan --- including 40a pas...... ture, neadon,rent Hertlepe ------tenenents ------than------nanor of narsh ------(£3A) Isle of Sheppev --- including 80a arable Queenborough ------(Bd) Leeds castle, toun, park castle, nanor, park - castle, toun --- nanor 4 other (£21.4.8) (£20) perquisites (£21.4.8} Lesnes nanor ------Loner Hardres lands ------Lyndesynge ------nanor noiety --- Naundeville by Elthaa --- nanor rents (£9) ------

Herdenne lands------h i th Ealdynge, in- 100 --- eluding 40a arable, (See Hiddletonl 21a neadou, 11a uood, 127-1/Sa land, noiety of Niteroill, 3 parts of a nessuage, I rents (3sl0-l/2d) 333

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HfiRSARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Middleton eanor. 100) 4 other eanor, 100 aanor, 100. park, aanor, lordship. --- perquisites weekly aarket I close C£540> 100, with Nerdenne (E2A0I yearly fair eanor (£184.13.AT (£8401 Hilstede advowson of church ------(80 larks' Nodynghai --- CSee Catefordl ------Newburgh ------eanor, fealty I suit ------to court (2458d} Newenton --- eessuaoe & iill eill rent, park, ------rent (fd) close (See Borden! Northwood Sheppey ------eanor, including 2 0 0 a ------fresh earsh I 400a salt aarsh, 1-1/2 a land 1 pasture for 30 sheep (£4.4.4! Ore ------eanor. pasture, ------1-1/2* land (4s4d! Osprenqe eanor, with Brave- eanor with issues eanor ------sende {£40} (£40} Raulynes Creye --- (See Catefordl ------Preston lands ------fiueenborough ------[See Isle of S h e p p e y ! --- Renhai ------14a teneeent ------La Rie --- town fare (£15) 42a land ------Rochester --- castle 4 city fare ------lands --- (£ 100! Roggele --- including 54a past------ure 4 4a wood (knight’s fee! Rodeershae ------including 22a land ------4 rents (See Tonge! Roughlee --- 54a pasture 4 4a wood ------Ruibergh --- (See Catefordl ------Sandwich --- castle 4 town ------(£70! Sharstede by Rochester ------eanor ------Shirlond ------eanor (£4 ------4 suit to court! Snaggebergh --- teneients CSee T o n g e ! --- Staundon ------teneients (25s 4 ------suit to court] Stokebuiy --- lands including 17a a r a b l e , --- 30a pasture, 5a wood, a hen, 4 (2s4-l/2d! Stone lands ------Swanton --- eanor (10s4-t/2d) teneients ------Sydingbourne ------eessuage (2d! ------[See Borden] Taylorseilne --- lands ------334

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL DF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Thowley lands ------Thunstalle --- teneaents; including eessuage; 40a pasture; 3a uood (£1.1.4) [See Borden] Tonge------uith Snaggeburgh & Rodeershai; eessuage Kith 300a arable; 3 dayuorks; and rents (£1.18.4} Totynton eanor (1/4 knight’s --- fee) Ufton eanor eanor eoiety 1 tuo suits to court) Upchurch ------lands; including eoiety of ruined windet11 I rents H es td i ff eanor f£30J eanor (£40) --- Uestuode in Preston --- eanor; including a --- eessuage; 160a land; 16a uood; a mndaill. 1 rents (£14 1 1/2 of 1/4 knight’s fee) Hheeds lands ------Hittershae lands ------Uoldhae land; teneaents Holeuick --- eessuage;land;t(ood ------(30s8dJ [See Catefordl Hoodnesborough lands ------Ywode earsh ---

LANCASHIRE Accrington --- lands ------Bacup --- lands Bayrelegh --- lands ------Brericar --- lands ------Brierdiffe --- lands ------Burnley --- lands ------Chathurn --- lands ------Chipping --- lands ------Cho --- eanor ------Clitheroe --- castle; Hith eanors castle; eanor; 1 --- of Penuorthae; Tot- eeebers with Bouland tinodon, I Rochdale; free chase (Yorkshire) haaletS; free chase; {£400} & eanor of Slaidburn; (Yorkshire); haalets 1 free chase of Bou- land (Yorkshire) (£400) Cliviger lands --- Colne lands --- 335

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Constable Lee ------lands ------Craashaa lands------Deadaen Clough ------lands------Doanhaa lands------Goodshaw lands ------Great Narsden ------lands ------Greystoneley ------lands ------Haberghae ------lands------Haslingden ------lands ------Wane Booth ------lands ------Highai lands ------Hoddlesden ------lands------Huncoat lands ------Ightenhill ------lands park, including 60a------aeadoa I pasture hith adjacent enclosures Little (larsden ------lands ------Lone Clough ------lands------Nusbury park ------Nether Goldyane lands ------Over Barroaford lands ------Over Goldyane ------lands------Padihaa lands ------Pendle forest ------Pendleton ------free chase ------Penaorthaa ------aanor aith haalets ------6 free chase [See Clitheroel Raatenstall ------lands ------Reade lands ------Redlaihalqhes ------lands ------Riley lands ------Rochdale ------aanor I chase ------[See Clitheroel Rossendale ------chase ------Roughlee ------lands ------Standen lands ------Tottington ------aanor aith chase ------[See Clitheroel Traaden forest, lands, free------chase {405} Mhitehalgh ------lands ------Wolfenden ------lands ------Horston lands ------336

SITE______HflRBwRET_____ ISnBEL OF FRANCE PH1L1PFA______BfflE______OF VftLOIS

LEICESTERSHIRE Bouden aanor, with aanor of a n o r , with aanor of ------Harborough with all Harborough - perquisites (£62.13.6) (£42.13.4) tallage (10 aarks) Frailand --- of 100 fara of 100 fara ------(£12.13.5-1/2) (£12.13.5-1/2) Gartree --- 100 (£16) ------Groby ------lands -- --- Hal 1 a ton ------lands -- ---

Harborouqh [See Market Harborouqh) Kenton of fara (£12) ------Loughborough ------aanor -- --- Market Harborough aanor aanor (£02.13.0)------tallage (10 aarks) (See Bowden] [See Bowden) ttyaundeswold ------including a aessuaqe, ------windeiil, dovecote. 2 carucates land. Oa aeadow. rents (100s I one pair gloves)

L1HC0LHSH1RE Barowe --- aanor aanor aanor (See Burst- --- wick (Korkshire)l Castre rents (£50) ------Depping --- aanor(£336.18.10-3/6)------Fleteth’gate ------lands ------Fraapton ------lands Nuttoon Hall --- Gainsborough ------aanor (£63.10.8) ------Griasby town with rents ------(£50) Helaswell ------aessuaqe i 8 b o r a t e s--- land (21s) Heraston --- lands I advowson ------Ketilby ------parcel of aanor --- (suit to court) Kirkton --- aanor --- aanor (£200) --- Leverton ------aessu>ge t 80a l a n d --- Lincoln of aanor fara ------a house for certain --- (£50) pnor people on Spit- ell Othe Street, built on a toft • 30a (6s8d) Longbennington aanor (£160) aanor (£160) ------Hablethorp --- aanor, rent, ------advowson Skirbeck ------1/3 aanor --- Stokeheath --- lands ------Uashingborough ------lands ------337

SITE______HflRGflRET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

HIDDLESEX Heston aessuage & suit to court (lBsld) Isleuorth --- aanor, park aanor, park aanor, park------(£128) {£128} {£100!

NORFOLK

Ayleshaa --- aanor K ith fairs 1 aanor ££6h> ------aarkets {£83) Baketon --- rents {£20} 1/5 aanor (£20) ------Bathelle --- aanor, including aoiety of aanor 4 ------aessuage I 50a advouson (50s! (110s) Berkhaapstead castle, toun, honor castle, toun, honor castle, toun, honor ------{£72.15.10} {£72.15.8} B u i e ------parks, close ------'Bonerepos’ ------rent (£10)------Borellescroft ------close (10s) ------Brandiston ------lands ------Broahola rents {£20} ------Buckinghaa castle & aanor, aith --- park, close ------Tickenhaa aanor, parks, Erethbrig 100, 4 Lynn tollbooth {£544.13.4} Burgh --- aanor, park (£30) aanor {£31.8.10-1/A} ----- Castleacre ------goods ------Castlerising --- castle, aanor,aess- fara, aanor, gardpns ------uage, gardens Causton --- aanor {£40} aanor {£53.4.8} ------Costeye aanor, including ----- area about 2 leagues in circuit Kith di­ verse aeabers 4 haalets Dallington ------park, close ------Deepuade lands ------Erpington North------100, K ith South 100, Kith South ------Erpinghaa 100 Erpinqhaa 100 (£40) (£48} Erpinghaa South------tSee Erpinghaa [See Erpinghaa ------North] North] Fakenhaa --- aanor {£80} aanor {£79} ------gatele --- aanor (20s 4 too ------knights’ fees) Breat Yaraouth --- tonn fara {£55) toun fara (£35) ------Haule --- aanor ------Horsford lands ------Kenninghale --- aanor ------338

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______MARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______Of VALOIS

Lynn tollbooth toll booth (11 larks) tollbooth (£8.8.0) ------Harford ------rents - - - Northgreenho ------I00> park, d o s e ------Norwich --- of fart (£125.18.4) of far* (£100) ------Siithdon ------lands (£14) ------Snettishaa --- tanor eanor (£46.13.4) ------Swaffha* ------lands lands------Tickenhai (See Buckinghael ------Westfield ------park, dose --- -- Uyghton ------eanor, park, close ------Yaraouth (See Great Yaraouth)

NORTHAMPTONSHIRE Bloxhaa lands ------Bosiere ------100, Kith 100 of -- Claydon (£17} Braapton ------assart rents (14s2d) -- Brigstock aanor (£41.10.0) aanor (4? larks) aanor, park aanor (£46) -- (£46) Bulwykleghes ------lands --- -- Claydon ------(See Bosaerel -- Cliff » Hale lands ------Clipston --- rents (20s) rents (20s) ------Colbyneslegh ------assart ------Cornershegge ------lands --- -- Cranesley --- 3 virgates land i wateraill ------a wateraill (20s) Easton aanor (£40) aanor (£40) ------Eldesale ------forest enclosure --- -- Fausley of 100 (£11.16.8) of 100 fara (£12) of 100 (£12) of 100 ( 12.0.0) --- of aanor fara (£100) Geddington --- aanor (£52) aanor, including 10 aanor with castle t -- cottages, aarket I lordship of Richaond fair, bakehouse I (£1000) fishery, 3 wateraills, I rents (£52) Gretton aanor far* (£25) aanor fara (£25) aanor fara (£25) aanor fara (£25) -- Handborough lands ------Headington lands ------Hospath lands ------Islep assart rents (31s)- -- Killaersh --- aoiety of aanor ------Kings Cliffe aanor (£62) aanor (£62) aanor, park of king’s fara -- (£64) (£62) Kingsthorpe town far* (£601 aanor, including town far* (£60) of k in g ’s fara -- 76a land, la aeadou (£60) 339

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HAR6ARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANHE______OF VALOIS

Lakhowehed forest assort --- La Lappe forest enclosure --- Langatehull lands ---

Harstonhul 1 lands lands --- Herton lands Hoorend •anor, including castle I eanor 380a arable I ISO a (£J0! assart eoodland Mecton------lands --- Neubottle --- ■anor --- Newsale------forest enclosure --- Northampton --- of town L liberty fare {£118.0.51 Old Barton lands Oldesale --- forest assarts --- Pluetoi Pirie --- eanor Fieston --- lands tSee Jevington --- I Sussex)] Pyncheb'ghhull --- lands --- Ringwellhull --- lands --- Hoberdswod --- lands --- Rockinghaa --- castle, forest, i castle I stewardship steeardship of stewardship of of forests forests forests between Ox­ (£801 ford I Stanford bridges (£801, town (£71

Salcey --- forest Shevelelappe --- lands Le Snape --- forest assarts Spelho --- lands Teaple Cowley » Hospath lands Thorpel eanor eanor with Upton lands eanor, including e essuage 5 A-1/5a land (£1001 I 1 lb. pepper

Upton eanor [See Thorpel] lands Uatford --- of fare (£20) of fare (£20) of fare (£20) Weedon Lots --- aanor, with Heston eanor (20 earksl

Ueedon Pinkney --- (See Bursteick (Yorkshire)! Heston --- (See Meedon Loisl Nestpirie --- including S caru- cates land (30sid)

Uhitchurch lands Nike lands SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______MINE______OF VALOIS

Modepreston ------lanor ------Hynescros ------enclosure ------Yefckel lee ------1/3 assart (2si ------

NORTHUMBERLAND Alderneston ------coal lines ------Bellinghai ------including lilli 250a ------land. 6a aeadox Bel lister ------lands ------'Bernerdestede’ ------teneient, including ------22a land. 2a leadou 'Chirden’ ------loiety of holding ------including 3000a pasture 'Sarsyxode’ ------teneient------'le Gilbridbok’ ------teneient------Hardhore ------teneient ------Haucopley ------teneient ------’Helho1•’------teneient------Hentishalgh ------lanor with forest ------(by knight’s service! 'Holdenerlande’ ------teneient, including ------20a land 1 2a leadox Le Huntland ' lands ------(by knight's service! Hyndelyschele ------teneient ------Keldre ------loiety of teneient ------la Leye------eanor ------Mestergrene- hev ed’ ------teneient ------’Lightbirkes’ ------teneient ------’Lynschele’ ------teneient ------'Mangun- laiparde’ ------teneaent ------Newcastle upon Tyne of toun fari------(£1 0 0! 'Sekernai' ------teneaent, including ------60a land, 5a leadox Sexynsheles ------aanor ------'Soieryerde’ ------shelling’ of land ------with lOoa i a pasture Thorngrafton ------teneient ------Thornton ------including 9 lessuages --- 207a land I leadou, 1 1/3 wateriill Thrilxall ------2 teneients including ------42a land I ka aeadoi Tyndale ------lands ------M e Halfeld’ ------160a nasteland ------341

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARSARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Hark ------lanor ------'le Uestercrok’ ------teneient------'le Westerueles’ --- teneient------

N0TTIN6HAHSHIRE Allerton ------u t e n i l l I rents ------(AOs) Arnold --- toun fari (£10)------Bassetlau ------lands ------Beyghton------lanor ------Binghai ------lands ------Carlton ------unor {knight’s feel ------Crabton --- ail 1 [See Nansfieldl ------Darlton------of fan of Darlton I of tom fari vith of fan of Darlton --- Ragnal (£15) f a n of Ragnai 1 Ragnal (£14} (£14) Elston ------lands ------Estbriggeford ------loiety of unor ------(knight’s fee) 6resthorp ------lanor ------Hedon ------18 aessuages, 10------toftsi 2 gardens, 2 uaste plots of land Hokerton ------lanor, including 2 ------carucates, rents, 4 •arriage of 11-year- old daughter (11 larks! Langebergh --- uapentake* f a n ------Lyndeby --- aanor [See Mansfield! --- [See Mansfield! --- Mansfield --- aanor, uith soke 4 --- toun with lanor of --- f a n of Lyndeby 4 Lyndeby (£50) Crabton nil (£54.15.8! Nottinghai ------castle 4 fee of --- city, uith tills Peverelthorp ------lanor ------Pluitree ------assarts ------Radford --- n i l f a n , in- till f a n (£10) till f a n (£10) --- eluding ueekly aarket Ragnal --- lands [See Darlton! [See Darlton! [See Darlton! --- R i s d i f ------of f a n ------Sheruood ------forest --- Stoke Bardolf ------lands ------Sutton upon Trent ------lanor (15s, 1 lb. aanor, including a --- cuain, 1 lb. pepper! kiddle in river Tickhill [See Yorkshire! Worksop ------eanor, including ------320a arable, 50a 342

SHIRE ISABEL SHE HAR6ARET ISABEL OF FRAHCE PHILIPPA AHHE OF VALBIR

aeadou, 2 uateraills, > *arlet, j f a i n i (Ms)

OXFORD Bekkele --- park, close, free aanor, park (£30) chase Bernuood --- forest forest Berton --- lands Bloxhaa «anor (£35) aanor (£35) Clive forest Cornbury --- park Fulbrook --- aanor Haneberge aanor (£26.13.4) aanor Hasele --- aanor

Heddinqdon aanor aith 100 6 (See Oxford] other perquisites 100 (£81) (£57) Henle --- castle, aanor La Hethe --- aanor uith castle of Webbele (Hereford) (£58.15.7) Kingsaeadou park (See Oxford) (See Oxford] lacheford --- Oxford Loan, aith rents I aills uith the other perquisites Kingsaeadou (£52) (£43.2.6) aanor of Heddinqton ailIs I Kinqsaeadoa 6 100 uithout the (£32) north qate (£91) 100 aithout the north qate (£24) Shioton under aill 1 carucate o f — land (5 narks) I Staunton Hare aanor Halljngford castle uith aeabers ■ 6 honor of Wallingford and St. Valery (£300)

■at 1 j nq ton aanor (£60) Uhichaood lands, forest Hhitchurch aanor (£23! aanor (£20) Hhittleeoed forest forest Woodstock aanor uith park L aanor aeabers (£100)

100 riftile aanor, uith a an or of — ■ Carseuell (Berkshire) (£40) (See Burstuick (Yorkshire)] RICHMOND Alqerkirk cottage I lo -l/2 a land 343 SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARSARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Baynbrigg --- free dose ------Bones ------castle* Hith Richaond--- castle 1 queen’s eanors in shire {450 •arks) Cortesle ------rents [60s) --- Fylshae ------including 5a uood, --- 100a pasture, Ba leadou, 1 rents (£7) Haeerdenne ------lands --- Leek and Leverton ------including 286a land, --- 3 oessuages, 80a ■eadou Horley ------rents U 7s ld } --- Richeond ------Honor --- [See Bouesl [See 6eddington (Northaeptonshire)l Rivenhae ------eanor ------Suinesheved ------including eessuage, --- 14a land, 6a aeadou, along uith Hyktoft Hyktoft ------[See Suinesheved] ---

SHROPSHIRE Bradford --- 100 [26 earks] *— - --- Chirbury --- [See Hontgoeery] ------Claverley - eanor [£17.2.0) •— —— --- Culeeere haelet [See Elleseerel ------Elleseere eanor castle, eanor, park ------uith haelets of Cul- eere 1 Haepton (£80) Foid eanor fare (£12) ------Haepton haelet [See Elleseere) ------Hontgoeery - castle I land uith -— ------104 of Chirbury (85 earks) Pendlestan --- eill fare (£10) ------Shreusbury ------of fare (£30) --- Uilaington ------park, close ------

50HERSETSH1RE Axebrugge fares of eanors of --- lands ------of Axebrugge, Ceddre, 1 Cungresbury (£56) Bath of fare for toun I ------barton (£20) Bedeinster ------including 152a oak ------uood Beruick eanor 344

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARSARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA RUNE OF VALOIS

Brudeport town fara Ceddre aanor [See Axebrugge! Chiselborough lands Cruker haalet Cungresbury aanor [See Axebrugge! Doanfield 40a arable Eddington haalet Fileaodesfeld 70a arable aithin chase Uchester of toan fara (£31) Kingsaore aarren, pasture Norton Over Stratton by High Saindon including 9 oessu- ages 1 10 virgates of land Dueen’s Caael aanor, park, I other perquisites (£405 Soaerton Forua aanori toan. aith 100. aarren, 1 past­ ure {£99.4.8! Urockeshale

60UTHAHPT0N5HIRE Aliceholt [See Uoolaer!

Alton aanor. toan. 100. aanor, toan, 100, saall rents in toan petty rents in toan (£88.15.6) toan, including cap­ ital eessuage, 33va arable, 9a aeadoa, Ba aood, 1 rents (£88.15.6)

Andover aanor, toan, 100, aanor, toan, 100, other perquisites, t increaent of the 1 increment of the fara (£109.0.181 fara (£109.0.18) Ashley and Bere --- aanor (£10.17.81 Badesle --- aanor, aith Frithaa u no r (30s) Bartley-Regis lands Bassingstoke aanor, toan, 100, I aanor, toan, 100, I rents of 4.13.9 rents (£80.15.01 (£80.15.01 Binstead lands laads Bossington --- lands Brokenhurst --- aanor (1 araed a m aith b a n e for 90 dayaorks in Scotland!

Brokle --- aanor (30s6dl Broaaore aanor, park profits, 345 SHIRE ISABEL SITE HAEGABET I5A6FI OF FRANCE PHII IPPfl OF VALOIS

I other perquisites {£50!

Burle ------forest Canterton lands -- lands Catford --- eanor -- Charlton lands -- -- Chidocford lands -- - - - Christchurch de fttynhaa castle, toun. 100 castle. toun, 100 -- Hith Westover eanor uith Uestover eanor (£110) {£1501

Ctiipton --- -- lands Enhae lands -- -- Estdene including eessuage •aith garden, dovecot. 140a arable. Aa wood, aeadou, pasture. I rents Estuderley ------eanor Estuorldhae --- 1/3 part of eanor --- (Wsidl Frithae lands -- eanor, haelet ISee Badesiel Godshill lands — -- Sreftiei) eanor -- Haliburn including a eessuage, ... 40a arable, 3a aea- dou, 8 a uood, rents, S pasture Heghes of Highway lands, pasture -- --

H e r e f o r d ------forest Holbury --- -- lands Holehurst pasture {3s! ...... Holthae lands --- -- lsington lands ------Isle of Wight -- --- forest and bailiwick of forestry (CIS.13.9-1/4) Kingsley pasture pasture -- Lieington eanor, toun, 1 other - - - - perquisites

Linwood lands - -- Lockerley --- Mnor) Nit|, M n o r „f of Tytherley (£45} Lyndhurst eanor, park, i ndud- u n o r , park, forest, eanor I 3-day fair ing 500a Hith honey (see Southaeptonl [See Southaepton] profits of 5s per acre [See Southaapton] Higha* eanor {1/3 knight’s - --- fee 346 SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARGflRET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA ANHE OF VALG15

Hinestead lands Netherton lands Nea Forest teneient [See South- teneient [See South- [See Southampton] aiptonl aiptonl Nee Town lands ------

Oakley including eessuage. 1/3 aateriill. 1/3 fulling lill. 40a land) 2a leadoa {£4.10.0! Odihai castle) toan. park) castle, park) lanor castle, lanor castle, manor) in­ 100) 4 perquisites (£601 {£40! cluding lands aorth {£40! {£10!. rents of (£34.9.0!) mills (£4.13.4), herbage (40s!. 4 pleas and perquisites of court {£10!, (£55! Perschute including a toft, messuage aith garden, 180 a arable, 25a •eadoa. 80a uood. a fishery, 4 rents Polhaipton lanor u pasture (£18.18.4) Polling pasture Porchester castle, toan) 4 castle 4 toan forests {£14.13.4} £25 larks! Portsmouth toan aith perquisites of f a n of toan of fari of toan {£19.4.8! (£18.4.8! (£18.4.8! Reading Abbey rents (40s! rents

Redbridge bailiaick 4 100) in­ bailiaick 4 100 royal 100,park,close cluding S parishes) [See Southaipton] (See Southaipton! app. 19,00ua land. 4 app. 14 lanors [See Southaipton] 'Riefeld bisoutheaode lands

Ringaood ■anor, 100 (£100! ■anor (£80! Rotherfield lands

Shaldene Shirfeld •anor (suit to court 4 feeding bailiff taice yearly] Sopley pasture (4s9d! Southaipton toan, castle, Lynd- toan aith petty castle, Lyndhurst f a n (£800.19.8! hurst manor, park, rents (£201.3.2! manor, park, Nea For­ Nea Forest baili­ castle, Lyndhurst est, royal 100 of aick. Redbridge 100, •anor, park, Nea of Redbridge, rents rents ££351.3.2} Forest bailiaick, (£150! 100 of Redbridge, of toan fari aith rents (£150! rents (£801.3.2! La Stiepe a house thatched aith straa, 80a arable (105) Stratfield Hortiier (See Berkshire] 347

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARBARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______DF VALOIS

Tytherley ------lanor [See Lockerley ------Upper Saaborne ------aanor [10 aarksl ------Ueeke lands ------Uestcote lands ------Uestover toan, aanor [See toan, aanor [See ------Christchurch de Christchurch de Taynhaa) Taynhaa) Uestuderle ------60a land ------Uhatley lands ------Uilhall lands ------

Winchester city 6 clothaarket, city (100 aarks) of city fara ------[£44.16.0) of city fara [164.13.6) tallage (E00 aarksl (166.13.6) Uoolaer and Aliceholt ------lands and forest ------(116.18.11-1/2)

STAFFORDSHIRE Alton Castle --- lands ------Kinver ------fara (147.5.0) ------Roulev Regis --- of aanor fara ------tllO) Tataanneslaae --- 100 (S3 aarks) ------Ualton-on-Trent aanor ------

SUFFOLK Alderton --- haalet ------Benhale ------park aanor, --- including aessuage Hith curtilage S garden, 460a arable, 115a pasture i aarsh, SOa aeadou, 40a uood, 60a park aith herbage i agisteaent, aind- aill, rabbit aarren, fishery I foaling, fair, 100 ainteraorks, 60 autuanaorks, 5 ploughing services, 10 rents of geese, 79 rents of cocks and henses, 20 rents of capons, 80 eggs (150.2.0) Bevlhaa including herbage, 37-1/2a land, 2-l/2a pasture, rents Blunston - including aessuage ll-l/2a land, 2a aarsh, I aanor Boseaere --- 100 aith 100 of Clay- teneaent of 40a don, aith ueekly aar- ket I yearly fair (120) Boulge lands ------348

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HffiSMPl______ISABEL OR FRANCE _ _ PHILIPPA AH'IE OF VALOIS

Bradfield “ Mr, aith Dalhae -- •Mur |£50) Bretonus teneient Cassingland eanor m d land in towns of Cassingland and Fraaaesden Claydon lands [See Bo5eoerel Clop ton lands £ teneients (SO aarksl Coabes oanor •anor faro (£23.16.0!---

Dalhaa ■*Mr (S t* Bradfieldl Dal 1 inghoo lands l,“ let Debach lands Euston ..... bcvate of land Eye castle, u n o r castle, town, u n o r --- (£373.6.8) Fraaeesden aanor [See Cassing" land] Gippewici fara (£40) Hawley aanor aanor (£97.10.111

Hertesaere 100, aith 100 of 100. with 100 of Stoat (£14) Stowe (£141 Hexthaa lands

H orraa lands (100s) Ilketsal lands Ipswich fara (£40) fara (CS7.lt.21 fara (£60! Kennington park, close Kessingland aanor Kitieberwestech teneaent (pair S’lt spurs! Lowestoft -- aanor, lordship, luddingland 100 (£701 Luddingland .. CSee Lowestoftl N endhaa ----- 2a land, advowson of portion or chapel of church there called ’Shotford’

Plethawe aanor, 100 r e n t s * advowsons Rochford [See Rochford (Essex )1 Shelley lands Shotford -- CSee Hendhaal Soaerleton -- ■anor Stokeneyland lands lands S to w e ---- 1 W (See Herteseerel --- CSee Hertesaerel Stradbrook -- fara of aanor (40 aarks! 349

SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPS______AHNE______OF VALOIS

Thorndon --- haalet lanor {£35.13.7-3/4}- --- Thorp 10a land (0s6d) ------Tunstall lands ------Ufford lanori Oa arable. ------I aills & ponds, rents {£17.2.4} Wingfield --- eanor ---

SURREY Ashurst and Bouelith teneient, including 3 siall f a n s------■essuage, 100a ar­ able, tOi uood. 10a pasture, rents, {24sl Banstead eanor 1 perquisites »anor lanor uith park ------{£30} (£301 (£301 Beddington uateraill called ------'Vyelesielne’ {28s} 1 a toft I croft Bergh in Banstead ------capital lessuage I ------lands Bouelith (See Ashurst and Bouelith] Busselegh - - - including ha uood, ------Ska land, ia eea- dou Byfleet --- eanor uith park eanor uith park ------{£40} Chipstead ------lands ------Croydon ------including i ees------suages, 0 acres & a grove (6d) Elthae --- eanor & appurtenances ------Guildford castle, tour,, uith castle, toun, uith ------park (£30.6.8) (30 aarks} High Hinton -- --- eanor ------Kingston 100, tounship. uith of far* i 3 other of fare I 3 other ------fare (£59.4.7) (£50.16.6) (£50.8.10) Sheen --- eanor (£30! ------Southuerk --- bailiuick (£11) ------Wescote ------1/3 part eanor in------eluding aessuage, 3a uood Witley lands --- eanor, rents, & ad...... vouson (£100) Uotton ------lands ------Uyrtle eanor ------

SUSSEX Alcheshorne --- (See Exceatl uith Bukkestede & ------Rethersfield, rents (80s) Alfricheston -- --- lands ------350

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL OF FRAHCE PHILIPPA______WINE______OF VALOIS

Arundel --- castle & honor, in------eluding 18a eeadow (£400) Ashburnhaa ------park • close --- -- Ashdown free chase, forest forest free chase, forest --- -- [See Haresfieldl [See Naresfieldl Battle ------park, d o s e - - - -- Bernhaa --- eanor (knight’s lands------service) Berwick ------eanor (£12)------Binehae ------lands------Binstead ------lands --- -- Blachington ------2 parts of eanor --- -- including park I close (As5-l/2d) Breeblety ------eanor [See Jev in g to nl -- Bridhae --- eanor ------Brightling ------park, d o s e --- -- Bukkestede ------rents [See Alches------h ome] Burwash ------eanor --- -- Catsfield ------rents (20s) --- -- Chalvington ------park, close - - - -- ’Charlaxton’ ------40a land S 12d per --- -- acre (AOs) Chiddingley lands --- 1/2 eanor U 9sll-l/2d) -- Cinque Ports ------eanors --- -- Clanregge forest forest forest ------Croft eanor [See Itiddetonl--- Crowhurst -- --- lands --- -- Dill 100 ------Eagleseede --- pasture ------Echinghae ------eanor - - - -- Echington --- eanor ------Ellenwick --- keeping of bailiwick lands [See Pevensey] --- -- with parcel of town of Seaford (£55) Erlington --- with Estbourne, rents park, d o s e ------(20s) Estbourne --- [See Erlington] ------Estgrensted ------teneeents & rents --- -- (20s) Exceat --- 1/3 part eanor in- lands, park, close --- -- eluding 70a land in Sherington & Alfri- cheston & fishery of the whole river be­ tween Doukeeere I Langebrigg Ferles ------park, close ------351 SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARGARET______ISABEL OF FRAHCE PHILIPPA______ANNE ______OF VALOIS

Flecchyng ------lands ------Flexborough [See Longbridqe]

Friston --- including 6 park, close------■essuages I 120a land Gestling ------lands ------Slottinghaa ------aanor ------La Grave aanor ------Grensted toan [See Haresfield] park) close ------[See Haresfield] [See Pevensey] Halfnaked ------aanor. including park------2 leagues in circuit I a rent including the second best tree at Christaas. tao other trees, second best pig. L one other pig for houses of lepers Hartfield lands ------Hayleshaa --- park, close Heighten --- aanor (15s) (See Jevington] Hellingeleghe including capital --- park, close aessuages. 118a arable. 10a aeadoa, 10a aarsh. & rents (lOslOd) Hertfield --- park, close Horssye 12a land (2s) ------Horstedkeyr.es --- aanor including 20a arable & aeabers Iteford I Selaeston Hurstaonceaux --- lands Idenne park, close Ihaa aarsh------[See Uynchelseyl Iteford aanor [See Horsted- keynes Iuehurst park, close Jevington --- aanor with aeabers Breablety. Heighton. Laaphaa, (Little Preston (Northaapton) eanors (132s) Kechenor lands Laghton aanor (£80) aanor Laaphaa aanor [See Jevington! Larketye park, close Laverkeye --- lands Leaes castle --- Little Horsted --- park, dose Longbridge and Flexborough lands ------352 SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Loaey lands

Nankesey teneaents (10s! Haresfield toanship, park, free aanor aith park,toan aanor, park, toan aarren, steas, free of Grenstede, Ash- of Grenstede, Ash- fisheries doan chase doan ctiase, 8 -day (£80) fair [See Pevensey! Hiddeton aanor aith aeabers Reyhaaae I Croft {88 s L 1/8 aey of cheese) Hondefeld aanor Northyhaa park, close Nutbourn lands L 3 ruinous lands aateraills (£13.6.8: Nutley lands Oakhaa Ore park, close Penehurst park, close Peseaarsh park, close Pette park, close Pevensey castle, toan castle, toan, in­ castle, toan, in­ cluding aanor, aarsh, cluding aanors of aessuage, 304a aaste Uellington, Hares­ (£6 6 .10.8 ) field, toan of 6ren- stede, bailiaick of Ellenaick (830s) Preston lands Rethersfeld CSee Alcheshornel Reyhaaae aanor [See Hiddeton! Rottingdean toanship Rushaonden 100 la Rye [See Uynchelsey) Rype lands lands Saleburst park, close

Scheplak 100 Seaford borough [See Ellenaick) lands Selaeston aanor aanor (See Horsted- keynesl Sherington [See Exceatl [See Exceatl Southelton rents (Ss) Totnore 100 Triston 180 acres Udiaere aanor Ualberton park, close Ualdern park, close SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Uellington 110 & toanshiop aanor {£95} aanor ------CSee Pevensey] Bertling park) close ------Nest den park, dose ------Nodecoke ------aanor (£6.13.9} ------Mynchelsey ------toan {£96} ------toun Hith aanor of la Rve 6 Ihaa aarsh (£95')

UARHICKSHIRE Caiaedon aanor, park (1/9 ------knight’s fee} Cheylesaore ------aanor aanor aith rents ------{£98.6.B! Coventry ------park, rents, service ------(£98.6.8} rents (£107) Iaington park, close------Kington aanor fara {£12} of fara {£12} ------Long Coapton (See Nagna Coaptonl Hagna Coapton aanor Hith perqui------sites ( £ 9 U

Hontgoaery castle, aanor, 6 castle, land ------perquisites (£90)

Shaftshury tolls, pleas, 6 ------perquisites in toan (£12) Saithford aeadoa aeadoa ------Stourton aanor ------

UESTHORELANO Her ton aanor ------Teaple Soaerby --- lands ------

WILTSHIRE Aldbourn aanor aith chase ------(£261 Bedain [See Westcoab] ------Beraick aanor {£25} ------rents for eanors of Beraick, Brodeton, 6 Hinterbourn {£78} Blunsdon St. Leonard’s lands ------Bourbach aanor ------Brodeblontesdon aanor including toft ------(pair of gilt spurs 6 suit to court) Braden forest forest ------354

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______MflfiGftRET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPS______ANNE OF VALOIS

Bratton •essuage, land, rnt --- C20s 1 Ad days guard of tower)

Brodeton •anor (£101 [See Berwick 1 Burybluntesdon •anor --- Caleston •essuage, carucate --- of land {12s6d> Caine of forest f a n (£151

Chelworth ■anor (£S2i •anor [£11.1.11- 1/21 --- [See Fasternel Chippenhai park, forest, park, forest, park, forest, forest Hith Peweshai, Kith Peweshai, with Peweshai, 1A sq. oiles IS sq. liles 1A sq. liles Cleynche lands Codeford •anor --- Coipton •anor [£A01 [See Fasternel --- Corshaa ■anor [lOOsl lanor with 2 parks (110 larks! [See Burstwick (Yorkshire)) Coventry rents I service {£90.6.81

Crickland burg i 100 [See Sevenhaiptonl •anor, borough, 100 --- [See Sevenha«pton] [See Sevenhaiptonl Deone lanor loiety --- Devises castle, tonn, with castle, town, with castle, town, with castle, town, lord- park, forests, 4 parks, forests, 4 parks. forests, 4 ship, parks, 4 ■anor of Roude ■anor of Roude •anor of Roude lanor of Roude (£801 t£801 {£801 (£85.0.01 Durley haalet --- Estcote lands --- Estrop by HeyMorth aessuage with caru- --- cate of land Estwick virgate of land 2 lessuages 4 2 vir- gates of land (26s 5 forest guard) Fasterne a anor with parks •anor, with eanors (£501 of Uooton, Chelworth, Tockenhai, Hinter- bourn, Coipton 6 Harden (£266.13.A)

Fitelton •anor f a n {£121 lands S ru st e d ■oiety of lanor Harden lands [1051

Highworth borough I 100 [See Sevenhaiptonl •oietv of lanor [See Sevenhaiptonl [See Sevenhaiptonl Inode virgate of land (26s, keeping forestershipl Lacha* •anor including &4a assart (21.Adi Langeford •oiety of lanor 355 SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

La Leye ------eanor ------Lutegershale ------lanor nanor, park, close --- (See Burstwick (Yorkshire) ]

Naleesbury --- of fan of torn) of fare of toun of fare t£20> --- (£20) (£20) Harden --- eanor (£34) [See Fasterne) ------Marlborough castlei town, uith castle, toun, with castle, toun, uith ------barton I 100 of barton 6 100 of barton i 100 of Selkley (£1201 Selkley (£1201 Selkley (£1201 tallage (£10.16,41 Helkeshae park, forest park, forest park, forest park, forest --- Mere castle, eanor, uith castle, eanor, uith ------park (£781 park (£701 Mereden --- eanor eanor ------Merston ------eanor [See Burst- --- uick (Yorkshire)]

Morkley barton 6 100 ------Netheravon --- eanor, uith eanor of ------Upavon (£100) 'Parklondes’ ------lands------PeverelesHode ------forest ------Peneshae park, forest park, forest park, forest ------Roughbergh tonns ------Roude eanor [See (See Devises! assart rents I Hastes (See Devises] --- Devises] [64s4-l/2d! [See Devises] Savernak forest forest forest ------Seend --- eanor, park (£501 236a land (20d) ------

Selkley barton 6 100 [See Marlborough] 100, eanor, park, ------[See Marlborough! close [See Marl­ borough]

Sevenhaepton eanor uith tonns I eanor uith boroughs eanor Hith boroughs ------100’s of Cricklade I 100’s of Cricklade 6 100’s of Cricklade i Highnorth 6 eanors 6 Highworth 6 eanor I Highworth 1 eanor of Stratton 6 Step- of Stratton of Stratton {£2001 ellangeford (£2001 (£2501 Severnak bailinick bailiwick, in- bailiwick, park, ------eluding 380-1/2 dose assart (£6.11.6 ) Stapley ------eoiety of 100 ------Steorte ------eanor (20s) ------Stepellange­ ford of eanor (£50) ------[See Sevenhaepton] Stepallarynton ------including watereill, ------2 carucates with 110a, Be eeadow, 6 cottages, 4a Hood, weekly earket, rents (£10.6.8} Stratton eanor eanor eanor fare and 3- eanor fare (£16.13.8)--- [See Sevenhaepton! [See Sevenhaepton] day fair (£23.6.8) [See Sevenhaepton] SHIRE ISABEL SITE HAR6ARET ISABEL OF FRAHCE PHII IPPfl OF VALOIS

Stratton St. Margaret's 100 & toanship ------Saanbergh toans ------Titilton aanor far* ------Tockenhaa --- *anor (£20) [See Fasterne] --- Ti*erugge ------pasture------Upavon --- [See Netheravonl ------Upper Stratton by High Sayndon 100 I toanship, in------eluding 9 lessuages & 10 virgates land La Hestbaillye --- lands ------Hestcotb --- of far*s of lanors ------of Uestcoab I Bedain (£31.10.0) Hestcote ------aessuage. carucate --- of land) 5-l/2a aea- doa (Id)

Uest Brafton ------rents (10s) --- Hinterbourn --- aanor (£30) [See Fasterne] --- [See Beraick] Uoodroa aanor with per- aanor (£19.10.0) aanor (£13.6.8) lanor (£13.6.8) guisites (£19.10.0) Uooton virgate of land aanor (£59) [See Fasterne] --- Hoxton --- aanor ------Ilyke --- lands ------

WORCESTERSHIRE Broasgrove aanor aith Norton aanor aith Norton ------aanor (£102) aanor (£102) toan ( £10) tors --- lands ------Droitaich toan aith pergui- far* of to*n(£89.5.0)------sites (£81.5.0) Feckenha* aanor) forest) aoods toan aith forest toan aith forest 1 --- (£93.10.0) (£96) I aoods (£96) Henley --- castle) aanor aith --- *anor (£97.10.11) Malvern chase and aanor and borough of Teakesbury (Glouces­ tershire) (£281.6.9-1/9) Malvern --- chase ------Norton aanor [See Broaes- aanor [See Broaes------grovel grove]

Uorcester city I saall faras of far* 6 tao saall of fara I tao saall of far* (£30) (£30.7.8-1/9) faras (£30.6.3) faras (£30.6.3)

YORKSHIRE Acaorth ------park --- Aggebrigg ------100 --- Aldborough --- aanor lands --- 357 SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARGARET______ISABEL OF FRAHCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Allerton assarts Alaanburg park Altoftes park Ayreiynne lands, rents [See Uhitgiftl Bacshalf lands Bainbridqe free chase Barkestone lands Batherarqhes lands

Bazzele uith Letteuell, Odes- thorp, Stone, Uallan- uell, Uodesetes, Dvn- yngton, Frethehek, Sildanttel 1, Langold, Thwayt (£14.10.0}

Berttick park Biltor. lands Blackhurnshire forest, free chase

Boroughbridqe lands Bowland free chase, includ­ [See Clitheroe (Lan­ ing SEB green oaks I cashire)! ISO ashes [See Slaidburnl (See Clitheroe (Lan­ cashire)]

Boythorp Bradford lands Brereley Bulaere ■anor, parks lands, including B u r s tn U k {£800! ■anor uith lordship of 8 aro*e (Lincoln), •anors: Coshai. Her- ston, Lutegershale (UiitshireliHaip- tead,Karshall, Snal lowf ield,Kersttel 1 • L Godacre haslet (Berkshire)iYiftile (Oxfordshire),‘Salden, Haruood, Beachaipton, Ueston-Turville, Handover, Kitbelle, lands in Hogeston (Buckinghaashire); and Ueedon Pinkney (Northamptonshire) (£890}

Cletcn •anor --- Cockthorn •anor --- Colthorn •anor --- Cortesie rents {40s} Conick aanor uith toon of •anor uith toun of --- Snaith (£50) Snaith {£50}

Crideling park --- Danby lands ------358

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARSARET ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA AHHE OF VALOIS

Darley------lands Dynyngton --- [See Bazzelel Erkendon --- lands Estbriggeford --- noiety of eanor Estcotoa --- teneaent Falsgrave --- (See Scarborough] Farnley --- Fasfleet --- Fenwick --- Filshaa --- 100a pasture, 5a uood, 8 a aeadou, I rent Fouluyth --- lands Frethefaek lands [See Bazzele] Fripping --- park Fuston --- park Giidanwell --- (See Bazzele] Greteuell --- aanor Grindleton --- lands Gringley --- [See Tickhill] lands, ueekly aarket 6 yearly fair [See Tickhill] Haapsthuaite --- lands Hay --- park

Hedon --- 18 aessuages, 10 tofts, i gardens, I 8 uaste plots Houke --- landsi rent (See Uhitgiftl Ightenhull --- park, including 60a --- aeadou L pasture - Inclesaore --- ■oor eoor Killinghale --- free chase, park Kirkby Hisperton --- As aeadou Kirkby on Hharf --- aanor, including 68 ta aeadou Knaresborough castle, toan, honor castle & honor castle, toun, honor with free chase (£533.6.81 (£533.6.81

Knottingley --- including 10 tofts, a carucate land, I a vivarv (knight's service! Kypax --- park Laaberuath --- pond --- Lailey --- aanor Langebergh --- part of uapentake --- fare (£57.0.11 359

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HAR6ARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Languid ------CSee Bazzele! --- Lasinby ------teneaent --- Laughton ------»anor, park, close --- Leckhurst --- lands ------Leeds ------park --- Lettenell ------ESee Bazzele} Luoesheved ------eessuaoe I carucate --- of land (66s8 d! Maltby ------eanor (knight's ser- --- vice) harshden ------park --- Narston ------park --- Nerfleet Haven --- lands ------Itisterton ------lands --- Hitton lands ------ftorley ------100 rents (I7sld! ---

Newton lands ------Morton eanor eanor (knight’s ser- --- vice! Odesthorp ------(See Bazzele] — — Ogden ------lands, forest --- Osset ------lands --- Ousefleet --- lands Ouse River fishery, --- freight conduct [See Hhitgiftl Ouston ------eanor --- Ouston by Caepsale ------3 acres --- Parlington ------lands --- Parva Bergh ------rents (2s) --- Pontefract --- castle L borough castle, toun, honor --- uith eeebers I parks (1000 earks) (1000 aarks) Redenesse --- lands (See Hhitgiftl --- Roddoe park ------Roediffe --- lands park --- Rotheuell ------park --- Roundhay ------park --- Scales eanor park --- Scarborough fare (£37) toun, forest fare (£601 with fares of city I Falsgrave eanor, with 60a land Scriven ------lands --- Seacroft ------park --- Skyrack ------lands --- 360

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______HAfiSARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

Slaidburn --- ■anor uith free chase ------and haslet of Bou- land (EAOO) [See Clitheroe (Lancashire)] Snaith------[See Couick! lands I *arket ------[See Couick] Southuood ------iessuage I carucate ------of land (46s8di Sprotburgh ------aanor uith tene»ent ------Stafford ------lands------Staindiff ------100 (£18.13.9) ------Stapelock --- lands ------Stone ------[See Bazzele! ------Suinefleet ------lands ------Teaple Hirst --- aanor ------Teaple Neusoa --- «anor aanor {£6.13.41 ------Thruscross ------lands ------

T h M a y t ------[See Bazzelel------Tickhill --- castlei toun. uith castle, toun, uith ------[See also in aeibers Wheatley S aethers Wheatley i Nottinohaa- Bringlev Bringley shirel (£333.15.9) (£333.15.9) Teuton ------aanor (knight’s ser------vice) Up sal 1 Parva ------teneaent ------Wakefield ------aanor ------Ualdegrave --- aanor fara (£25) --- Wallanduell ------[See Bazzele] ------Uapley ------lands, teneaents ------Wharfdale ------teneaents ------Wheatley --- [See Tickhill! [See Tickhill! ------Whiblidale --- lands ------Hhitgift --- aanor {£801 aanor uith aeabers ------Redenesse. Ousefleet, Houke, 1 Ayreaynne (200 aarks) Hilton in Cleveland ------aanor ------Uoabuell ------teneaent ------Uoodseats ------[See Bazzele] ------

York ------lands lands --- 361

SITE______MARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______ANNE______OF VALOIS

OTHER LAMPS

CITV OF LONDON fara of Bueenhith --- far* of Bueenhith f£50} {£50} --- houses in La Reole houses in La Reole (Toner Royal) in St. (Toner Royal) in St. Michael's(Paternoster Michael’s,Paternoster --- St. Antoninus parish --- tenements --- Servat’s Toner, Milt --- i Bucklersbury Sts. ------Prince's Wardrobe in Ironmonger Lane, Old Jenry ------far* pavable by sheriffs (£50)

IRELAND Connaught ------lands ------Galnay ------lands ------Kilgarren ------castle I lordship Oystrelone ------co*»ote Pembroke ------castle,tonn lordship Seintdere ------co**ote Trahayn ------co**ote Tyneby ------castle & tonn Ulster ------county ------

BALES Aber *anor ------Arduny Forge ------lands ------Bala Tonn ------lands ------Beston ------lands ------Builth castle & cantred* castle, tonn, ------(£113.0.8) I lordship Connay castle, tonn,I ------fee f a n [See Merioneth] Creuthyn ------co*«ote ------[See Merioneth] Dolpenaayn --- *anor, nith Rosfeyr------I Pennaqha* lanors & c o u o t e of Heney (£170) Elles*ere --- of far* (£20) ------Englefield ------cantred I land ------Estieaner ------co*»ote I aanor ------SHIRE ISABEL SITE MARGARET ISABEL OR FRANCE PHILIPPA HE VA LO IS

Flynt castle castle -- 'les Frithes’ ------couote------G l a mo r ga n lands --- -- Harlech tonn, lands, castle castle -- Haverford ------castlei town, Island------•Ills, rents in Reiberton {£128.10.10! Haearden eanor------Issaph------couote [See------Merioneth] Issartro ------lands------Kerfi 1 ly --- castle forge -- Kilgarree ------castle,tonn, lordship Kinner ------lands, forge -- Mailor Seysnak ------eanor ------Meney (See Dolpeneaynl ------Merioneth ------fares of county I -- teens, Coneay, coeeotes of Nancon- eay, Issaph, Ughap, i Creuthyn (14o0 earksl Mold eanor, castle L toan------Morgannou lands --- -- Nanccnuay ------coeeote -- [See Merioneth] Overton eanor {£154} ------Oystreloae ------couote Peeberton ------lands (£128.10.10! ------ESee Haverford] Peabroke ------castle, couote, lordship Penkessiat ------lands -- Penllvn ------lands -- Pennaghae ------{See Dolpeneaynl ------Pennal ------lands -- Pennant lien ------lands -- Penrhos lands ------Rosfeyr (See Dolpeneaynl ------Rothelan lands --- -- Sancti Iseaelis lands ------S ei n t d e r e ------coaaote Seynghenyth lands --- -- Talybont ------coeeote -- 363

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARSflRET 1SAEEL Of FRANCE PHH IPPA AHNE OF VALOIS

Trahayn coaaote Tyneby castle I toan Ughap c o u o t e [See Merioneth] Ughartro lands

EUROPE Calais lands on Rue sur tessuage called la Her 'le q ue ni s yn ’ for- eerly held bv John Daire I the hospital of St. Nicholas and other houses, cottages, I void places [BS-l/Ed L • a i n t a i n m g 2 aatches> Gascony lands --- Hainault, Hol­ land) and Zeeland inheritance claiis Hontreuil aith Ponthieu, all --- issues (£1000) Ponthieu all issues --- (See Ponthieu] including: Crotoy castle Le Bart by Rue tanor Lyancourt aanor I teneaents Nartaigneville aanor Soaes aanor Tran 1 eel in Vynea aanor FORESTS Aliceholt t Woolaer (Soutti- aiptonshire) -- Ashdoan (Sussex) x Bernaood (Buck- inghaeshire, Oxfordshire) -- Blackburn (Yorkshire) -- Braden (Wiltshire) -- Burle (South- aaptonshire) -- Caine (Wiltshire) __ Chippenhaa (Wiltshire) Clanregge (Sussex) Clive (Ox­ fordshire) Dean (Glou­ cestershire) 364

SHIRE ISABEL SITE______IIARSARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______AHNE______!)F VALOIS

Feckenhai (Wor­ cestershire! X X X — Fenelgrove (Buckinghai- shire) X Filwood (Somerset­ shire) X — Gil 1inqhaa (Dorsetshire) X X X X 81 at ten (Huntingdon! X X — Havering (Esses) X X X Hereford (Southaipton- shire) X — High Peat (Derbyshire) X X — Ho lie (Huntingdon! X X — Kingswood (Gloucester­ shire) X X X X Kinver (Staf­ fordshire) --- X X -- Knaresburgh (Yorkshire) X X X — Lowes (North- ueberland) X — Macclesfield (Cheshire) X X X X Helkshai (Wiltshire) X X X X New Forest (Southaipton- shire) X X X — Ogden (Yorkshire) X — Pendle (Lancashire) X --- -- Pevereleswode (Wiltshire) X -- Peweshai (Wiltshire) X X X — Porchester (Southaipton- shire) X X — Rockinghai (Northaipton- shire) X X X Sapley (Hunting­ donshire) X — Salcey (North- aiptonshire) --- X X X Savernak (Wiltshire) X X X 365

SITE______MARGARET______ISABEL OF FRANCE PHILIPPA______AHNE______OF VALOIS

Scarborough (Yorkshire) ------X X * --- Sheruood (Nottinghaa- shire) 11 --- Shotover & Stouood (Oxfordshire) ------X ------Trauden (Lancashire) ------X ------Uauburgh (Huntingdon­ shire) X X ------Hhichuood (Oxfordshire) --- X --- Uhittlewood (Oxfordshire) ------X X ------

HONORS*AND BARONIES*

Aquila (L’Aigle) in Kent) Northamptonshire) Surrey, and Sussex: Hargaret Isabel Philippa------

Auearle (Albeiarle) in Bedfordshire) Kent) Lincoln) Norfolk) Oxfordshire) and Suffolk: Isabel------

Berkhaepsted in Hertfordshire: Hargaret Isabel------

Eye in Essex> Lincolnshire) Norfolk) and Suffolk: Isabel------Anne

High Peak in Derbyshire) No11inghasshire> and Yorkshire: Isabel Philippa------

Knaresburgh in Yorkshire: Isabel Philippa------

Peverel in Derbyshire and Essex: Isabel------

Pontefract in Oxfordshire and Yorkshire: Isabel Philippa------

Rayleigh in Essex and Suffolk: Philippa------

Richeond in Caibridgeshire) Cornual 1 > Hertfordshire) Lincolnshire) Nottinghaishire> and Sussex: Philippa Anne

St. Valery in Cornual 1 and Oxfordshire: Isabel------366

SHIRE ISABEL SITE HARSA8ET ISABEL OF FBAHCE PHILIPPA AHHE OF VALOIS

Tickhill in Derbyshire) Leicestershire) Nottinghaishire, and Yorkshire: Isabel Philippa ---

U a l l m g f o r d in Berkshire, Buckinghaashire, Cornwall, Niddlesex, Northaiptonshire, and Oxfordshire: Isabel Philippa

PRDPFPTIES h o t l o c a t e d Bernolveswick -- Boverton -- bailiwick Haaburg ----- park H othlegh ----- park, close lughtburgh -- lands Lysnes -- Playdenne -- park, close Poyntrobert park, close Rivenhae --- aanor Thlaublethian -- bailiwick 367

Appendix M

A LIST OF THE QUEENS’ RECOGNISANCES

Queen Date Deb tor Amount

MARGARET

1301 :

8 Apr i 1 Conrad Bermonis & James Brabanzoni £2,000. 0. O

ISABEL OF FRANCE

1309:

7 August John de Grendon 20. 0. O

1317:

25 July John Pycot, son of Michael and John, son of Baldwin Pycot 73. 9. 5

1320:

13 October Dovenald de Mar ^.10. 0

1327:

13 April Sir Robert de Mohaut 13,333.10. 8

1332:

26 May John de Windsor 8. Peter de C o rsley 33.3 368

I35i;

24 February Richard Blundel, knight 40. 0. 0

1352:

25 July William de Catesby 17. 0. 0

1354:

6 December Thomas de London 6 0 . 0. 0

1355:

16 May John de Baddeby 100. 0. 0

1358:

12 January John Drewe 2 6 .1 3 . 4 24 February W illiam Walshman 4 0 . 0. 0 20 Apr i 1 John de Hulcate 100. 0. 0

1360:

3 May Stephen le Eyr 39. 6. 8

PHILIPPA

1 3 4 9 ;

19 March Theobald Trussel, knight 40. 0. 0 2 May Hugh de Stredeley 686. 6. 5 21 Oc tober Thomas de F e r r a r is , knight 2 0 0 . 0. 0 21 Oc tober John de Wydeford, & John atte Mi 1le 2 6 .1 3 . 4 22 Oc tober John de Beryby 3. 6.B 5 November Bartholomew de Burghersh 100. 0. 0

1350;

20 January John de Burstael 2 0 . 0. 0 27 January Walter Power 8, George Vavasour 2 0 . 0. 0 17 February John de Delves 80. 0. 0 19 February Ralph Pouger 2 0 0 . 0. 0 20 Apri1 Richard de Wylughby 40. 0. 0 30 Apr i 1 Thomas Ughtred, k n igh t 4 0 . 0. 0 12 June Peter de Hoo, John Model, &. John de Hamslap 100. 0. 0 369

22 June John Coupere, chaplain 13. 6. 8 A No vember Thomas de B irch overe A. 10. 0 1 December John de Colby* knight; Thomas de Bergham; & John de Cockenham 30. 0. 0

1351'.

5 February John de Essex 20. 0. 0 19 February John de Fernby 20. 0. 0 19 February W illiam de S t r e l l y , k n ig h t;. John Basset, knight; &. John B ossoon 200. 0. 0 2A February Richard Blundel, knight AO. 0 . 0 1 March Thomas de Saundeby, knight 13. 6 . B 5 March John de Delves 3. 0 . 0 7 March Roger Belet, Robert William, &, Thomas de Uphavering 110. 0. 0 17 March R ichard Raven John Raven AO. 0. 0 A May R ichard Wayte 18. 10. 0 6 May John de Gray 106. 13. A 19 October John de Havering, knight 1A. 5 . 10 20 October Roger de Holm? clerk 200. 0. 0 20 October William de Nessefeld 53. 6 . 8 28 Oc tober Adam de Colkirk 20. 0. 0 28 October Thomas Ughtred 26.13. A 12 November Thomas Pavely 100. 0. 0

135E:

28 April Peter Malore, knight; Thomas P avely? Thomas de P resto n knight; Robert Seymor; & Theobald Trussell, knight AO. 0. 0 25 July William de Drayton 13. 6. 8 27 August John de Fortho; Peter Malore, knight; & Robert Power AO. 0 . 0 9 September Roger la Ware 13. 6 . 8 6 November William Heron & Robert Wendout 8. 1 .8 20 November John de Essex 1A.16. 5 6 December John de Pembrugge 10. 0. 0

1353:

16 February William de Berkhamstede &■ John Chastiloun 27. A. 0 3 Apr i 1 Ralph de Bockyng 6. 0 . 0 8 Ju 1 y Thomas de Sancto Quintino & ■c- O o Stephen de Swynnerton O ■ 370

1355:

30 June Robert Beaufysj Simon de Grene, John de M iddeton, Thomas Stangswere, & John de Tenet 60. 0. 0

1356:

18 October Sodfrey Foljambe & William 300. 0. 0 Wyne 18 O ctober Peter de Brugge 200. 0. 0 18 O ctober William de Hilton & Ralph Sp ir g u r n e l1 60. 0. 0 7 November Peter de Routhe & William de S ta n le 60. 0. 0 18 November William Bolesoure & Robert Smyth 100. 0. 0 22 November Anselm Haym, John Palmere, John Payn, & Thomas Newman 200. 0. 0 23 November Ellen de Haukeston 33. 6. 8 28 November Richard de Ratford 100. 0. 0

1357:

2 May Thomas FitzRichard, Thomas Godman, & John Wafre 200. 0. 0 2 May Thomas FitzRichard, Robert o o O • Ryng, &< John Wafre • 18 O ctober Peter Malore, Nicholas de Morwode, &< Theobald Trussel 33. 6. 8

1358:

25 June Alan del Strothre & William del Strothre 333.6.8 5 August Henry Comyn 20. 0. 0

1359:

21 February John Mapples 13. 6. 8 25 June John de Padeburg -45. 0. 0 6 September P eter de Malo Lacu 66.13. A A October Henry de Brisele, John de Horsfod, Richard Toky, & Adam de Horsford 1,000. 0. 0 16 O ctober Thomas H archerigg, William Symon, & John Elys 100. 0. 0 16 October William de Estfeld & John de O Ho land • o o 371

16 Oc tober Thomas de B ello Campo 72. 0. 0 Q November John Devenisshe & Walton To tenham 80. 0. 0 26 November John de Northwode & Edmund BakechiId 100. 0. 0

1360:

A February Roger Belet, John Gynour, John Waleys, & Robert Colyn 130. 0. 0 A February John atte Halle A0. 0. 0 21 February William de Strothre A0. 0. 0 27 Apr i 1 William de Putton, Richard Scoteney, &. Nicholas de Pu t ton 200. 0. 0

1361:

9 February John Bluet A0. 0. 0 16 February William de Worfton 100. 0. 0 20 Apr i 1 Stephen de Valoynes 100. 0. 0 18 September Walter de Wyght 20. 0. 0 26 Oc tober John de Roches 26.13. A 6 November Roger Jo 1if A0.0. 0 15 November John Freman, John Ancel, Robert Parker, & Richard Cok 156. 0. 0 23 November Thomas de Alberton 66.13. A

1362:

A February Richard atte Halle, Richard Pelham, &. Margaret de Gates 60. 0. 0 15 February Andrew de Tyndale 66. 13. A 13 March Stephen de Oxenford A0. 0. 0 7 May Roger de Dalyngregge 13. 6. 8 15 May Thomas de la Bere & W illiam Fi fhyde 20. 0. 0 16 May Thomas de la Bere 13. 6. 8 19 May John de Meryet 666. 13. A 20 May Eleanor, Countess of Ormond, & Gilbert Talbot, knight 1,000. 0. 0 28 May Stephen Carre 13. 6. 8 30 June Henry Walter, Geoffrey de Dersham, & Robert de Wynde- sore A00. 0. 0 30 June John Bere & John Cook 200. 0. 0 2 Ju ly Thomas de la Bere 106. 13. A 372

5 July Oliver Russell &. son Robert 300. 0 . 0 5 July Stephen Carre 13. 6. 8 B July Thomas Hungerford 100. 0. 0 11 July W illiam de Latymer 666. 13 . 4 31 □c tober John Devereus 40. 0. 0 5 November Alan del Strother 300. 0. 0 14 November Thomas Moigne &< W illiam Lovel 100. 0. O 16 November Thomas de Musgrave 66. 13. 4 3 December Aymer de A thels 6. 13. 4

1363:

16 February John atte Halle 26. 13. 4 16 February W alter de Clopton &< John Marreys 20. 0 . 0 38 Apr i 1 G eoffrey de Massyngham 100. 0- 0 4 May Richard Scargel & William Henand 60. 0 . 0 6 May Theobald Trussel, Thomas Latymer > 8< Richard de Wodeforde 200. 0. 0 17 May Michael Skillyng 20. 0 . O 16 Qc tober Ralph de Walton & Adam de Wa1 ton 10. 0 . O 11 Oc tober Thomas Haudlo 40. 0 . O 34 October Thomas de Percy, Henry de P ercy, & John Charman 666. 13- 4 11 November John de Beurle 55. 0- 0 35 November Simon Norreys & John Repynghale 333. 6 . B

1364:

7 January Robert Braunche 10. 0- O 1 February Walter Scarle 20. 0 . O 8 February W alter Haywode 13. 6 - 8 16 February John Leycestre 10. 0 - O 17 February John Hay *0. 0 - O 30 Apr i 1 Thomas de Haselden 26. 13 - 4 SB June John May & Thomas de Hynynden 40. o- O 37 November John de Mallyng, W illiam de C a s te lfo r d , W illiam de Houden 8< William de Walton 34.19. O

1365:

33 January Richard de Stanes & Richard Robyn 30. o • 0 373

8 February John de S ein t C lier lOO. 0. 0 9 May Brian de Stapelton, John Boys* & Roger Boys 1,3 3 3 . 6. 8 17 May Richard Wulfreycheston 100. 0. 0 5 July Richard de Havering 60. 0. 0 16 October Walter Walssh AO. 0. 0

1366:

A February John atte Ha 11 AO. 0. 0 10 February Michael de Ponynge 1,3 3 3 . 6 . 8 11 February Walter de Clopton AO. 0. 0 8 May John Belevale* John Bydik, W illiam Haym, Anselm Haym, & John Pikeryng 200. 0. 0 19 May John de S e in t C lier AOO. 0. 0 16 June Thomas de Brideport 10. 0. 0

1367:

19 February Simon Norrey & Ralph de Norton 200. 0. 0 8 May John Chareman lOO. 0. 0 11 May Edmund Bernard, Thomas Bai 11 i f , & William Muleward 100. 0. 0 13 May John Bernard 10. 0. 0 12 July George de Felbrigge &< Edmund Kempe lOO. 0. 0 3 July N icholas Thameworth 120. 0. 0 15 July William Terry 200. 0. 0 28 October John de F oxele 73. 6. 8 26 November Roger Fulthorp 16. 0. 0

1368:

18 January John de Wyghton & John Galon 6 6 .1 3 . 7 February Edmund de Frytheby 120. 0. 0 2 May Robert de Neville 20. 0. 0 13 July Richard de Havering 13. 6. 8

1369:

16 July Fulk de Penbrugge, Robert de Whitteney* &< Robert de Penbrugge BA. 0. 11 21 July Nicholas Farndon, William Pynewiggel, William Boho, William Marcant, & John North 160. 0. 0 374

ftNNE

138E :

6 June Michael de la Pole bbb .13. A

1385:

8 March Balthasar Lumbard £ 6 6 . 1 3 . 1A April Roger Adames 1 3 3 . 6 . EO December Philip Darcy A, 000. 0.

1389:

EA July Henry Bamme, Roger E ly s , & John Botesham £18. 0 . 0 £6 July Rees ap Tudur, Matthew Coneway, William Palmer, John Stokke, Henry Botyngton, Matthew Taillour, &< John Newebiry 5A 5. 8

1 3 9 1 :

EB October Nicholas Fraunceys 300. 0. 0 E8 October William Gross 300. 0. 0 S8 October William Pakeman E00. 0. 0

13 9 S :

E5 February Elizabeth Clifford, William Beauchamp, William de Roos, John Crakanthorp, Gilbert Dautre, &* John Mareys 2,666.13. A S8 May John de Roos, Ralph de Neville, Reynold de Grey, & Robert de Haryngton 2 , 666 .13. A 375

1 U1HLb

MARGARET 1301 £ 2,000. 0 . 0

ISABEL OF FRANCE 1309 £ 20. 0 . 0 1317 73. 9. 5 1320 4 . 10. 0 1327 3,333. 10. 8 1332 1 . 13. 3 1/2 1351 40. 0 . 0 1352 17. 0 . 0 135*+ 60. 0 . 0 1355 1 0 0 . 0 . 0 1358 166. 13. 4 1360 39. 6. 8

£ 13,856. 3. 4- 1/2

PHILIPPA

1349 £ 1,056. 6. 5 1350 601 . 3. 4 1351 1,005. 15. 10 1352 179. 1 1 . 5 1353 73. 4. 0 1355 60. 0 . 0 1356 1,053. 6. 8 1357 323. 6 .8 1358 853. 6 . 8 1359 1,517. 0 . 0 1360 410. 0 . 0 1361 689. 6 . 8 1362 4,092. 2. 8 1363 1,531.13. 4 1364 194. 19. 0 1365 1,653. 6. 8 1366 2,023. 6. 8 1367 919. 6. 8 1368 220. 0 . 0 1369 244 . 0 . 11

£ 18,701. 3. 7 ANNE APPENDIX N

Isabel of Valois’ Gifts

FROM: ITEM:

Nonseigneur of Burgundy* a rich clasp at St. Oier the King of England* a t a frontlet uith rubies* sapphires* and large pearls; a gold goblet and a very rich Calais ewer; a gold lantern* a candle box* a snuffer* a very rich candlestick

the Duke of Gloucester a b ridal veil with a gold and silver eagle aade with jewel work and p earls; a gold crown with eight saall flowers

the Count of Hondicon a gold goblet and a ewer; a buckle with a diaaond in the Biddle of three red rubies and three large pearls which cost about 18,000 francs

the Duchess of Gloucester a large gold-covered goblet holding about three quarts

the Duchess of Hondicon a beautiful diaaond

the Duke of Auaarle a circlet of precious stones fashioned like a garden; a collar in the fora of a beanpod with scrolls and at each scroll a brooa plant aade with a pearl in the aiddle and an ostrich of rubies at the shoulder

the Count Marshal 1 a gold cross with a large bird of precious stones and pearls; a gold airror garnished with precious stones, pearls, and a belt of p earls of Grecian gold* and soae boxes of pearls and jewels; a gold goblet and a ewer

the Duke of Lancaster a large picture covered with precious stones and pearls; a covered gold goblet and an open ewer with jewels; a beautiful gold buckle decorated with spices; a large gold cup and a ewer

the Duchess of Lancaster a covered gold goblet and a ewer decorated with precious stones and pearls; another covered gold goblet; a saall cup and a ewer

bishops in Calais four pairs of large basins of gilded silver

377 378

«any in the town twenty-four to twenty-six goblets and ewers and eight pairs of golden beads and golden tables aaounting to sixteen or eighteen pieces large and snail children of the Duke of six golden goblets Gloucester at Calais two large golden basins and sany other of silver

wooen who net her at a gold crown and nany other rich g ifts Dover the King of England; at a very rich gold crown of precious stones and pearls Canterbury the Archbishop and town of grand gifts Canterbury the King of England; at a very beautiful tassel decorated with large pearls; a collar at Elthan nade with diaaonds; rubies; and large pearls at Dover a gold salt cellar in the for* of a serf the Count d’Erby a gold greyhound with red rubies and a large pearl hanging fron the neck the Count of Rutland a nirror fashioned like a daisy; a gold book of hours covered with diaaonds; geas and pearls the King of England a very beautiful belt; a long golden feather to put on a scarf; a gold buttoner with six jewels and pearls; a circle of gold with two diaaonds and four large pearls and a saall diaaond in the aiddle and rubies after; a hat with large pearls ade like roses with red velvet and hanging gold and silver buttons in front; a serf with six large pearls and a sapphire in the aiddle; a pearl cap fashioned like a trefoil with large pearls entering London; all great gifts of gold goblets and ewers; pictures; diaaonds, dukes; counts; sapphires; and other gifts bishops; and lords the Bishop of Ast I the a headband of rubies and large pearls with is said to be worth papal legate) 3,000 francs; a gold picture decorated with pearls and gets; a very rich water goblet froa Venice; a gold c irc le Bade with geas and pearls which is said to have cost IS,000 francs; a diaaond c irc le t, with rubies and very rich pearls 379

the Duke of Brittany a very rich buckle with a large ruby in the aiddle and large pearls the Duke of York a buckle aith a large diaaond in the aiddle and pearls the Bishop of Chichester a large iaage of our lady, of silver, the size of a a five-year-old child the Count of Honditton a golden bracelet decorated aith a bird a lady of Noulins a beautiful and gracious silver bracelet a lady of Norfolk aany rich gifts of gold goblets and eaers and large pictures the great toans of England great and rich gifts the Count of March very great g ifts , goblets, and gold eaers

. . . and even aore g ifts too numerous to reteaber.

Excerpted and translated froa Addendua No. 2 to Lvstoire de la Traison et Mort de Richart Deux, rov Denoleterre J.6A9 Art. 55; Archives du Royauae, Paris. Cited in Chronicoue de la traison et aort de Richart Deux, rov Denoleterre, ed. & tran s. Benjaain U illiaas, pp. 108-13. APPENDIX 0

Staff Affiliated with Fourteenth-Century English Queens Consort

HAR6ARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

ABEL, John steward

ABBERBURY, Richard chatberlain

ABBURY, Thoaas esquire

ABRENYTHY, Hargaret de lady of queen's chaaber

ADAH, John esquire

ADAH le Leche surgeon

ADAH of the Chapel suopteraan*

ADDERBURY, Thoaas keeper of horses

AIRHYN, U illiaa de clerk

ALBRETON, Nary service

ALEXANDER b a iliff

ALNETO, John de proctor

ANCOTE, Robert de intendant

AHCOTE, U illiaa de attorney

AHUELL, John de receiver

AN6UET, Agnes daasel

AQUAR10, Edsunda nuncio

ARCHER, Agnes daasel

ARNEL, Roger valet of the buttery

ARNOLD of Vernolio clerk

ARRATZ, John de squire

ARUNDELL, Hargaret servant

ASHTON, Richard de secretary

ASK, Richard de b a ilif f

ASPALE, Robert de steward

ASPELL, John esquire

ASSHEBY, John de service 3 8 0 MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

ASTUICK, John de aarshall, usher of the aardrcbe

ASTON, Richard wardrobe keeper

ASTON, Thoaas de aedical advisor

AUHENYE, Henry de keeper

AUNE, Michael de keeper

AUK6 RE, John de yeoaan of buttery

AYLESTON, Peter de clerk

BACON, John clerk

BADDEBY, John de receiver

BA66ES5HUTE, Laurence de keeper of queen’s horses

BAG6ESSHUTE, Robert de stableaan

BAKER, John le palfreyaan

BALDOK, John de castle custodian

BALE, U illiaa aessenger

BALNE, Hugh de aessenger

BALSHAH, U illiaa de cook

BANSTRE, Katherine [See HAVERIN6T0NI

BARDELBY, Robert de clerk

BARENDELE, John de serjeant

BARNEVILLE, Thoaas service

BARTON, Henry yeoaan of chaaber

BARUE, Richard de chaplain

BASSET, U illiaa suapteraan

BATEMAN, John servant

BATETESTE, Henry butler 382

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

BATH) Uilliaa saith & aarshall

BAUDEj John esquire

BAU2AN, Rayeond stablesan

BEAUCHAMP, Elizabeth daasel

BEAUCHAMP. Roger de steward

BEAULIEU, Colbert de yeoaan

BEAUHONT, Alice lady of queen’s chaaber

BEAUREPEIRE, Huwet de valet

BEAUVEYS, Philip de service

BECLES, Ualter aessenger

BEDALE, U illiaa grooa of robes

BEDDEFORO, John de grooa of chaaber

BEDYN6FELD, Alice de daasel

BEECH, Roger a tte service

BELAGH, Peter de receiver

BELET, Roger butler

BELEVAL, Matthew de service

BELEVAL, Robert de squire

BELLO CAHPQ, Alice de service

BELLO CAMPO, Roger de steward

BELLO CAMPO, U illiaa de steward

BELLO MONTE, Eleanor de coapany

BELLO MONTE, Lewis de coapany

BELOU, Reginald de squire

BELVACO, Philip de squire

BENEDICT, bishop of Cardica secretary MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

BEREDICK, Richard de keeper of hay

BEREFQRD, Siaon de service

BEREFORD, U illia a de keeper

BEREUYK, G ilbert de steward forest keeper

BERGH, Henry de b a iliff

BERGH, Siaon a tte keeper of fees I liberties

BERNYN6HAN, Walter de attorney

BERNARD) Richard stableaan

BERNARD, U illiaa yeoaan of the offices

BEUESSCHAU, laa es confessor

BEVERLEY, Robert de service

BEVILLE, Edaund de squire

BIKKEMORE, Robert de steward

BILEHOUND, John de qrooa

BISSHOPE5TON, Henry de yeoaan of chaaber

BLANCFRONT, P h ilip attorney

BLASTON, Peter de receiver

BLOCKLEY, John de auditor

BL0HV1LLE, O liver de b a iliff

BLOVERE, U illia a le aessenger

BLOUNT, Edward le service

BLOUNT, Sarra le service

BLUELL, Richard aaster cord- wainer

BOILLAUE, Hatthen chaplain

BOLTON, Robert de suapter of jewels 384

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

BOLTON, U illiaa de barber/surgeon

BONNEVAL, U illia a de castle custodian

BOUDOH, U illiaa de controller/ treasurer

BOVINGDON, Roger de yeoaan

BRAY, John auditor

BRAY BURY, Reynold de palfreyaan

BRAYTON, Thoaas de attorney

BREDON, Joan de daasel

BREG6E, Laurence de yeoaan

BREHHES6RAVE, Richard de clerk

BREN, Griffin service

BRET, U illiaa service

BRETTEVILLE, Nicholas de squire

BRID, John aessenger

BRIDEPORT, U illia a de coapany

BRIG6 , U illiaa aessenger

BRIGHAN, Thoaas de clerk

BROK, Laurence du of household

BRONARD, Margaret daasel

BRONUARD, Edward service

BRONUARD, Margaret service

BROTHERTON, Nicholas de outrider

BRUER, Richard le carter

BRUGGES, Adaa de service

BRUYN, John le steward

BRYE, John de waferer* MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

BRYNKEL, Richard de b a iliff

8 UBUYTHE, Hugh de suapteraan

BUCHARD, Father chaplain

BUCHARD, Richard aessenger

BUCKINGHAM} Thoaas de apothecary

BUCTON, Robert esquire

BURDER, Hary Ann servant

BURDET, Ralph squire

BUREUARD, Oden squire

BUREUARDESEE, Richard de watchaan

BUR6HA55H, Bartholoaet* attorney

BURSO) U illiaa de courier

BURGUELL, Henry de clerk

BURNHAM} John de attorney

BURTON, John de valet

BURTON, Nicholas de clerk

BURYTON, John de service

BUSSELE, U illiaa de hackney keeper

BUSSH, Roland goldsaith

BUTTERUICK, Robert de boataaster

BUXTON, Ualter de chaplain & confessor

BYFLETE, Ralph yeoaan of offices

BYGENY, Thoaas de serjeant

BYNBRQK, Peter de receiver

CAMPION, Nicholas servant 386

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

CANYNGES, John verderer

CAPELLA, Terricus de clerk

CAPON, U illiaa suapteraan

CARRU, Joan de daasel

CARY, Thoaas de forest keeper

CAULEE, Joan de daasel

CAYTHORP, Uilliaa de clerk

CE5S0IGNE, Gerard de grooa of chaaber

CESTRE, Alice de sous daasel

CHABHAH, Uilliaa de palfreyaan

CHAMPENEYS, Richard servant

CHANTRE, Uilliaa coapany

CHAR, John du coapany

CHAR, ? stableaan/ suapteraan

CHARLES? Richard porter

CHARON, Randolf de coapany

CHASTELLER, Mary daasel

CHAUCER, Philippa daasel

CHAUCOMBE, Cicely coapany

CHAUCOMBE, John coapany

CHAUMBERE, John de la clerk

CHAUNCELER, Robert aatchaan

CHAUNDOS, Elizabeth daasel

CHAUNDOS, Roger de keeper of land

CHENE, Margaret daasel

CHESOY, Uilliaa of treasurer 387

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ISABEL

CHESTER, Alice daasel

CHESTHUNT, Halter de steward of household

CHESTDN, U illiaa de receiver

CHETYNGDON, Thoaas de usher of queen’s hall

CHISHELL, Roger secretary

CHILEHAM, Nicholas de aarshall of queen’s hall

CHILEHAH, Thoaas de porter

CHISOYE, Father John de confessor

CLERK, Henry b a iliff

CLEWARE, Laurence de grooa

CLIFFORD, Richard keeper of wardrobe

CLIDERHOUE, Roger de squire

CLIFF, Richard de boataaster

CLISSEBY, John de chancellor

CLOUGH, Thoaas a tte keeper

CLOUNE, Roger de treasurer

CLYDERHOU, Robert de escheator

CLINTON, Ida de lady of queen’s chaaber

CLINTON, John de squire

CLINTON, U illiaa de squire

CDK, John receiver

COK, Thoaas treasurer

COKES, Richard keeper

COLBY, John de clerk 388

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

COLBY, Uilliaa de chancellor

COLE, John treasurer

C0LYN6B0URNE, Peter de clerk

COHPTON, Peter de receiver

CONAN, Alice daasel

CONSTANTYN, Siaon serjeant

CONTRONE, Pancius de physician

CORBY, Joan de service

CORBY, Robert de service

CQRDER, Owen service

CORHUND, Michael de aessenger

CORNEUAILLE, Geoffrey de coapany

CORNUBIA, Geoffrey de custodian

COSEN, U illiaa yeoaan of offices

COSIN, Joan vielleresse

COTERELL, Nicholas b ailiff

COTES, Geoffrey de auditor

COTTINGHAM, Hugh de treasurer

COUELE, U illiaa yeoaan of chaaber

COURCY, Philip de yeoaan of household

COURCY, Richard secretary

COURTENEY, John of controller

COUSIN, John palfreyaan

COUSIN, Uilliaa feudatory

CRAHENTHORP, John de attorney MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

CREKE, Robert de clerk

CRESSEVILL, Richard de clerk

CROISER, Siaon service

CRUCE, G ilbert de stableaan

CRUMBEWELL< John de coapany

CRUMBEWELL» Richard de coapany-

CULPHD, U illiaa de treasurer

CURTERS, John grooa of spicery

CURTINIACO, John de coapany

CUSANCIA, Gerard de coapany

CUSANCIA) Peter de coapany

CUSANCIA) U illiaa de coapany

DADA) Ualter grooa of household

DALE) Thoaas de la attorney

DALEHAY6NE) Henry coachaan

DAMMARY, Richard forest keeper

DANEHURST, Robert suapteraan avener

DANIEL. Henry physician/herbalist

DARCY, Philip knight

DAUBERNQN) Laurence grooa of chaaber

DAUBR1CHECOURT, Alice daasel

DAUTRY, G ilbert attorney

DAUTRY, Alice service

DELVES, S ir John steward

DENARDESTON, Joan silkwoaan 390

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

DENE, John de usher

DENE, Maud de vielleresse

DENESSONE, John servant

DENFORD, John yeoaan of offices DERSTER, John servant

DESPENCE, Nicholas de la esquire

DESPENSER, Eleanor daasel

DESPENSER, Sir Hugh officer of household

DESTRER, Andrew giterner/organist

DEVEREUX, John constable

DEVEROIS, U illiaa fo rest warden

DORNEY, U illiaa de outrider

DOVRE, Richard de coapany » DRAYTON, John de ewerer

DRAYTON, John de service

DREYTON, Siaon de forest keeper

DUBHTY, Rayaond stableaan

DUNSTAPLE, Robert de clerk

DUNSTAPLE, U illiaa de of household

DURHAM, U illiaa de aessenger

DYGELEY, U illiaa servant

EDENHAM, Geoffrey de clerk

EDYN6T0N, John de attorney

E6 LESFELD, Adaa de attorney

EKETQN, Peter de coapany

ELLEFFELDE, Richard de clerk of spicery 391

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

ELLERTQN; Hargarete de daasel

ELMERU6 GE, Roger de keeper

ELSEFELD, Richard de usher

ELYS, John yeoaan of yeoaan of chaaber chaaber

ELYS; Thoaas grooa of chaaber

EHERIC of the Buttery grooa of household

ENGLEYS, Adaa b a iliff

EN6 LISSH, Alice service

ERHHAM, U illiaa de forester

ESSEX, John de b ailiff

ESTON; John de receiver

ETON; Haao de stableaan

ETON; Hugh de clerk

ETON; Nicholas de attorney

EXCESTRE; U illiaa de physician

FALAISE; Joan de daasel

FALAISE; John de tailor

FALAISE; Stephen de wardrobe pur- veyor/grooa of household

FARLETON; Katherine nurse

FENES; John of forester

FENNE; Adaa de la serjeant

FENTON; Thoaas de servant

FERIBY, Richard de clerk

FERRIBY, U illiaa cofferer HAR6ARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

FERROUR, Henry fa rrie r

FERROURj Roger yeoaan

FERTHYNB) Siaon squire

FERTHYNG, Thoaas servant

FIFHIDE) U illiaa de steward

FILINGHAI1, H alter aessenger

FILLOL, John de steward

FISHER, Richard le grooa o f household

FISSKER, Matilda daasel

FITZ HENRI, Conand esquire

FITZ NEEL, Robert coapany

FITZUARYN, Mabel daasel

FITZ UARYN, U illia a le knight to the body

FLANBARD, Edaund yeoaan

FLEHHYNG, Robert yeoaan

FLEET, John de cofferer

FLORENCIA, Peter de physician

FLOURE, U illiaa grooa of chaaber

FONTAYNES, John de physician

FORDE, John de la sub-usher of queen’s ha-11

FORDES, Harvey de grooa of household

FOREST, John de co n tro ller

FORESTER, Adaa porter

FORSTBURY, Peter de fo rester 393

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

FOTOURj Richard bailiff

FOUNTENAY, John de clerk of chapel

FOUNTETTES, Hugh de squire

FOUNTETTES, John de squire

FOXLEY, Thoaas de keeper

FRANKISH, John bondaan

FRAUNK, Uilliaa service

FRESCOBALDI, Eaericus de receiver of debts

FREYN, John pantler .

FROHE, Geoffrey de stableaan

FRQHQUND, Godfrey physician

FROUYK, Thoaas de steward

FYFHYB, U illiaa steward

GALEYS, Uilliaa service

GAMBONi Joan daasel

GARTON, Thoaas de clerk

GATENEYS, John de service

GATESDENE, John de controller

GAVESTON, Aaicia de daasel

6 AUEIN le Corder valet

GEDENTON, John de clerk

GERARD, Uilliaa chandler

GERNEYN, John yeoaan of chaaber

GERNER, Alaaric yeoaan

GEYTON, Nicholas de controller

GIFFARD, Eleanor daasel MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

6 IFFARD, John stenard

6 ILBERT wool envoy

6 ILBERT le Foulere porter

GILDESBUR6H, Peter de clerk

GILDESBUR6H, Roger de clerk

GLAMORGAN, Master Richard de cook

GLASTONBURY, U illiaa de suapteraan

GLAUNVYL, Hugh de receiver, auditor, councillor

GLAUNVYL, John de treasurer

6 LEYKYN, U illiaa services

GLOUCESTRE, Halter de keeper

GODESCALKE, John stableaan

GODESHIPMAN, John service

GODLEY, John de treasurer

GODWIN, Siaon clerk

GOODE, John le usher

GOSEBOURNE, John de auditor

GOTHAM, Laurence serjeant

GOUDALE, Rayaond porter

GOUER, Thoaas aessenger

GRANTHAM, Adaa de grooa of chaaber

6 REASCH, ? grooa

6 REMET, John grooa

GRIFFITH, U illiaa stableaan

GUILLOT, the Saith grooa

HACKELE, Thoaas de coapany MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

HACKING. Geoffrey valet

HADDELE, Stephen de yeoaan of chaaber

HAILEYE, Robert de fo re s t keeper

HAKELUT, S ir Edmund steward/councillor

HALE) Henry of cofferer

HALLE, John keeper

HALLE) Roger yeoaan of offices

HAMBURG) Robert de steward

HANBURY, Nicholas de fo re s t keeper

HAMPTON, John de grooa

HANDLO) John de fo rest keeper

HAN0N1A) Nicasius de usher

HARALD, U illiaa steward

HARDENE, Roger de fo rester

HARDESHULL, John de b a ilif f

HARE) Robert de fo re s t warden

HARFONT, Ualter c arte r

HARFONT, U illiaa de outrider

HASTANG, John steward

HA5TINGES, Hugh de steward

HAUKESTON) Thoaas de steward

HAUSTED, Robert de coapany

HAUTEYN, Godard valet

HAVERYNGTON, Katherine nurse

HAYE) John de la bailiff

HEGHAH, John de steward 39 6

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

HELANDE, John de clerk

HELDE, Isabelle de la daasel daasel

HEHENHALE) Henry de grooa

HENRY "thequeneheyuard" hayHard

HEREFELD. Margaret de service

HEREFELD, Nicholas keeper of horses

HEREFORD, Alice of 'lavendere’ of chaaber

HEREUARD, John servant

HERLYNG, John de yeoaan

HERMESTHORP, John de clerk

HERT, Richard yeoaan of offices

HERT, Halter watchaan

HERTHAND, U illiaa aessenger

HERTFORD, Peter de grooa

HERVY, Marie 50us-daasel

HERVY, U illiaa b ailiff

HETHE, Thoaas atte yeoaan

HILDA, Isabella de la daasel daasel

HILIN6D0N, Uilliaak de scullion*

HOGA, Robert de chaplain

HIKKELE, U illiaa de hackney keeper

HOLCOK, John servant

HOLEUELL, U illiaa de b a iliff b ailiff

HOLLAND, Eleanor lady of honor

HOPERTON, Hugh de cook 3 9 7

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

HORNYK, Nicholas confessor

HDTOT, Robert steward

HUGGATE, Nicholas controller

HULL, John grooa of o ffices

HUNGERFORD, Thoaas de constable

HUNTE, U illiaa esquire

HURLE, Robert de clerk of pantry

HUSE, John esquire

HYNKELEYE, John de b a iliff

HYNTON, Joan de sous-dansel

IHUORTH, Gilbert de steward

IHUORTH, Robert de steward

INGE, Sir Uilliaa knight/lawyer

INGRAM, Stephen treasurer

INSULA, John de forest keeper

IRELAND, Richard de squire

ISPANNIA, Ralph de forest keeper

JAR6 EAUX, John de chaplain

JOAN ? laundre |5 of nappery

JOHN, son of Ralph service

JOHN le Pee service

JOHN le Porter service

JOHN of Chester nuncio

JOHN of the Palfreys grooa

JOLIF, Roger usher 398

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

JOLYF, Robert grooa of chaaber JORCEi Margaret daasel

JOYS) Siaon grooa of offices

KARLELL, U illiaa de -general in

KAVELEi Joan de daasel

KENDALE) Margaret coapany

KENLE; U illiaa de coapany

KENT) Nicholas yeoaan of offices

KENT) U illiaa de yeoaan o f butlery

KENYNGTON, John de keeper

KERESEY) Henry de steward

KEYNE) Thoaas suapteraan

KILDESBY) Uilliaa de treasurer

KIRKBY) Uilliaa of treasurer & councillor

KNARESBUR6H) Ralph de saucer

KNYVET, John steward

KNYVET, Richard forester

KYNDHAN) Robert yeoaan of offices

KYNGESTON) Nicholas de custodian

KYNGESTON) U illia a receiver

KROKESLE) U illia a aessenger

KUNEBELLE) Peter de suapteraan

KUNEBELLE, U illia a de suapteraan

LAENVILLE) Gafiot squire 399

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

LANBOURN, Robert de confessor

LANCASTER, Richard de servant

LAN6EF0RD, Peter der pantler*

LAN6ELE, Roger de serjeant

LANGLEY, Thoias forest keeper

LAUNCECRONA, Agnes daasel

LAUNEY, John de proctor

LAUNEY, Noel de squire

LAUNGE, Joan daasel

LAUN6 E, John squire

LAURENCE, Edeund receiver

LAYSINGCROFT, John de serjeant

LEDECQHBE, U illiaa de carpenter

LEE, John atte steward

LEE, John de la stableaan

LEGAT, Robert servant

LEGGY, Thoaas purveyor

LE6RAVE, Alice de la daasel

LEGRAVE, Cecily de la daasel

LENGLORS, Roger carter

LEOMINSTER, Hugh de controller

LESPICER, Guy service

LESY, Reginald de yeoaan

LEUKENORE, John de steward

LEUKENORE, John de yeoaan of chaaber

LEVER5E66E, Hugh clerk 4 0 0

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

LEVESONE, Thou 5 groom of chamber

LEYBOURNE, John de keeper

LEYCESTER1A, Wil­ yeoman of yeoman liam de cellar of cellar

LEYGRAVE, Alice de company

LISY, Reginald de squire

LITTEL, John de stableaan

LODEUYKj (larger y damsel

LONDON) Richard de keeper

LONDON) Thomas de hackney keeper

LONDON, Willian de tailor

LONDRES, Joan de vielleresse

LONGE, Margaret damsel

L0N5GE) Richard esquire

LORICO, William de chaplain/almoner

LOUGHTBURGH, Stephen de yeoman

LOUTHE, Joan de damsel

LOIITHE, Nicholas of cofferer

LUDWYK, Margery damsel

LUPTON, William de service

LUTEGERSHALE, Henry de attorney

LUTRELL, Hugh keeper

LUTRYNGTON, John de company

LYNCESTRE, Hugh de groom of scullery

LYNDESETE, John de stableaan

LYNGEYN, Agatha damsel 401

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

LYNGEYN, Hugh servant

LYSLE, P h ilip p e de daasel

MADDOK, Heredudd ap serv ice

MALBERTHORP> John de confessor

MALLYNG6ES, John de guardian of royal fees & liberties

MAPLE) John esch eato r

MAR) Dovenald de forest keeper

MARCHE, Hugh de la stab leaan

MARCHE, John de la cook

MARCHE, R ich ard de la sta b leaan

MARCHE, R obert de la keeper of aood

MAREIGNY, Ja k y n et de usher

MAREYS, John clerk

MARLEBERGH, U illia a de p o rter

HARNEY, John de c a rte r

MARTEL, John c a rte r

MARTEL, Thoaas o u trid e r

MARTHE, John de saucer

MARTIN ta ilo r

MARTYN, R ichard general attorney

MATILDA Ka5herHoaan of chaaber

MAULE, E len a de daasel

MAUNAY, U a n te le t de carver

HAUTRAVER5, John se rv ic e

HAY, U illiaa de grooa 402

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

HEDUNTA, Matthew de coapany

MELBOURNE, John de c le rk

HELFORD, John de yeoaan

HELTON, Thoaas yeoaan of o ffic e s

MELTON, U illia a de c o ffe re r

HERCLESDENE, R ichard de chief forester

HERE, U illia a b a i l i f f

MERVILLE, John de 'a a i s t e r - b ro u d rer’

MICHAEL fo o l

MILBOURNE, John de c le rk

MILES, S ir Robert re c e iv e r

MILLE, John queen’s aan

HILLY, John de s e rje a n t

HISTERTON, Janes esq u ire

M0I6NE, John sq u ire

MOKET, John queen’s aan

MOLYNS, John de stew ard

HONCEAUX, M argaret daasel

HONEYASSE, John de aanage lead nine

MONTACUTE, John de sq u ire

MONTE GONERI, John de stew ard

MONTE MARTINI, Agnes de daasel

MONTE DZERI, P e te r de sergeant-at- a ra s

MONTIBUS, Ebulo de stew ard

MONTIBUS, E liz ab e th coapany 403

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

MONTPELLIER, P e te r de apothecary

MONYN, John se rv ic e

MORE, Thoaas clerk

MORE, Uilliaa de la bailiff

MORICE, Joan d a a s e l

MORLEE, Elizabeth daasel

HORNAY, Arnold de yeoaan

MORTUO MARI, U illia a la Zousch de clerk

MDRVILE, John yeoaan of yeoaan of chaaber & chaaber L offices offices

MORUELL, Thoaas de yeoaan yeoaan steward

HQUNTZ, Nicholas confessor

MULSO, Henry servant

MUSSENDENE, R ichard de suapteraan

NANTOIL, John de u sh er

NAUNTEL, John de grooa

NAUNTEL, Juliana/Joan daasel

NAUNTEL. Robert de grooa

NEEL, John grooa

NESSEFELD, U illia a de yeoaan

NEUBURY, Jaaes de yeoaan

NEUPORT, Thoaas de stableaan

NEU50H, John de keeper

NEUSOH, U illia a de keeper

NEUTHORP, John wardrober

NEUBURY, John de treasurer MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

NICHQLAA lau n d re ss

NICHOLAS baker

NICHOLAS doorkeeper

NICHOLAS le P e sto u r coapany

NIGHTINGALE, U illia a aessenger

NOON, Edaund atto rn ey

NORTHCOTE, Richard de queen’s aan

NORTHWELL, U illia a de c le rk

NORTHUQDE, Siaon de c h ap lain

NORTON, U illia a alaoner

NOTYNSHAH, Roger de ferreter & fisher

NOUERS, H alter s e rv ic e

NOYUN, John de aessenger

ODDESTONE, R ichard de su a p teraan

OD1HAH, John o f yeoaan

ODINET spicer/apothecary

OLNEY, H arie sous daasel

DLNEYE, John de usher

OLNEYE, S te p h an e tta daasel

OLTON, U illia a grooa

ORLETON, Adaa de forest keeper forest keeper

OSKA serv an t

OSTON, John de c le rk

OXENDQN, John de tre a s u re r

OXFORD, U illia a de aessen g er

PALHER, Matthew de c le rk

PARKAR, U illia a e sq u ire MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

PARKER, John grooa

PARKER, John usher

PARKER, R obert le sta b le a a n

PARKER, H a lte r underkeeper

PARKER, U illia a su a p teraan

PAUMART, Agnes s e rv ic e

PAUMART, N ich o las s e rv ic e

PAYN, R obert grooa

PAYN, Thoaas keeper

PAYS, John yeoaan

PECCHE, Thoaas de keeper

PECOKE, Siaon sta b le a a n

PEK, Stephen keeper

PEKKEBRUG, Reynold de keeper

PELHAM, R ichard b a ilif f

PEN, Siaon queen’s aan

PERCY, S ir Thoaas co u n c illo r

PERRERS, A lice daasel

PERIERS, Luke de p h y sic ia n

PERSHORE, E liz ab e th vielleresse

PERSHORE, U illia a de o u trid e r

PERSHUTE, John b a i l i f f

PETER ’Johanservant B a lle ’ se rv an t

PETER of Florence p h y sician

PETER of M ontpellier apo th ecary

PETER of Paris apothecary MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

PETER of the Saucery suapteraan

PETYT, Isa b e l d aisel

PEVERELL, Thoaas chancellor

PHILIP of the Wardrobe grooa

PICARD; John stab leaan

PICARD) Siaon suapteraan

PLEBAND) N icholas grooa

PODESAY) John de b a il i f f

POL) M aster physician

POLE) Henry de la escheator

POLE, Hichael de la chancellor

POLROUGHE, John de Bessenger

POLROUN, U illia a aessenger

POPE, Hugh grooa of o ffic e s

PORTER, Robert b a il i f f

PORTES, John de squire

POTTER, John le usher

POULAYN, John yeoaan

PRAT, John aessenger

PREST, Uilliaa queen’s aan

PREST, U illia a keeper

PRESTON, A lice de daasel

PRIOUR, E a a a daasel

PRIOUR, Thoaas v alet

PRITEUELLE, John esq u ire

PROUDEFOT, Elene veilleresse 407

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

PSALTERON. Bui H o t de a in s tre l

PUDYNGTON, Maud de service

PUCHE, U illia a attorney .

PUTTE, U illia a d e l serieant of b u tlery

PYCARD, P h ilip p a vielleresse

PYCARD* Siaon ’soater’of chapel

PYGE, U illia a queen’s aan

PYPARDi Hubert d e fo re s te r

6 UARRET, B illio n vielleresse

OUARLEi Thoaas de cofferer

RADCLIFF, John d e steward

RADESUELL, John d e steward

RADYNGi Richard de grooa

RAMNESBURY, Edaund de chaplain

RANDE) Thoaas grooa

RANDOLF, U illia a escheator

RASSELL) John yeoaan of o ffic e s

RATESCRGFT, Maud/ Matilda se rv ice daasel

RATESCROFT, U i l l i a a serv ice service

RATHj Stephen de receiver

RAVENSER, R ichard de tre a su re r chancellor

RAVENSHOLHE, John de service

RAYNALDI, R obert clerk

REBYN6, Richard de keeper

REINALD, John aaster of horses 408

HARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

RETHERHITHE, Robert de serv an t

REYHOND, C r is tia n e d a is e l

REYNALD le Riene palfridarius*

RICHARD, ‘ H a ste r’ cook

RICHARD of the Larder carter

RISYN6, Eustache de servant

ROBERT le Paneter coapany

ROBERTO le Fol ainstrel/fool

ROCHE, John de la bailiff

RODESTHORP, Thoaas de v erd erer

ROKESLE, Richard de steward

ROKELE, Uilliaa de la bailiff

ROHESEYE, H argery de se rv ic e

ROS, John de steward

ROS, Uilliaa de service

ROSE, Agnes daasel

ROSE, Hargarete daasel

ROU6HTON, Richard confessor

ROUNDES, R ichard e sq u ire

ROUS, Thoaas clerk

ROUTHE, P e te r de usher

ROUTHE, Uilliaa de bailiff

SADINGTDN, N icholas de grooa

SADYNGTON, John de yeoaan

SADYNGTON, Richard de suapteraan

SAHAN, John de yeoaan 409

HAR6ARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

ST. GERHAINE, M n de groot

ST. LEIR, Wary daasel

SALKELT, R obert de attorney

SANCTO ALBAND, Robert de b a ilif f

SANCTO BLEHUNDO, Isaabert de squire

SANCTO EDUWUND, R ichard de chaplain

SANCTD FLORENTINO, John de go ld saith

SANCTO HILLARIO, Joan de daisel

SANCTO HILLARIO, Wary de daasel

SANCTO LAURENCIO, John de squire

SANCTO LICIO, John de squire

SANCTO HARTINO, Nary de daisel

SANCTO PAULO, P e ter de yeoian

SANCTO PETRO IN CAHPIS, Theophania de nurse

SANDALE, R obert de coipany

SANX, A rnold sergeant-at- a r is

SAPY, R obert de forest warden

5ARTH0P, Ralph queen’s aan

SAUNFORD, John de grooi clerk

SAUTREN, John v alet

SAUTREOUR, U illia a le squire

SAUTREUR, G u illio tu s le ■ in stre l 410

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

SAUVAGE, John b a i l i f f

SAXILBY, Agnes de d aasel

SCHELY, Jaaes esq u ire

SCISSOUS, Gerard de se rv an t

SCRULBY. Ralphe de c le rk

SEGRAVE, Hugh de tre a s u re r SEINT BLOMUNDj Isaabert de yeoaan

SEINT LEIR, Mary daasel

SEINT POUL, P e rro t yeoaan

SEINT TORNDNT, John de se rv ic e

SEHER, John e sq u ire

SERLE, John grooa of o ffic e s

SESSDNS, Gerard se rv an t

SEYNTNOR, Robert de usher

SHADLE, Hugh e sq u ire

SHARPELOWE, U illia a de keeper

5H0BED0N, H a lte r de stew ard stew ard

SIGLEAH, Roger esq u ire

SIHON le Lardiner grooa

SINON, Guy se rv ic e

SIHONETTE se rv an t

SKAR6EL, Richard grooa

SNODHILL, M aster Robert de cook

SNOTCHULIE, Robert de coapany

SOMERFORD, Ralph de chief forester 411

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

S0NNIN6HULL, G ilb e rt de cospany

SOUTHHICK, Roger de p o rte r

SPALDYNGTON, R ichard de keeper

SPEKET0N, Thoaas de bailiff

SPENSER, Thoaas yeoaan of larder

SPRQT, John coapany

SPYRE, Nicholas van yeoaan tailor

STAFFORD, Ralph knight

STAHPART, H a lte r se rv a n t

STANES, Reginald de suapteraan

STANES, Richard de usher

STANES, Thoaas de valet

STANES, Uilliaa de suapteraan

STANTON, Sir John de steward

5TANLQUE, Joan de s e rv ic e

STANSTEDE, Thoaas de sta b le a a n

STANTOR, P e ter e s q u ire

STAPENILL. John e s q u ire

STAUNFORD, John de forest keeper

STAUNTON, R obert de stew ard

STEPHEN le Eyr c le rk

STEPHEN le Uhyte huntsaan

STILLEGO, John yeoaan

ST1RST0N, Thoaas de yeoaan

STOKES, Edaund e s q u ire

STOKES, Huaphrey de attorney 412

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

STOKYNGHAM, Thoaas de b a i l i f f

STONE) Thoaas de coapany

STORTON, Thoaas de coapany

STRADELEGH, Hugh de b a i l i f f

STRATFORD, Hugh de lieutenant of t r e a s u r e

STRATFORD, U illia a de o u trid e r

STRATLEE, A lice

STRETE, Rayaond a t t e grooa

STROTHE, Alan d e l b a i l i f f

STURMY, Henry de forest keeper forest keeper

STURDY, John co n stab le

STYLE, 6e o ffre y a t t e suapteraan

SULEY, John de coapany

SULEYE, U illia a de knight

SULLEE, John de knight banneret*

SULLEYE, Stephen de clerk of pantry

SUNNYNGHILL, G ilb e rt de c le rk

SURREY, Joan countess of a tte n d a n c e

SUTHUODE, R obert de keeper

SUTHUYK, John de h u n tsa a n

SUTTON, Margery de d a a s e l

SUYNEHORE, John de b a i l i f f

SUYNNERTON, Roger de se rv ice

SYDENALE, Thoaas yeoaan o f o f f ic e s

TAKKELE, John de s ta b le ia n 413

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

TALBOT, G ilb e rt k n ig h t

TALEUDRTH, N icholas de yeoaan

TALEUORTH, John de s e r v ic e

TALEHORTH, P erota s e rv ic e

TATHAH, W illiam de keeper

TAVERNER, John s e r je a n t

TEBAUD, Thoaas stew ard

TEPYAS, R obert s ta b le a a n

TERINSTON, U illia a e s q u ire

TETBURY, Thoaas of c le rk

THEBAUD, C h ris tia n grooa

THEOBALD, M aster p h y s ic ia n

THOMAS clerk of spicery

THOHASYN, Bartholoaew apothecary apothecary

THORNTOFT, U illiaa de keeper of hanaper

THORPE, R obert de a tto rn e y

THORPE, U illia a de su a p te ra a n

THORTONE, Robert de b a i l i f f

THUAYT, John b a i l i f f

T1LDESLESH, C hris­ g o ld s a ith topher

TILLEY, P e te r de c le rk

TILLY, R ichard s e rv a n t

TOPCLYF, John yeoaan

TORKESEY, Henry de b o a ta a s te r

TOT, John de yeoaan

TOUKE, Ja n in s e r v ic e MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

TOUKE, John b u tle r

TOUP, Roger esch eato r

TREHENEL, P eter serv an t

TREQUR, John de grooa

TREUENAN, Thoias su ap teraan

TROIES, Theobald de coapany

THOttAS le Eaghwer yeoaan

TRUNEL, P e ter s g u ire

TYLLY, John serv an t

TYNDALE, Andrew de a tte n d a n t

TYREL, Henry b a i l i f f

TYSSINGTON, Ralph de se rv ic e

USSHER» Thoaas le attorney attorney

VACHE, Sir Philip la chaaberlain

VAN SPIRE, Nicholas t a i l o r yeoaan t a i l o r o f th e wardrobe

VARESIO, Tide de clerk clerk

VAUS, U illiaa le keeper

VAUX, Elizabeth de daasel

VEER, Robert de stew ard

VENATOR, G ilb e rt f o r e s te r

VENUZ, John de keeper

VEROER, U illia a le yeoaan

VERDON, John de c o n stab le

VERESIO, Tide de clerk clerk

VERNOUN, Bouchard de ch ap lain 415

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANHE ISABEL

VERNOUN, P e te r de c le rk

VESCY, I s a b e lla de lady of chaaber

VILERES, Joan de daasel of chaaber

VILERES, John de a tto rn e y

V1LLARI8US, Joan de daasel

VILLERS, Guy de sq u ire

VILLERS, M argaret de daasel

VOIRDIRE) U illia a yeoaan

UADE, John se rv an t

UAKEi Thoaas serv an t forest keeper

UAKIRLE, John esq u ire

UALCOTE, U illia a de tre a s u re r

UALDE6RAVE, John serjeant/ainister

UALDEGRAVE, R ichard de steward

UALDESHEF, H a lte r de chief forester

UALEDEN, Huaphrey de coapany

HALEYS, A ugustine contrarotulatori5 of receipts and necessities

HALEYS, Jo n ’ i . nuncio

UALSSH, John cle rk of w rits in exchequer

HALTER, " L ittle * c o u rie r

UALTER of Canterbury brewer

UALTHAM, Henry de suapteraan

HALTON, G ilb e rt de sta b le a a n

UALUAYN, R ichard e sq u ire

UARDE, John se rv ic e 416

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

UARDE, Roger ainister of f o re s t

UARDE, U illia a s e rv ic e

UARDEBOYS, John yeoaan of chaaber

UARDROP, Henry yeoaan of chaaber

UARIN, U illia a yeoaan of o ffic e s

UARYNG, John chief tailor

UATFDRD, U illia a de sta b le aa n

UAUTON, John de keeper

UAUEIN, John clerk

UEFORD, Richard de se rv ic e

UELLAH, John yeoaan of o ffic e s

UELLEFORD, G eoffrey de c le rk

UENDOVER, Ralph de coapany

UENDOVER, Rayaond de p o u lte re r

WEST» Thoaas forest steward

UESTENDE, Robert purveyor of coaches

UESTHALL, Joan de daasel

WESTON, Thoaas de c o ffe re r

UEXBRIDGE, John de grooa

WHETTENEYE, P e rrin e serv an t

UHITCHIRCHE, John de yeoaan

WHITE, U illia a p alfreyaan

UHITECOHBE, Roger de sta b le a a n 417

HAR6ARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

HHITEUELL, H asculph de attorney

HIKHAY, Joan de daasel

WILFDRD, Bervase de attorney

HILLE, Robert queen’s tan

UILLE, Thoaas queen’s aan

WILLESj U illia a bondaan

UILLIAH chandler

WILLIAM le Eyr clerk

WILLIAM le 6aleys coapany

WILLIAM le Sautreour coapany

UILLIAH le Ualshaan servant

WINDSOR, Hugh de grooa

UINUICK, John de keeper

UIRLEYE, M argaret daasel

UITHHAH, Uilliaa de carter

UODE) Lucy atte daasel

UODEHAM, Robert de chief forester

WODEHOUS, John clerk

UODEHOliS) R obert de keeper

UOLFREYHER, John palfreyaan

HOLME. Thoaas bailiff

U0RTYN6G, John de b a ilif f

WYFORD, Richard de grooa

UYGHT, John de yeoaan of pantry

UYGHT, Ualter de yeoaan of cuphouse

UYGHT, Uilliaa de service 418

MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL

UYKKAH, Thoaas yeoaan of o ffic e s

UYKHAM, N icholas clerk

UYNBUSCH, John yeoaan of chaaber

HYNDESORE, John de grooa

UYSEBERGH, John de se rjea n t f UYSEBERG, Robert de chaplain

UYSTENSTOUE, U illia a de o u trid er

UYVILLE, Robert se c re tary

YAREUELL, Robert fo re s te r

YAREUELL, Siaon fo re s te r

YAREUELL, Thoaas fo re s te r

YOKSALE, Richard servant yeoaan of o ffic e s

YUCFLETE, John de clerk of pantry & b u tte ry

ZOUCH, Sir Aaaury la steward

ZOUSCHE, John la purveyor APPENDIX P

Summary of Staff

OCCUPATION MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL TOTALS

ALMONER 1

APOTHECARY 6

SPICER/APOTHECARY 1

ATTENDANT/ATTENDANCE i E

ATTORNEY 11 E5

AUDITOR A A

AVENER i 1

BAILIFF 10 EE 37

BAKER 1 1

BOATMASTER 3 3

BONDMAN E

BREWER 1

BUTLER S

CARPENTER 1

CARTER h

CARVER 1

CHAMBERLAIN S

CHANCELLOR 5

CHANDLER £ E

CHAPLAIN 3 11

CHAPLAIN/ALMONER 1

CLERK 13 30

CLERK OF CHAPEL 1

CLERK OF PANTRY E

CLERK OF PANTRY & BUTTERY

CLERK OF SPICERY E

419 420

OCCUPATION MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL TOTALS

COACHMAN 1 1

COFFERER 2 A 1 7

COMPANY 9 29 1 39

CONFESSOR 2 1 3 b a CONSTABLE 1 1 A

CONTROLLER 1 5 2 8

COOK 1 A 1 6

COUNCILLOR 1 1

COURIER 1 1 2

CUSTODIAN 1 3 A

DAMSEL 1 21 58 3 2 B5

DOORKEEPER 1 1

ESCHEATOR 1 3 1 5

EUERER 1 1

FARRIER 1 1

FERRETER I FISHER 1 1

FEUDATORY 1 1

FORESTER 8 7 15

GITERNER/ORBANIST 1 1

GOLDSMITH 1 2 3

GROOM 25 A 2 2 33

GROOM OF THE CHAMBER 1 3 2 b

GROOM OF THE HOUSEHOLD 5 5

GROOM OF THE OFFICES A A

GROOM OF THE ROBES 1 1

GROOM OF THE SCULLERY 1 1

GROOM OF THE SPICERY 1 1 OCCUPATION HARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL TOTfliq

GUARDIAN 1 1

HACKNEY KEEPER 3 3

HAYWARD 1 1

HOUSEHOLD 1 I 1 3

HUNTSMAN i 1 a

INTENDANT 1 i

KEEPER 2 19 14 1 31

OF FEES I LIBERTIES 1 1

OF FOREST 10 6 !t>

OF HANAPER 1 1

OF HAY 1 1

OF HORSES 2 a

OF LAND 1 i

OF WARDROBE 1 1 a

OF WOOD 1 i

KNIGHT 3 1 2 7

OF BODY 1 i

LAUNDRESS 1 3 1 5

“HA ISTER-BROUDRER “ 1 1 manager, lead nine 1 1

MARSHALL 2 a

MASTER CORDWA1NER 1 i

MASTER OF HORSES 1 i

MESSENGER 1 7 2 19

MINSTREL/FOOL 2 1 1 4

NUNCIO 3 3 HftRBARET ISABEL PHILIPPA AHNE ISABEL

7

1 6

S E

3 IE

3 7 1 1

E E

1 3

E 9

9 11 15 1 E 1 1

1 5

7 13 1 1

19 6 3E

38 SO 61 1 1 1

E7 EO 51

35 35

E7 19 96

EE 1 S3

E 1 7

3 9 17 1 1

9 15 423

OCCUPATION______MARGARET ISABEL PHILIPPA ANNE ISABEL TOTALS

VALET 2 3 A 9 VERDERER 2 2 WAFERER 1 1 HARDEN OF FOREST 3 3 UARDROBER 1 1 HATCHMAN 3 3 HOOL ENVOY 1 1 YEOMAN 3 13 17 1 3A OF BUTTERY 1 1 2 OF CELLAR 1 1 2 OF CHAMBER 2 1 1 8 12 OF CHAMBER I OFFICES 1 1 2 OF CUPHOUSE 1 1 OF HOUSEHOLD 1 1 OF LARDER 1 1 OF OFFICES 15 15 OF PANTRY 1 1

TOTALS 61 A6A 3A2 60 75 1 002 APPENDIX 0

H avering f a atte Bower'

Dagenham

Goshaye^ f * / -

Giden Hall

Romfori

Hornchurch

v miles F ig u re 1 THE QUEENS’ LIBERTY AT HAVERING

424 425

QUEEN QUEEN’S COUNCIL QUEEN'S COURT (judicial« adainistrative, advisory) m:r. lidits, kniqhts* squires, coiposed of central officials Clark!, pages, grooas, and servants headed by treasurer and stenard of the househojj with controller and cofferer

E2CHE0UER !«3Ei> (office of receipt and audit (personal agaieistrative w it)

Keeper/Treasurer usisbarlain Receiver-6eneral e ith local receivers clerics! and lay staff b a i l i f f s re e v e s faraers of castles, tours forests, and aanors steward north of the Trent steward south of the Trent

HOUSEHOLD (all residents) (financial and secretarial sffittl

Stenard of the Household Keeper/Treasure lo n tra lle ! • a r s h a ls e a doeestic offices chapel C offerer with deras for with c.itslam s s ta b le s . wages, fo r h o rses p a n try , devotions and charities b u tte r y , Brest liardrose *.*;%«• lisrtfrpbe s p ic e r y , purchase, storage, and distribution personal tra n s p o rt k itc h e n , of non-perishables in sulk n c e i s i t i e s p o u ltr y , s a u c e ry , and s c u lle r y

F igure 2 QUEEN’S ADMINISTRATION APPENDIX R

Plates Plate I

Lincoln Cathedral statue said to be a medieval portrait of Queen Margaret

(See Appendix B: Thackray L etter.) 428

Plate II

The Wedding of Isabel of France and Edward II

British Museum Roy. MS. 15 E. IV, f o l . 2956

(See Appendix B: Thackray Letter.) Plate III

Original Seal of Queen's College, Oxford PLATE IV

St. Nicholas Church, Bristol

Boss in crypt, believed to be a likeness of Queen Philippa

(See Appendix D: Williams Letter.) 431

Plate V

Drawing of Plate IV from the City of Bristol Museum and Art Gallery

Registration Number, M. 2190

(See Appendix E: Bryant Letter.) P late VI

St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster

Early nineteenth-century tracings of frescoes dating from circa 1356, destroyed by fire in 1834. The kneeling figures, from left, are Oueen Philippa and her daughters Isabel, Mary, and Margaret (shadow ou tlin e). 433

Plate VII

Representation of Queen Philippa

A carving on a stall of St. Katharine's Hospital, London 434

Plate VIII

Representation of Queen Philippa

A wooden bust in the National Portrait Gallery, London Plate IX

The Westminster Abbey tomb of Queen Philippa P late X P late XI

G raffiti, circa 1330, in the church of Stetchworth ^t. Peter, Cambridgeshire

Plate X has been iden tified with Queen Philippa who Plate XI may be either a representation of an em­ frequently traveled this way to encourage the Flem­ broidered owl which would have been appropriate to ish weavers she had persuaded to s e ttle in Norwich. Philippa's fashion or a satire on her opulence. Plate XII

Wooden effigy at Queen's College, Oxford Plate XIII

Westminster Abbey effigies of Anne o f Bohemia and Richard II (See Appendix B: Thackray Letter.) P late XIV

Anne of Bohemia Detail from Westminster Abbey effigy

'-// Y

■ •j'Sl

/ y '* '

r

:-V. / v ; . V zyV-t w ‘i ■ * ^5 -*i'. *•-" iv * - < v* •k'^»V. .... ^ ^ > •»• , ■ * ■ Plate XV 440

Frontispiece to Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde depicting Anne o f Bohemia

Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 61. Plate XVI Plate XVII

Funeral procession head of Anne of Bohemia, Westminster Abbey Museum

(See Appendix B: Thackray Letter.) Plate XVIII 442

Presentation of Isabel of Valois to Richard II

(See Appendix F: Gousset L etter.)

. _ ------i fon pft rtiicfKiitif .-ott^iyhr •?tF iiertxrwew row dro tld m r j nan i atotirflttiM mirui-er ortar A* fi(Tc-?tfrwuc K fwvj i nan r v ixi flftm i r fa ^rbcy ftw i >MT’Moitt^fratTn»iAfJMrt k.SiuC. !.'n\'i'i:.kt .\f * fiUTiotiotr ? vfiinir >hom/t r .ir 'u n u u m : -Nv/iXltrhliV rX i i\lirOTa pjix(\c* urn ft .iiw a h fOll'Oift . CvlMllfl • ^ *»faifn -?v*f*icu cv aw ; a m m a Cl ! Ill I I i Hit O ' f,\ tTlllf CMtlT.lt i: 4/L otniWMifa tmwttixuCaMiLtoiiMK

iwii v \^ m .tw £ W tT+tlllflVIUVMT 1 n id it If lOvrMi ,ll(-f»IC• v\ IVIMTtttlllfpK^ilf r _ lim it in in te n t ftiiimtc itfmt a .' i ) 1" " 11 */" ■*? rw H sP P ^ot./fi aai/itiv't fu( irtoiU Mc: i ji a tin frtrm t t'nni m m o<’.i/ait iMidW/ . 3540 raiuc V > ■’ fcutf kvf/Iup f iun.'M f iVtrtlcii fiir\viiii(: i)iif lVn*irff»Mriif\ i v t L '*I •> ■•- • -

5 * 1 i W i Plate XIX 443

The Return o f Isabel o f Valois to France

(See Appendix G: S teiger L etter.)

w m W l

»

n o m ftin il jttntf l-Vygy. &nrmet- htnii <•# tici Icfc , £ tiv ciulni »•»•»*) i\ y k &• m il; omoi vri-yrhir\ m<-

y m kiir won (r yit» o>vikMtc,frcii r»wiiic s«rfEiiH»*< f t*x*'&cfci o'om J jv (twuiiRvMWrtlir )n to u n < i n f f^ifiUiin^fvnrmwifvi f i V. oxwfrffMtHHtnaBGie . aotH^K iwn^iffMi Vnn ^iit j|js & Fv>n

'W" APPENDIX S

Glossary (of terms with asterisks in text)

ag ister an officer of a royal forest who takes charge of cattle admitted into the forest for a specific time to feed and accounts for moneys paid for their feeding

a 1 mo i n tenure by divine service or by performance of some r e lig io u s duty amercement the infliction of a penalty left to the mercy of the in flic t e r amobrog i urn the payment or proceeds of a Welsh 'maiden-fee’ payable to a lord on the marriage of a maid of his manor

armi15 stole that is placed on the king at coronat ion

arr as a rich tapestry fabric; a hanging made of this material barony the domain of a baron; aggregates of manors held by great lords. According to Norden’s Surveyors Dialogue of 1610. a barony equals six cantreds or 25.600 acres; and 1-1/2 baronies (38.A00 acres) equals an earldom. barton barley enclosure, courtyard, e tc .; a demesne farm; the demesne lands of a manor not let out to tenants but retained for the lord’s own use

444 445 bovate a unit of land equal to 1/8 carucate, one hide* or 1 /6 4 knight’s fee? varying from ten to eighteen acres b u rrel1 a course woolen cloth, probably originally reddish brown cantred a district containing a hundred townships; a hundred capa a cape or cloak cap i t a 1 a messuage held in caoite or directly from messuage the king; one occupied by the owner of a property containing several messuages; demesne of a manor and the principal house (lord’s hall)

C in] capi te to hold of the king in c h ie f car ucate a unit of land corresponding to the hide; especially a unit equal to 120 acres; a measure of land varying with nature of soil that could be tilled with one plough (with an eight-oxen team) in a year; in England either 144 acres (if fallow counted) or 96 acres (if fallow not counted) chemi nage toll paid for liberty of passage through a fo res t cocket seals customhouse seals comfi t a dry sweetmeat; fruit preserved with sugar commote in Wales a territorial and administrative division, usually subordinate to a cantred, sometimes identified with a seigniory, lordship, or manor consort a sharer, partner, associate, colleague, comrade corrody the right of free quarters due a lord on circuit from his vassals; an allowance of food, clothing, or other commodities due from a r e lig io u s house to the crown and 446

assigned to one of its subjects; an allow­ ance of provisions for maintenance (as food or clothing) that is dispensed as a charity cot land piece of arable land of about five acres held along with his cottage by a cottager cr of t a piece of enclosed ground used for tillage or pasture, usually toft and croft, adjacent to house cuphouse storage site for kitchenwsf® c u r tila g e a small court, yard, piece of ground at­ tached to a dwelling house and forming one enclosure with it; a y a r d » courtyard, or other piece of ground included within a fence surrounding a dwell i n9 house doublet a f a ls e jewel or stone c o n s is tin g o f two pieces joined together dresser a table on which food is dressed el 1 a measure equaling *tg inches entermenti ng medd1i ng ewerer a servant who supplied guests, etc., at table with water to wash their hands ewer y a room where table linen» towels, and water ewers were kept fa ld s to o l a movable folding stool ° r desk which worshippers kneel during certain acts of devot ion fardel a land measure equaling 1 yard-land. A yard of land was usually acres (i.e., 1/S hide). Two fardels equalec* one nooke and two nookes equaled 1 /2 a yard. farm fixed yearly amount paid as r®nt, tax, etc. feme covert a married woman [i.e., covered as opposed to alone! 447 feme so le an unmarried woman; a woman alone frank almoin the tenure of land, etc., bestowed upon God, i . e . , given to such people as bestow them­ selves in the service of God for pure and perpetual alms; perpetual tenures by free gift of charity frankpledge, a court held periodically for the production view of of members for tith in g ; later of a hundred or manor front let a forehead band gh i ta a gown grand serjeanty carrying some special personal ser jeanty service to the king (as the carrying of his banner or h is sword at coronation) great customs levied on exports and imports hanaper case to hold hanaps (drinking vessels); then small wicker case used as repository for legal documents her iot a payment to the lord of a manor, due on the death of a tenant h idage tax paid on a hide of land h i de an amount of land adequate for a free family and its dependants; roughly as much as could be tilled with one plough in a year (by some measures 120 acres of arable) hob 1ar a retainer bound to maintain a hobby (i.e., small horse or pony) for military service; a soldier who rode a hobby; a light horseman home1i familiar and intimate honor a seigniory of several manors held under one baron or lord; aggregates of manors held by great lords hundred a subdivision of a county or shire origin­ ally English but later established also in certain British possessions and formerly having its own local court keeper an o ffic e r who has charge of a person or thing, such as forest,.woods, grounds.

k iddle a barrier in a river with net or other appliances for catching fish

knight o r ig in a lly a knight e n title d to bring a banneret company of vassals into the field under his own banner and who ranked next to baron and above other knights; subsequently title and rank conferred for valiant deeds done in battle in king’s presence; eventually with decay of feudal system, merely a rank

last a measure of herring (about twelve barrels)

1astage a toll payable by traders attending fairs and markets

1avendere 1aundress

1eague a unit of distance of about three miles

1 or i mer a maker of mountings for horse’s bridle, of b its and other small iron ware; a worker of wrought iron ma1aper t bold, impudent, saucy, pert

mant i 1letum loose coat; short sleeveless mantle mark 160 pence, 13s^td; 3/3 £ s te r lin g

mar 1p i t p it from which marl (1im ey-clay soil) is obtained for fertilizer

meinie a body of feudal retainers or, later, of attendants; retinue

messuage a dwelling house with the adjacent buildings and c u rtila g e and the adjoining lands used in connection with the household; the part of the land intended to be occupied as s i t e of dwelling and its appurtenances; a house with a curtilage

mi ni ver a fur exteemed in the Middle Ages as a part of a costume; may have been white Siberian squ i rrel 449 mo lety one of two equal parts murage toll or tax levied for the building or repairing of town walls nappery linen used for household purposes; store room for linens palfrey highbred but quiet mount for a knight while his warhorse (destrier) was led by a squire palfr idarius one who rides a palfrey pant 1er servant in charge of bread and pantry park an enclosed piece of ground stocked with beasts of the chase? held by prescription (i.e.? established by use over time) or by king’s grant parker the keeper of a park pavage a toll for the liberty of passing over the territory of another pierrer ie jewelry pelterer f urr ier perch land measure of about 5-1/S yards or 16-1/S fe e t petty customs duty charged on goods coming to market within the realm pontage toll paid for use of a bridge? tax paid for maintenance and repair of bridges pured a fur trimmed or cut down to show only one color purprestures a payment or rent paid to a feudal superior for lib erty to en clo se land ray cloth a striped woolen cloth recogni sance a bond or obligation? entered into and recorded before a court or magistrate? by 450

which a person engages himself to perform some act or observe some condition (as to appear when ca lled on, pay a debt, e t c .) ; also a sum of money pledged as a surety for such performance and rendered forefeit by neglect of it regarder an officer charged with supervision of a fo rest r e li efs payment, varying in value and kind according to rank and tenure, made to overlord of a feudal tenant on taking up possession of vacant estate ri nger one who rings trees; i.e., prepares logs for peeling by cutting through bark rood a land measure of from six to eight yards [probably 40 square poles or perches] sami te loosely woven rich fa b ric, probably with six strands of silk, sometimes interwoven with go Id sarplar a weight for a bale of wool usually esti­ mated as 80 tons or 2,240 pounds s c u l1 ion domestic servant of lowest rank in household who performed menial offices of kitchen scutage an impost tax or fine levied upon a tenant or a knight’s fee in commutation for or for default in the render of the military service attached to the fee ser jeanty any of numerous feudal serv ices of a some­ what menial or personal nature by which an estate is held of the king or other lord d is tin c t from m ilita ry tenure though it might involve se rv ic e in war and from socage tenure and varying greatly with different holdings (as steward, marshall, constable, chamberlain, or esquire) s h e i1ing a piece of pasture to which cattle may be driven for grazing socage a tenure of land by agricultural service fixed in amount and kind or by payment of 451

money rent only and n o t burdened with any military service soke jurisdiction over a territory o r over people; a local district of a minor character; the right to hold court and do justice with the franchise to receive certain fees or fines arising from it. so le r s the upper room in a h ouse; a g a r r e t s ta ll age tax or t o l l levied fo r - the lib e r t y of erecting a stall jn a fair or market stanks pond, ditch of sl0w-moving water stews a pond or tank in w h ich fish a r e kept f Qr table stray [see wayfU sump terman delivery person super tunic an overtunic ta ll age a t o ll, f e e , or render paid by a feudal tenant to his lord apParently i n commutation of a render in kincj 0r service©? an impost or due levied by a i Dr d upon h i 5 tenants sometimes of definite amount according to local custom or the term s of tenure; specif­ ically, a tax or compulsory aid levied o cca sio n a lly by the Norman kings on their demesne lands and roy^ 1 boroughs/c i t ies tapet tes tapestr ies tenements land or property held by a person of another to ft a site for a dwelling and its outbuildings tronage a tron was a weigh i ng —machine u sed for w ool; so "tronage and poundage" tumbr i 1 an instrument of to r tu r e ; sp e c ific a lly a cucking stool (a punishment sto°l in which bound person is e ith e r pelted o r dunked); a farm er’s cart or wagon tyne to enclose with hedge or fence 452

verderer a judicial officer of the king’s forest sworn to maintain and keep the a ssise s of the forest and also to view, receive, and enroll the attachments and presentments of all manner of trespasses of the forest, of vert and venison vert and green vegetation growing in a wood or forest ven i son and capable of serving as cover for deer; and the deer so covered vi rgate a unit of land area equal to 1/32 of a knight’s fee, or l/*t hide, or l/*t acre; a virgate at Havering manor was 120 acres and at Writtle manor 80 acres. vivary enclosure for live game (e .g ., fishpond); a warren or park for game vo i dances the fact of a benefice, etc., becoming or being void or vacant waferer a maker or seller of wafers or thin cakes; in royal households several waferers whose duties probably included making of confec­ tionery in general wa1ker someone (a hunter) who walks up game or patrols on foot wapentake a subdivision of shires, correspondng to hundred of other counties warden of chief forester fo rest warren a place, by grant from king, for keeping certain animals (as hares, conies, par­ tridges, pheasants, etc.) called beasts and fowls of warren wayf and sto le n goods thrown away by t h ie f in f lig h t ; stray hence, anything found or without an owner; and animals wandering at large woo 1f e 1 1 a skin from which the wool has not been sheared or pulled BIBLIOGRAPHY

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