Rethinking Islam and Secularism
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												  Laicism and Secularism in France and Turkey by Gulce TarhanRoots of the Headscarf Debate: Laicism and Secularism in France and Turkey By Gulce Tarhan Introduction Laicism and secularism refer to two different possibilities of how to organize state policies toward religion. These concepts are, in a limited sense, similar to each other as they both include two elements: separation between state and religion (separation of political authority from religious authority) and freedom of religion. It is the visible appearance of religion that demarcates the difference between them. Secularism is usually described as more tolerant towards public visibility of religion; a secular state plays a passive role and allows religious symbols in the public domain. In laicism the state plays a more active role by excluding religious symbols from the public domain and thus confines religion to the private domain. Laicism or laicité in French is usually defined as a unique feature of French political culture. It emerged after the 1789 Revolution as a way of separating state and religion. Today, it is accepted as the foundation of the French Republic, which ensures national unity by securing tolerance towards different religious groups and by unifying citizens as rational, enlightened members of a collective unity. Yet today the principle of laicité seems to have produced the opposite result: the polarization of the French society into two. The recent debate over the ban on headscarves exemplifies this situation. The French public seems to be divided into two camps – supporters and opponents of such a ban. Turkey, which is the first and the most secular country in the Muslim world, is another country where a similar debate caused a similar polarization.
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												  Politics, Terrorism, and the Sunni DivideForeign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Fax & Email and Posted at www.fpri.org September 2009 POLITICS, TERRORISM, AND THE SUNNI DIVIDE By Samuel Helfont This E-Note is based on Mr. Helfont’s forthcoming monograph, The Sunni Divide: Understanding Politics and Terrorism in the Arab Middle East, a product of FPRI’s Center on Terrorism, Counterterrorism, and Homeland Security. Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood are two distinct forms of Sunni Islamism. They have separate histories and separate worldviews. In reality they are not even the same type of movement. Their origins were largely unrelated. Their historic missions have been completely different, as are their current goals and means of achieving those goals. Unfortunately, these differences too often are overshadowed by a false Sunni-Shia dichotomy that tends to lump all Sunni Islamists together. But learning the differences between Sunni Islamists is critical to understanding politics and terrorism in the Arab Middle East. One could even argue that the most important division shaping Arab politics is not between Sunnis and Shias but between the Wahhabis and the Brotherhood. Before delving into current issues, however, it is first necessary to define differences between Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood. Wahhabism stems from the theological teachings of Muhammad ibn abd al-Wahhab, the eighteenth century reformer. Abd al- Wahhab was one of several “revivalist” thinkers to emerge from that century. The mission of these revivalists was to purify and thereby revitalize Islam. They carried the banner of reform but unlike modern reformers, they wanted to transform Islam on traditionally Islamic grounds.
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												  Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam PropagandaChapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths.
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												  Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Iran: the Role of Identity ProcessesView metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham Trent Institutional Repository (IRep) 1 Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran: the role of identity processes Rusi Jaspal De Montfort University, Leicester, UK Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism constitute two important ideological building blocks of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Yet, there is no existing research into the psychosocial motives underlying the manifestation of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism at the institutional level in Iran. Here it is argued that there is much heuristic and predictive value in applying tenets of identity process theory (IPT), a socio-psychological model of identity threat and action, to the primarily socio-historical literature on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran. The paper provides a summary of anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism and ‘new anti-Semitism’ and IPT. The substantive section of the paper explores (i) how anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism may restore feelings of belonging in the Muslim world and beyond; (ii) the inter-relations between ingroup and outgroup self-efficacy; (iii) the psychosocial motivation to maintain Shiite ideology and Khomeini’s legacy; and (iv) the construction of Jews and Israel in terms of a threat to group continuity. It is suggested that insights into the motivational principles underlying anti-Semitism and anti- Zionism at the institutional level may inform empirical research into social representations of Jews and Israel in Iran. More broadly, this paper highlights the potential contribution of social psychology to existing work on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in the humanities.
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												  Iran 2019 International Religious Freedom ReportIRAN 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution defines the country as an Islamic republic and specifies Twelver Ja’afari Shia Islam as the official state religion. It states all laws and regulations must be based on “Islamic criteria” and an official interpretation of sharia. The constitution states citizens shall enjoy human, political, economic, and other rights, “in conformity with Islamic criteria.” The penal code specifies the death sentence for proselytizing and attempts by non-Muslims to convert Muslims, as well as for moharebeh (“enmity against God”) and sabb al-nabi (“insulting the Prophet”). According to the penal code, the application of the death penalty varies depending on the religion of both the perpetrator and the victim. The law prohibits Muslim citizens from changing or renouncing their religious beliefs. The constitution also stipulates five non-Ja’afari Islamic schools shall be “accorded full respect” and official status in matters of religious education and certain personal affairs. The constitution states Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians, excluding converts from Islam, are the only recognized religious minorities permitted to worship and form religious societies “within the limits of the law.” The government continued to execute individuals on charges of “enmity against God,” including two Sunni Ahwazi Arab minority prisoners at Fajr Prison on August 4. Human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) continued to report the disproportionately large number of executions of Sunni prisoners, particularly Kurds, Baluchis, and Arabs. Human rights groups raised concerns regarding the use of torture, beatings in custody, forced confessions, poor prison conditions, and denials of access to legal counsel.
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												  The Three Elements of the Secularization ThesisPost-Secularism and Beyond Secularism SECULAR (ontological category) and SECULARISM (cultural values) • The secular prioritizes the material upon the spiritual. • Modern cultural values encourage social alienation and unrestricted pleasure. SECULAR (epistemic category) and SECULARISM (political doctrine) • The secular denotes a mode of knowing which is neutral with respect to religious commitments or “visions of the good” and thus open and common to all. • The state, emerging out of the conflict of religious wars, finds in the secular a kind of “lowest common denominator” and thus establishes “a political ethic independent of religious convictions altogether” SECULAR (rationality) and SECULARISM (political values) • The secular is a principle of rationality capable to oppress religious passions and control the danger of intolerance and promote united politics, peace and progress. Secularism as • Epistemological approach • Political philosophy • Social theory • Personal identity The failure of the ‘secularization thesis’ The elements of the secularization thesis (Jose Casanova): 1. Increasing structual differentiation (including the separation of religion from politics). 2. Privatization of religion 3. Decline of religious belief, commitment and institutions. Talal Asad’s conceptual criticism: The secular … is neither continuous with the religious that supposedly preceded it … nor a simple break from it … I take the secular to be a concept that brings together certain behaviors, knowledge and sensibilities in modern life … I take the view,
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												  Inside Islam Screening Kit – Copyright 2009-2010 Unity Productions FoundationInside Islam A UPF Documentary Film Based on the Gallup Poll of Worldwide Muslim Public Opinion Executive Producers: Michael Wolfe and Alex Kronemer Screening Kit Table of Contents Conducting A Screening in Your City Executive Summary 3 Models Examples to Follow 4 Criteria for Conducting a Screening 5 Recommendations 6 Sample Program 7 Budgeting Example Costs for Different Locations 8 Budget Breakdown 8 Raising Funds and Getting Sponsors Funds for the Screening 12 Getting Organizations on Board and Getting Sponsors 12 Slide for Sponsors in Slideshow 12 Ticket Sales Tips 13 UPF’s Role in the Screening What UPF Can Provide 13 Dates Available 13 Organizer Roles 14 FAQ’s 16 Review…Next Steps 17 Samples & Articles Publicity/Invitation 20 Sponsorship/Feedback Forms 22 Sample Press Release 24 Biographies of Possible Speakers from UPF 28 2 Inside Islam Screening Kit – Copyright 2009-2010 Unity Productions Foundation www.upf.tv 3 Inside Islam Screening Kit – Copyright 2009-2010 Unity Productions Foundation www.upf.tv Conducting a Screening in Your City Executive Summary This ‘Screening Kit’ will take you through the process of planning a screening for UPF’s Inside Islam film in   your city. Simply put, a ‘screening’ is a showing of the film to a live audience, which typically takes place in a proper theater and often features a speaker associated with the film. Screenings also feature a reception before or afterward. Conducting a screening is a way of bringing the community together, and building bridges across racial and religious lines, thus promoting UPF’s mission. It’s also a celebration of a completed project and a way of rewarding you and the supporters in your area who have helped make this project a reality.
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												  Religion–State RelationsReligion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Dawood Ahmed © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-113-2 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages and risks ...............................................................................................
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												  Sunni – Shi`A Relations and the Implications for Belgium and EuropeFEARING A ‘SHIITE OCTOPUS’ SUNNI – SHI`A RELATIONS AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR BELGIUM AND EUROPE EGMONT PAPER 35 FEARING A ‘SHIITE OCTOPUS’ Sunni – Shi`a relations and the implications for Belgium and Europe JELLE PUELINGS January 2010 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont - The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1538 9 D/2010/4804/17 U 1384 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the permission of the publishers.
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												  Islamic Feminism, a Public Lecture BySUDANWORKINGPAPER Islamic Feminism, a public lecture by Liv Tønnessen, Regional Institute of Gender, Rights, Peace & Diversity, Ahfad University for Women, Sudan SWP 2014: 1 Islamic Feminism Public lecture by Liv Tønnessen, Ahfad University for Women, Sudan SVP 2014 : 1 CMI SWP ISLAMIC FEMINISM 2014: 1 In the words of Pakistani-American Asma Barlas, “I came to the realization that women and men are equal as a result not of reading feminist texts, but of reading the Quran.”1 This position has come to be known as Islamic feminism. The term has been heatedly debated and both feminists and Muslims have rejected it as two fundamentally incompatible ideas. Secular feminists reject it because they argue religion generally and Islam in particular is oppressive to women2 and many Muslim women reject it because they feel ‘feminism’ is a secular invention imposed on them from outside, from the West. Islamic feminism is indeed highly contested, but it has also been widely embraced by both activists and scholars. As Margot Badran’s article from 2002 asks, What's in a name? What's behind a name? What is Islamic feminism?3 I will in a humble way attempt to address these questions in this talk. Let me first start by saying that this is a research paper on Islamic feminism. I am not a Muslim, but I find myself fascinated and genuinely interested in the question of women and Islam. I do not under any circumstances start my engagement with the topic from a position which neither reduces Islam to be monolithic and anti-women nor a position which states that secularism is the only route to women’s empowerment.
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												  Sharia Law & Modern Universal ValuesSharia Law & Modern Universal Values A Comparative Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Malaysia Mohamed Osman S1376462 [email protected] 7/7/2017 Table of Contents Chapter 1 – Introduction 1.1 – Background…………………………………………………….……………………………………………………………3 1.2 – Methodology & Structure…………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter 2 – Literature Review.................................................................................................8 Chapter 3 – Sharia Law: Contextual Framework 3.1 – The Formation of Sharia Law……………………………………………………………………………………..13 3.2 – The Application of Sharia Law……………………………………………………………………………………15 Chapter 4 – Case Study: Saudi Arabia 4.1 – Background of Modern Saudi Society………………………………………………………………………..17 4.2 – The Saudi Political System………………………………………………………………………………………….18 4.3 – Local Attitudes towards Saudi Society and Governance…………………………………………….21 4.4 – Saudi State Protection of Human Rights…………………………………………………………………….24 Chapter 5 – Case Study: Malaysia 5.1 – Islamic Insurgence in Malaysia…………………………………………………………………………………..30 5.2 – The Malaysian Political System…………………………………………………………………………………..31 5.3 – Local Attitudes towards the Malaysian State and Governance…………………………………..34 5.4 – Malaysian State Protection of Human Rights………………………………………………….………….35 1 S1376462 Chapter 6 – Conclusion 6.1 – Summary………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….39 6.2 – Discussion………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...41 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….43 2 S1376462 Chapter 1 – Introduction 1.1
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												  Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce Imani Jaafar-MohammadJournal of Law and Practice Volume 4 Article 3 2011 Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce Imani Jaafar-Mohammad Charlie Lehmann Follow this and additional works at: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/lawandpractice Part of the Family Law Commons Recommended Citation Jaafar-Mohammad, Imani and Lehmann, Charlie (2011) "Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce," Journal of Law and Practice: Vol. 4, Article 3. Available at: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/lawandpractice/vol4/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at Mitchell Hamline Open Access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Law and Practice by an authorized administrator of Mitchell Hamline Open Access. For more information, please contact [email protected]. © Mitchell Hamline School of Law Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce Keywords Muslim women--Legal status laws etc., Women's rights--Religious aspects--Islam, Marriage (Islamic law) This article is available in Journal of Law and Practice: http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/lawandpractice/vol4/iss1/3 Jaafar-Mohammad and Lehmann: Women's Rights in Islam Regarding Marriage and Divorce WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN ISLAM REGARDING MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 4 Wm. Mitchell J. L. & P. 3* By: Imani Jaafar-Mohammad, Esq. and Charlie Lehmann+ I. INTRODUCTION There are many misconceptions surrounding women’s rights in Islam. The purpose of this article is to shed some light on the basic rights of women in Islam in the context of marriage and divorce. This article is only to be viewed as a basic outline of women’s rights in Islam regarding marriage and divorce.